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6 TORONTO.
THE
CATHOLIC WORLD.
MONTHLY MAGAZINE
or
GENERAL LITERATURE AND SCIENCE,
VOL. XXXVIII.
OCTOBER, 1883, TO MARCH,- 1884.
NEW YORK:
THE CATHOLIC PUBLICATION SOCIETY CO.,
9 Barclay Street.
1884.
Copyright, 1883, by
I. T. HECKER.
THE NATION PRESS, 27 ROSE STREET, NEW YORK
CONTENTS.
Ancient Celtic Art. Bryan J. Ctinche, . i6
Annamese Conflict, The Franco-. Alfred M.
Cotte, 202
Answer to Neal Dow, An. The Rev. C.A.
Wai-worth^ 679
Armine. Christian Reid, 98, 218, 401, 544,687,840
Bancroft's History of the United States.
R. H. Clarke, LL.D., ... 76, 252
Banneker (Benjamin), the Negro Astrono-
mer. Th e Rev. John R. Slattery, . . 343
Beatrice Cenci, The True, .... 589
Benjamin Banneker, the Negro Astronomer.
The Rev. John R. Slattery, . . .342
Bethlehem, Reminiscences of. M. P. Thotnp-
son, .477
Celtic Art, Ancient. Bryan J. Clinche, . 162
Cenci, The True Beatrice, .... 589
Chantelle. M. P. Thompson, ... 64
Christmas Eve, The First, . . . . 450
Comet of 1812, The Returning. The Rev,
George M. Searle, . . . , 278
Conscience, Hendrik. The Rev. Camillus
P. Maes, ... . ... 289
Dynamic Sociology.- The Rev. Walter El-
liott, 383
Early Fruits of the "Reformation" in En-
gland. 5". Hubert Burke, . 194
Elizabeth. Ireland under. S. Hubert Burke, 366
English Catholics and Public Life. Orby
Shipley, 390
Episcopal Convention, The Protestant. The
Rt. Rev. Mgr. 'T. S. Preston, . . .433
First Christmas Eve, The, . . . .430
Franco- Annamese Conflict, The. Alfred M.
Cotte, , 202
Haunt of Painters, A. Elizabeth G. Martin, 639
Hendrik Conscience. The Rev. Camillus
P. Maes, 989
" If Thou wilt enter into Life." Elisabeth
Gilbert Martin, 798
" If Thou wilt be Perfect." Iizat>efA Gil'
pert Martin, ...... 798
Infallibility and Private Judgment. Atikur
H. Cullen, 51,
Ireland under Elizabeth. 5". Hubert Burke,
Ireland, The Turk in. IV. P. Dennehy,
" Italy, A Religion for." The y. Rev. /. T.
Hefker, .......
Law of Marriage, Some Aspects of the. The
Rev. A . F. He-wit,
Luther and the Diet of Worms. The V. Rev.
I. T. Hecker, _.
Marching through Georgia, ....
Neal Dow, An Answer to. The Rev. C. A.
Walworth, .......
Negro Problem, Some Aspects of. The Rev.
J. R. Slattery,
Ninth Century Ant'phon and its Composer, A.
A. /. Faust, Ph.D., ....
Novelists, Two New. A.J. Faust, Ph.D., .
Our Grandmother's Clock, ....
Poet of the " Reformation," A. R. M.
Tohnston, . .
Poitou, Traditions and Folk-Lore of. M. P.
Thompson, .......
Priscian, The St. Gall. -Joseph Manning, .
Protestant Episcopal Convention, Th. The
Rt. Rev. Mgr. T. S. Preston, '.'
Protestantism vs. the Church. The V. Rev.
I. T. Hecker,
Psyche ; or, The Romance of Nature, . .
" Reformation " in England, Early Fruits of
the. S. Hubert Burke, ....
"Reformation," A Poet of the./?. M.
Johnston, .......
Religion and Science, The Supposed Issue
between. The Rev. Geo. M. Searle,
"Religion for Italy, A."TAe V. Rev. I.
T. Hecker,
Reminiscences of Bethlehem. M. P, Thomp*
son, ........
Ribadeneyra, The Youth of Pedro de -Jean
M. Stone,
Scepticism and its Relations to Modern
Thought. Condi B. Fallen, . .
3*3
366
536
799
MS
8 10
679
604
13
781
177
355
769
753
t
464
194
355
577
799
477
613
24*
IV
CONTENTS.
Sociology, Dynamic. The Rev. Walter El-
liott, 383
Some Aspects of the Law of Marriage. The
Rev. A. F. ffeivtt, 731
St, Gall Priscian, The. -Joseph. Manning, . 755
Story of Nuremberg, A. Agnes Repplier, . 523
Supposed Issue between Science and Religion,
The. The Rev. Ceo. M. Searle, , . 577
The Coiners' Den. C. M. CPKeeffe^ . . 488
The Four Sons of Jael. The Rev. John Tal-
bot Smith, 308
The Wizard of Ste. Marie. William Seton, 28
Thomistic-Kosmmian Emersonianism. The
V. Rtv. I. T. Hecker, . . . .799
Torpedo Station, The. Ella McMahon, . 106
Traditions and Folk-Lore of Poitou. M. P.
Thompson, ....... 769
Turk in Ireland, The. W. P. Dennehy, . 536
Two New Novelists. A. J. Faust, Ph.D., . 781
Uncle George's Experiments. Mary M.
Meline, 643
What shall our Young Men do? The Rev.
A . F. Ifewit, 665
When Visions Pass William Livingston, . 125
Wicked No. 7. William Seton, . . . 505
Wisdom and Truth of Wordsworth's Poetry,
The. A ubrey de l^ere, .... 738
Wordsworth's Poetry, The Wisdom and Truth
of. A ubrey de Vere, .... 738
Yosemite, The. The Rev. Edward Mc-
Siveeny, ....... 830
Young Men, What shall (our) do IThe Rev.
A . F. Hewit, 665
Youth of Pedro de Ribadeneyra, The. Jean
M. Stone, 613
NEW PUBLICATIONS.
The Works of Orestes A. Brownson, 134 The
Life of St. John Baptist de Rossi, 135 Life and
Revelations of Saint Margaret of Cortona, 135 A
Memoir of the Life and Death of the Rev. Father
Augustus Henry Law, S.J., 135 Catholic Ser-
mons, 136 Select Specimens of the English Poets,
with Biographical Noiices, etc., 136 Historical
Portraits of the Tudor Dynasty and the Reforma-
tion Period, 137 Mediaeval Sermon-Books and
Stories, 139 Les Socie^s Secretes et la Socie'te',
140 Irish Local Names Explained, 143 A Wash-
ington Winter, 142 Sir Walter Ralegh in Ireland,
X43 The Heginnings of the Roman Catholic
Church in Yonkers, 144 The Ulster Civil War of
1641, and its Consequences, 144 Pious Affections
towards God and the Saints, 283 The Life of Mar-
tin Luther, 283 Sermons and Discourses by the
late Most Rev. John MacHale, D.D., Archbishop
of -Tuam, 284 Growth in the Knowledge of our
Lord, 284 The Seraphic Octave, 284 Jus Ca-
nonicum juxta ordinem Decretalium recentioribus
Sedis Apostolicse Decretis et rectae ration! in om-
nibus consonum, 284 The Illustrated Catholic
Family Annual for 1884, 285 Annals of Fort
Mackinac, 285 Crown of Thorns, 286 Simon
Verde, 286 The Feast of Flowers, 286 Filial Love
before All, 286 The Queen's Confession, 286
Rose Parnell, the Flower of Avondale, 286 The
Normal Mus'c Course, 287 Manual for the Use
of Teachers, 287 The Martyrs of Castelfidar-
do, 287 The Little Hunchback, 287 Without
Beauty, 287 Tales by Canon Schmid, 287 A
Course of Philosophy, 426 The Return of the
King, 427 Nights with Uncle Remus, 427 Ne-
crology of the English Congregation of the Order
of St. Benedict, from 1600 to 1883, 428 Alethau-
rion, 429 Reminiscences of Rome, 429 The
Grounds of Theistic and Christian Belief, 430 His-
toire de Mademoiselle Le Gras, Fondatrice des
Filles de la Charite 1 , 431 Short Sermons for the
Low Masses of Sunday, 431 An Appeal to the
Good Faith of a Protestant by Birth, 431 La Vie
de N.'S. Je"sus-Christ, 570 Ben-Hur, 572 The
Eternal Priesthood, 574 Groundwork of Econo-
mics, 575 Ordo Divini Officii recitandi Missaeque
celebrandae pro anno bissextili 1884, 576 A Classi-
fied and Descriptive Directory to the Charitable
and Beneficent Societies and Institutions of the
City of New York, 576 Michael Angelo, 576
God and Reason, 713 Banes et Molina, 714 Life
of the Ven. Clement Maria Hofbauer, C SS.R.,
715 Moore's Irish Melodies, 716 Nano Nagle, 716
A Roundabout Journey, 717 The Life of the
Venerable Father Claude de la Colombiere, S.J.,
718 The Bear- Worshippers of Yezo and the Island
of Karafuto (Saghalin), 718 A Little Girl among
the Old Masters, 718 A Natural- History Reader
for School and Home, 719 Guenn, 719 An Ambi-
tious Woman, 720 A Day in Athens, 856 Phi-
losophy in Outline, 857 The Works of Virgil, 858
Brownson's Works, 859 The New Parish
Priest's Manual, 859 The Life of Elizabeth, Lady
Falkland, 860.
THE
CATHOLIC WORLD.
VOL. XXXVIII. OCTOBER, 1883. No. 223.
PROTESTANTISM VERSUS THE CHURCH.
ONE among- the events which have greatly affected the de-
velopment of Christianity was the religious movement of the
sixteenth century called Protestantism. Millions of Christians
within a 'short period of time separated themselves from what
they had been taught to believe was the Christian Church. It
is unnatural, as it is unchristian, that men who have a common
nature and a common destiny, and who acknowledge the same
Mediator and Saviour, should stand towards each other in hos-
tile attitude. All is not right where such a state of things exists.
To produce such results there must have been error somewhere,
and guilt too. For humanity means common brotherhood.
Truth is one. And Christianity is, in the highest sense of the
words, Love and Truth.
These disagreeable facts are becoming more and more ap-
parent, and people are becoming more and more convinced of
these primary truths. Who knows ? perhaps the time has come
v. r hcn, if men would consider impartially the causes which have
brought about the deplorable religious dissensions and divisions
existing among Christians, a movement would set in on all sides
towards unity, and the prayer of Christ that " all who believe in
him might be made perfect in unity " would find its fulfilment.
This is our hope. To contribute to this result we labor.
It is in the spirit of impartiality and charity that the investi-
gation of this subject should be pursued. Perhaps we shall not
Copyright. RKV. I. T. HECKER. 1883.
2 PROTESTANTISM VERSUS THE CHURCH. [Oct.,
succeed in this task as we would wish. Be that as it may, one
thing our readers may be assured of : we approach it with the
sincerest desire to tell the truth, the whole truth, and nothing
but the truth. We have nothing to hold back. The man who
fears to face the whole truth is a coward.
The main point which faces every one who thinks seriously
and consecutively on this subject is the church question. By
resistance to her authority Protestantism was an attack against
the church. It is, therefore, impossible to investigate this matter
thoroughly and to settle it satisfactorily without first examining-;
What is the church? Is the church a voluntary assembly of
Christians? or is the church* a society established by Christ,
through whose instrumentality Christ makes men Christians ?
Do Christians make the church? or does the church make Chris-
tians ? That is the question. The first is the statement of Pro-
testants ; the second is affirmed by Catholics.
If Christians make the church, as Protestants maintain, then
to make the church we must first have Christians. This forces
one to ask : How, then, does Christ make men Christians ? For
all men who believe in Christ agree that the only way of be-
coming a Christian is by a personal communication from Christ.
Now, man is a rational soul and a material body united in
one personality. This personality is ordinarily reached through
the instrumentality of the body. Christ came in contact with
men, when upon earth, through his bodily organization. The
question, then, resolves itself practically into this : How does
Christ, from generation to generation until the end of time, reach
men in order to make them Christians ? or what is the principle
of Christ's personal communications to men ? The chief answer
that Protestants give to this is, The Bible !
If the reading of the Bible were the ordinary means ap-
pointed by Christ to receive the grace of salvation for all men,
then the first thing one would suppose is this : as God -wishes all
men to be saved, he would bestow upon all men the gift to read
at sight. But such is not the fact. It stands to reason, then, that
the reading of the Bible cannot be the appointed way, for those
who do not know how to read, of reaching Christ in a saving
manner.
Again, everybody knows that one has to learn how to read.
This is no slight task. It takes years to do it. Millions upon
millions in the past never knew how to read. Millions upon
millions do not know now how to read. Millions upon millions
for generations to come will not know, most likely, how to read.
1883.] PROTESTANTISM VERSUS THE CHURCH. 3
To make salvation depend upon reading the Bible excludes all
these souls from eternal life. A religion based upon such an
hypothesis is not a practical religion. Therefore it cannot be
Christianity.
Once more, if the reading of the Bible were the ordinary
means of obtaining the power of God unto salvation, then one
would reasonably expect to find recorded in the Bible from the
lips of the Saviour himself words of the following import :
" Unless a man read the Bible and- believe what he reads, he
cannot enter into the kingdom of God." But such words are
found in the Bible nowhere. The idea that one is to become a
Christian by reading the Scriptures is not scriptural.
The Bible in its completeness, such as we now have it, did
not exist in early apostolic days. Yet Christians laid down their
lives during this period in testimony of the divine character of
the Christian religion. Then, too, were given to the world the
brightest examples of Christians. All these never saw the com-
plete Bible, for the New Testament was not then all written.
How, then, could the reading of the Bible, such as we have it, be
the ordinary way of making men Christians ?
The art of printing was invented about the middle of the
fifteenth century after the birth of Christ. Previous to this it
was a small fortune, almost, to possess a copy of the Bible. This
limits salvation to the wealthy only. The poor and the illiterate,
who make up the bulk of mankind, were on this hypothesis ex-
cluded, from necessity, at least for fourteen centuries and upwards,
from the kingdom of heaven ! The thought is atrocious.
What is the Bible? The genuine Bible consists in what the
Holy Spirit inspired. But certain books are held as inspired
by some whose inspiration is denied by others. It is noto-
rious that men learned in these matters do not agree. Who is
to judge which is which what is the true canon of Hoi) 7 Scrip-
ture?
What is the Bible? Surely not the simple written words,
but their meaning as intended by the Holy Spirit. Who is to
determine, in case of doubt, what was the meaning intended by
the Holy Spirit ? This hypothesis supplies to the bulk of man-
kind no such judge, no such criterion.
But suppose that everybody knew how to read, or all men
were gifted to read at first sight ; suppose that everybody had a
copy of the Bible within his reach, a genuine Bible, and knew
with certitude what it means ; suppose that Christ himself had
laid it down as a rule that the Bible without note or comment,
4 PROTESTANTISM VERSUS THE CHURCH. [Oct..
and as interpreted by each one for himself, is the ordinary way oi
icceiving the grace of salvation, which is the vital principle of
Protestantism suppose all these evident assumptions as true,
would the Bible even in that case suffice to make any one man,
woman, or child .a Christian ? Evidently not ! And why ? Be-
cause this is a personal work, and the personal work of Christ,
for Christ alone can make men Christians. And no account
of Christ is Christ. Though this was the special message of
George Fox and his followers, nobody nowadays needs to be
told that the contents of a book, whatever these may be, are
powerless to place its readers in direct contact and vital rela-
tions with its author. No man is so visionary as to imagine that
the mental operation of reading the Iliad, or Plicedo, or The
Divine Comedy suffices to put him in communication with the
personality of Homer, or Plato, or Dante. All effort is in vain
to slake the thirst of a soul famishing for the Fountain of living
waters from a brook, or to stop the cravings of a soul for the
living Saviour with a printed book !
No doubt the written works of great men teach great truths,
and great are the truths taught by inspired men ; but one may
know the whole Bible by heart without being thereby nearer to
Christ. Christ nowhere enjoins reading the Bible. His words
are: " Come unto ME, all ye that are weary and heavy laden, and
I will give you rest." No book must be interposed between the
soul and Christ !
It was the attempt to make men Christians by reading the
Bible that broke Christendom into fragments, multiplied jarring
Christian sects, produced swarms of doubters, filled the world
with sceptics and scoffers of all religion, frustrated combined
Christian action, and put back the Christian conquest of the
world for centuries.
Three centuries of experience have made it evident enough
that if Christianity is to be maintained as a principle of life
among men, it must be on another footing than the suicidal
hypothesis invented in the sixteenth century after the birth of its
divine Founder.
Undoubtedly the Bible is a precious book. It is the most
precious of all books. The Bible is " The Book." The reading
of the Bible is the most salutary of all reading. Catholic readers,
read the Bible ! Read it with prayer, that you may be enlight-
ened by the light of the Holy Spirit to understand what you read.
Read it with piety, that you may have the dispositions which will
enable you to profit by what you read. Read it with gratitude
1883] PROTESTANTISM VERSUS THE CHURCH, 5
to God's church, who has preserved it and placed it in your
hands to be read and to be followed.
God forbid that a word should ever proceed from our lips or
be written by our pen that would diminish the inestimable value
of the Bible ! But it is not by fostering- a false conception of its
purpose, or by placing- an exaggerated estimate upon its con-
tents, that one learns its precious value. Great as this may be,
Christ is more, greater; and even the Bible is not to be put in
comparison with Christ. " What did you do with your Bible?"
asked once a Christian of another. " What did I do with my pre-
cious Bible?" replied the saintly man. "Why, I followed its
counsel : I sold it and gave the money to a poor man in distress !
Does not the Saviour say, ' Sell all that thou hast and give to
the poor, and then come and follow me ' ? " To substitute the
Bible for Christ is bibliolatry.
Abandoning all effort to conceive, on the Protestant hypothe-
sis, how men can be made rationally Christians, let us suppose
for a moment that individual Christians, no matter how made,
are the instrumentalities by which Christ makes his church.
Consider the consequences which flow from this assumption as a
working principle. Grant this, and what is there to hinder any
body of Christians to resolve themselves, whenever they think
there is a sufficient reason, into a church ? Why should not the
discovery of a new truth, or a new interpretation of an old one,
or the desire for a new rite or ceremony, or the revival of an
obsolete one, or impatience with a hoary custom, produce a new
sect, an additional ecclesiastical assembly, a church ? Why not?
Who as a Protestant can give good reasons why the protest
against error, or the discovery of new religious truth, should
stop with Martin Luther, or John Calvin, or Henry VIII., or
John Knox, or George Fox, or John Wesley, or Mother Ann
Lee, or Emmanuel Swedenborg, or Alexander Campbell, or
Joseph Smith ? Was not the setting up a new church a thing
commendable, a duty, a triumph of principle? Was it not on
this individual conviction of duty or presumed personal right
that Martin Luther had the hardihood or heroism to make his
world-famous assumption at the Diet of Worms ? Was it not
upon the same assumption that every single one of the so-called
Reformers proceeded ? And what right had any one of these
men that every other Christian man has not, and may not, at any
time he deems it proper, also assume and freely exercise? What-
ever unspent force the Protestant movement may still possess, it
moves in the direction of breeding- new sects and forming- new
6 PROTESTANTISM VERSUS THE CHURCH. [Oct.,
churches. Thus Christ, who prayed for unity, is made, upon the
Protestant principle, the author of division and the promoter of
wrangling sects !
But sectarianism is not the ultimate outcome of the religious
revolution of the sixteenth century. Suppose a number ot
Christians cannot agree to form another sect or make another
church ; what good reason, assuming the Protestant basis, can be
given why every individual may not determine to be his own
sect or church ? As a working principle Protestantism resolves
itself into individualism.
" If it was the resuscitated spirit of Jesus that began the
revolt in the sixteenth century," as the author of the volume
entitled Ecce Spiritus would have men think, then Jesus was the
author of individualism ; and if of individualism, then of free-
religion ; and if of free-religion, then Christianity means anything
that you please to call it. For if free-individualism is the high
court of jurisdiction, then there is no room left for an appeal.
If free-individualism is Protestantism carried out to its logical
consequences, then men who know how to put two ideas to-
gether in a logical form fail to see why the cloak of Dr. Martin
Luther at the Diet of Worms does not cover under its folds
equally the Anabaptist John of Leyden, M. D. Bennett, the late
free-love editor of the Truthseeker, the " insane " Freeman, and
the murderer Guiteau. The declaration as insane of Freeman,
who killed his daughter Edith, and the condemnation as a mur-
derer of Guiteau, who killed President Garfield, may pass with-
out note or comment in a Protestant community, but men who
look below the surface of things trace without difficulty the
features of Martin Luther in the lineaments of Freeman and
Guiteau.
For men to whom thinking consecutively is a necessity do
not hesitate to say that a religion which affords no criterion
between the inspirations of the Holy Spirit and the criminal
conceits of passion, a religion which delivers the Bible to the
interpretation of each individual for himself, leaves itself open
fairly to all sorts of attacks, and cannot reasonably condemn
those who rely upon the premise which it furnishes them for
their justification when they follow it out to its logical conclu-
sions. They do not hesitate to affirm that when Freeman was
declared insane and sent to an asylum, and Guiteau was put on
criminal trial, Protestantism was sent to Bedlam and tried for its
life in a criminal court. And when Guiteau was condemned by
an American judge and jury as a murderer, and this verdict to
1883.] PROTESTANTISM VERSUS THE CHURCH. 7
all appearance was ratified by the American people, then and
there the standpoint of Protestantism was also condemned. For
if the oracle within each individual is the high tribunal, in reli-
gion, of last appeal, when these men appealed to this oracle
within in evidence that they had done, according to its teach-
ing, good and praiseworthy acts, and notwithstanding they were
condemned, then the principle upon which Protestantism was
started by Martin Luther was declared insane and condemned.
And now, to show their consistency, a bronze statue is about to
be erected, or is already erected, in honor of the parent in the
very city which hanged as a criminal, upon an infamous gallows,
his logical child ! O consistency, thou art a jewel !
But this reparation comes too late, for if a statue were erected
in every village, town, and city in the length and breadth of this
extensive land in honor of this pseudo-reformer, it would not
hide from intelligent men the falseness of the fundamental prin-
ciple of the religious secession of the sixteenth century, or ex-
punge its condemnation by judge and jury from the authentic
records of our American criminal courts !
But Freeman and Guiteau still claimed to be Christians,
though Protestant ; and the more venturesome spirits, on the
basis of " the divine right to bolt," feel at liberty to push forward
their protest against all Christian truths, whether intellectual or
ethical, as though chaos were the garden of paradise and zero the
ultimate goal of all felicity. Is it surprising, when such views
circulate in a community, that in the course of time the com-
plaint should be made of the lack of candidates for the sacred
ministry, the falling off of church membership, and the cry of
alarm should be sounded of the impending danger of its extinc-
tion ? Protestantism, like all other heresies, failing to secure a
rational foothold, disintegrates ; and when men once discern this
fact no effort can save it from rapidly extinguishing itself.
We now turn our attention to Catholics and ask them the
same question : What is the church ? or, How does Christ con-
tinue to fulfil his mission upon earth from generation to genera-
tion unto the end of time ? We have Christ's own promise to
remain upon earth until the end of the world, in these words:
"Lo! I am with you always, even unto the consummation of the
world." And all Christians, as has been said, agree that Christ
alone can make men Christians. The problem to be solved is
this : How does Christ fulfil his promise ? The Protestant solu-
tion of this problem is no solution. And, if in courtesy we allow
it to be one, it is unsatisfactory and self-destructive. How
8 PROTESTANTISM VERSUS THE CHURCH. [Oct.,
stands the case with the Catholic solution? It is no answer, as
we have seen, to say that the church is made by Christians. Let
us reverse the answer, and say that it is Christ, by the instrumen-
tality of the church, makes Christians, and see whether the diffi-
culty does not disappear.
For Christianity, once the Incarnation is admitted, must some-
where exist as an organic force to be an effective and practical
religion. This statement is based upon the truth of the principle
that without organism there is no vital force. Christianity is
life, and no believer in Christ will for a moment deny that since
God became man Christianity is an organic force. Or what
believer in Christ will entertain the thought that Christ will
yield the advanced position he gained by becoming man ? Life,
then, to operate upon men effectually, must be organic, incor-
porated, one. That Christ is the true life of men in the highest
sense of the word he himself affirmed : " I am the life of the
world." To a Christian mind this needs no further proof.
This is why Christ himself, before his ascension, designed
his church. Christ chose and appointed her first officers, con-
ferred upon them their special powers, instituted her sacra-
ments, laid down the principles of her discipline, and formed
the main features of her worship. Christ was the architect of
his church, and the Holy Spirit incorporated what Christ had
designed.
Hence the church of Christ is the logical sequence of the
Incarnation, and not an accident or after-thought of Christ's
mission upon earth to men as their Mediator and Saviour. The
church may justly be said to be the expansion, prolongation, and
perpetuation of the Incarnation. Behold the device by which
Christ fulfils his promise to remain upon earth unto the consum-
mation of the world !
We have now found the key of the Catholic position. This
gives us the Catholic solution of the problem, Who built the
church? A Catholic can claim with confidence as his motto:
" Christ yesterday, to-day, and for ever ! "
No other explanation of Christianity than the indwelling
Christ in his church as the absolute and historical religion is
tenable. Hence those sectarians who feel called upon to defend
the Christian religion against the attacks of infidelity find them-
selves forced to uphold the divine origin and character, not of
the truncated and parvenu sect to which they belong, but the
great historical Catholic Church so much so that some of the
more recent expositions and defences of the Christian religion
1883.] PROTESTANTISM VERSUS THE CHURCH. 9
might pass, with little or no essential alterations, the ecclesiastical
censorship of the press of the Church of Rome.
Men build churches! Churches built by human hands!
what else could these be fitly called than towers of Babel?
The Catholic idea, then, is this: that Christ, the only-begotten
Son of God, became man, and, after his ascension, continues his
mission upon earth through the instrumentality of his church as
really and truly as when he was manifest in the flesh and walked
among men, in the country about Judea. And all enlightened
and upright men, when they see her as she is, recognize spon-
taneously the Catholic Church as " the Body " or " the Spouse
of Christ," just as the Israelites without guile recognized at first
sight Christ as the Messias.
We have seen who made the church and what is the nature
of the church ; let us see now how Christ, through the instrumen
tality of the church, makes Christians. The work of the church
of Christ is the continuation of Christ's own work upon earth
with men. Christ's work was thr communication of life to the
world, to give the grace of filiation with God to men, women,
and children. As human beings are constituted they can nei-
ther act nor be acted upon independently of their bodily organi-
zation. Hence 'life, to be communicated to men, must be orgar-
ic. But the communication of sonship with God belongs exclu-
sively to the only-begotten Son of God, the God-M.an. Hence
the power and life of the church can be no other than the in-
dwelling Christ. As the soul is the life of the body, so Christ
is the life of the church. This is why St. Paul calls the church
" the Body of Christ." This is the reason why he who has not
the church for his mother cannot have the Son of God for his
brother, and he who is not the brother of Christ cannot have
God for his father. Therefore he who has not the church for
his mother cannot be a child of God. For the object of Christ
in the church is not to interpose the church, or her sacraments,
or her worship between himself and the soul, but through their
instrumentality to come in personal contact with the soul, and
by the power of his grace to wash away its sins, communicate to
it fellowship with God as the heavenly Father, and thereby to
sanctify it. None but a denier of the Divinity of Christ will
incline to regard such a doctrine as springing from " a material-
istic view of Christianity."
For underlying the Incarnation there is necessarily an idea
of materiality. " The Word was made flesh." God, who made
the rational soul, made also the material body, and it is the ra-
io PROTESTANTISM VERSUS THE CHURCH. [Oct.,
tional soul united to the material body that constitute man. It
is spirit and matter united by the authority of Christ that con-
stitute a sacrament. The Incarnation is the universal sacra-
ment, from which divine source the specific sacraments derive
their grace and efficacy.
The denier of the Divinity of Christ is ready to admit that
once grant the Incarnation, and one is inevitably landed, if con-
sistent, into the Catholic Church. But he should not forget that
the laws of logic work both ways ; therefore he ought to be
willing to accept the logical consequences of his denial. To
deny the Divinity of Christ involves the denial of the Trinity.
But this costs the Unitarian nothing. But the denial of the
Trinity involves the denial of the living God ; for no man can
form a rational conception of the life of God exclusive of the
idea of the Trinity. Hence to think, and to think consecu-
tively, a man must become a Catholic. Catholicity or agnosti-
cism are the only alternatives left for men in our day.
Catholics repudiate both formalism and materialism. They
repudiate materialism, and consider it an insufferable tyranny for
an assembly of men who profess to be Christians to insist upon,
as most Protestant sects do, the reception of a sacrament whose
inward reality they have repudiated ! This is rank material-
ism. If this be the only door open to Christianity, then it is
no wonder that serious-minded men who have a conception of
Christianity as a spiritual religion, rather than to enter by such
a door, seek a home in solitude and content themselves in its
haunts with nature and nature's God. At least they are resolv-
ed to keep their faculties uncrippled and their hearts upright.
Catholics repudiate formalism. A sacrament is no idle cere-
mony or mere outward sign, or rite, or symbol. A sacrament
is a sensible means, instituted by Christ, to convey grace to the
soul. These are the three essential elements of a sacrament,
lacking any one of which it is no sacrament.
Man is not a bodiless spirit, and a sacrament without a sen-
sible sign or medium is not fitted for the twofold nature of
man. Christianity has abjured shadows ; and a sacrament is not
a symbol of a process, but the very process itself of conveying
grace to the soul. If a sacrament lacks the grace of Christ, then,
it is powerless to regenerate and sanctifv souls. A sacrament
without grace is a fraud. God alone is competent to institute a
sacrament. For God alone is the author and source of grace,
and a sacrament not instituted by Christ has no valid reason for
its existence. The realities which the Jewish ordinances fore-
1883.] PROTESTANTISM VERSUS THE CHURCH. 11
shadowed and promised the sacraments of the church of Christ
possess and bestow upon men. The sacraments bear the same
analogy to the church as the church bears to the Incarnation,
and as the Incarnation bears to the twofold nature of man. The
Incarnation, the church, and the sacraments rest upon the same
foundation.
But does God's mercy dispense no grace outside of the sac-
raments ? God's mercy is not tied to the sacraments, but or-
dinarily he operates through their instrumentality. The sacra-
ments were not instituted to hedge in the action of God's mercy.
On the contrary, the sacraments were instituted by Christ in
order that the precious gifts of God's mercy might be more
freely distributed and more abundantly received. Christ alone
is the inward reality of the church, of her sacraments, of her
discipline, of her worship, and the church exists solely for her
inward reality Christ.
Neither should it be overlooked that when a church fails to
supply sufficient external appliances and supports to spiritual
truths and to the inward feelings of devotion awakened by grace,
when her worship becomes colorless, then religion fails to ex-
ert that influence over the minds and hearts of men which
properly belongs to its sphere. And when religion fails to give
to the great bulk of mankind that fair share of spiritual com-
fort and inward satisfaction which men legitimately seek from
it, they become restless, sad, and sour. The consciousness of
spiritual destitution has led even the Unitarians to observe
Christian festivals and decorate their religious structures with
Christian art and with flowers ; while stiff Presbyterianism
gives its reluctant consent to the introduction of the " kist o'
whustles " into their places of divine worship in order to lend
more attractiveness to their singing the praises of the Lord. It
is to this reaction against the repudiation of the corporeal side
of man's nature under the pretence of a spiritual Christianity
can be traced the extravagances of ritualism, the crude efforts
of Salvation Armies, and the rise of other disturbing elements.
There is a heresy of the spirit, as there is a heresy of the
forms, of religion. Both are mischievous, fatal to man's hap-
piness, destructive of human society. Christ stigmatizes the par-
tisans of both extremes as " fools." " Ye fools," he said, " did
not He who made that which is without make that which is
within also?" All attempts at separating the without from the
within, or the within from the without, 'betray heretical tenden-
cies and end in spiritual death.
12 PROTESTANTISM VERSUS THE CuuRCir. [Oct.,
True religion, Christianity, takes human nature as ;ts Maker
made it, and neither seeks its destruction nor to alter its constitu-
tion. It is a radical misconception to suppose that the reception
of the sacraments abases it. The sacraments are due to the wise
provision of God to convey to men, in a way fitting to their na-
ture, the grace of Christ. And the aim of Christ is the purifica-
tion of human nature from all alien mixture, and, by its elevation
to a higher plane of life, to enhance immeasurably its activity,
its dignity, and its joy !
Behold the Catholic solution of the problem of the church
question, and how Christ through her instrumentality remains
upon earth and makes men Christians !
Men hold the state sacred ; and so it is. They can scarcely
forgive those who revolt against the authority of the state.
How great, then, must be the crime of those who revolt against
the authority of the church of Christ !
Men whose intelligence has a controlling influence in the
formation of their religious belief look upon Protestantism as
being as destitute of an intellectual as it is of a moral basis.
All the force it ever had was borrowed, and this is all spent, or
nearly so. They have learned to cease to respect it as the re-
presentative of Christianity. They see also clearly enough that
he is on the wrong road who imagines that the age is seeking a
new form of heresy. The age is weary of heresy, whether theo-
logical, philosophical, or scientific. Men are sick as death of
heresy, and heresy is in the last stages of consumption. What
the age demands is more life, not less. Men seek fulness. The
increasing tendency of the age is towards unity.
They also misunderstand their age who fancy that the re-
pudiation of sectarianism is a movement which ultimates itself
in infidelity or free-religion. Men of our times distinguished
for their intellectual gifts have committed this mistake, and now
find themselves entrapped into the pits of agnosticism, scepticism,
and positivism. But there is no rest for souls in these stray
places. The age is awake to better things. The repudiation of
sectarianism, with sound and healthy minds, is a movement for-
ward to genuine Christianity.
They, too, misinterpret the promise of the age who look for
the solution of its problems to a new coming of Christ. Christ
has come. Christ is here, now upon earth. Christ ever abides
with men, according to his word. What the age promises is the
rending asunder the clouds of error which hinder them from
seeing that Christ is here. What the age promises and men
1883.] A NINTH-CENTURY ANTIPHON. 13
most need is the light to enable their eyes to see that the In-
carnation involves Christ's indwelling presence in his church act-
ing upon man and society through her agency until the con-
summation of the world. Christ is here, and was never more so.
The faces of upright men who best represent their age are
set Christward. False Christianity has been forced to unmask
itself. Men seek a closer fellowship with God. They ask to
worship God in his very beauty, grandeur, and holiness. Some
simply feel this. Some point out the way to it. Others are in
the way. Others, again, have reached the goal ; these are the
early-ripened stalks of the approaching rich harvest of God's
church.
Nothing less can satisfy the inmost desire of the soul, when
once awakened, than truth in its wholeness and fulness. The
mists of heresy are lifted up to make way for the glorious vision
of the church of the living God, the pillar and ground of truth.
The winter is past, the spring has come, and the voice of the
turtle-dove is heard in the land.
A NINTH-CENTURY ANTIPHON AND ITS COMPOSER.
" Ecclesia Domini luce perfusa per orbem totum radios suos porrigit. Unum tamen
lumen est, quod ubique diffunditur, nee unitas corporis separat. . . . Unum tamen cuput est,
et origo una, et una mater fcecunditatis successibus copiosa." ST. CYPRIAN, De unit. Eccl.^ v.
QUITE enough has already been said by well-equipped spe-
cialists in disparagement of the spirit and the manner in which
both Mr. Froude and Mr. Buckle deal with historical facts and
difficulties which oppose their prejudices and jeopardize their
conclusions. It is not our purpose, therefore, to offer still fur-
ther proof of their mode of tampering with or exaggerating au-
thenticated principles of history at variance with preconceived
theories, but merely to note the fact that the judicial blindness
which comes 'over men of such intellectual gifts illustrates the
narrowing and destructive power of an historical school that is
built up by suppressing perplexities and distorting truths in
order to establish conclusions. While both these historians have
been subjected to the searching criticism of Catholic and Pro
testant writers, they are by no means the first or chief offenders
against the recognized canons of historical investigation. The
majority of Anglican critics who have exposed their unfairness
14 A NINTH-CENTURY ANTIPHON [Oct.,
and inveighed against their fallacies have themselves, in the in-
terpretation of the early ecclesiastical position of Britain, acted
on the very principles which they have condemned, and accept-
ed theories which destroy conventional usages and established
institutions growing out of the great historical fact of Chris-
tianity the supremacy of the see of Rome. When Henry VIII.
and his obsequious parliaments had fully settled the question of
the royal supremacy, by which " the king was to be the pope of
his kingdom, the vicar of God, the expositor of Catholic verity,
the channel of sacramental graces," * a system of church au-
thority was bequeathed to the church of the realm thus severed
from the centre of unity, the chair of Peter, which the state had
the power to enforce, but which was soon recognized as so re-
pugnant to ancient precedents that a novel line of defence was
invented in justification of the then new order of ecclesiastical
jurisdiction. Like Mr. Froude and Mr. Buckle, temporizing
prelates adopted an ingenious but sophistical theory, which Dr.
James Kent Stone f felicitously calls the " autocephalous theory "
of the Anglican Establishment. The alleged independence of
the early British church in ritual, as in jurisdiction, was an after-
thought of the English revolt, and from that day to this it has
formed an important part of historical controversies. Anglican
writers no less able than Mr. Froude and Mr. Buckle have dis-
played a like ingenuity in torturing every fact which lends an
appearance of reality to the anomalous position of the Establish-
ment, thoroughly English, thoroughly insular, and thoroughly
modern. The spirit in which they have sought to energize a
mythical theory devoid of light and life, by investigation of
events antedating by centuries the usurpations of the royal
supremacy, reminds one of the old story of the man who, when
informed that the facts contradicted his theory, coolly remarked,
" Tant pis pour les faits."
Nothing in the whole history of Anglicanism strikes the Ca-
tholic mind as more incongruous than the vehemence with which
writers of ritualistic tendencies excuse and defend that strangest
of liturgical medleys, the Book of Common Prayer. % Compiled
*Macaulay's History of England, vol. i. p. 43.
t The Invitation Heeded, p. 269.
\ It is interesting to place side by side the thought of two Oxford men of a half-century ago,
whose subsequent history is now well known : " I can see no other claim which the Prayer-
Book has on a layman's deference, as the teaching of the church, which the Breviary- and Missal
have not in a far greater degree" (R. H. Froude's Remains, vol. i. p. 402). " I do not wonder
you should envy the Latin service-books, for anything more elevating and magnificent than the
western ritual is not to be conceived. There is not such another glory upon the earth. It gives
to men the tongues of angels, it images on its bosom the attitudes of heaven, and it catches
1883.] AND ITS COMPOSER. 15
in the main from various Catholic sources, the ancient missals,
breviaries, and sacramentaries supplying all that is worthy of
notice in its different offices, it nevertheless bears the unmistak-
able traces of the compromising and Erastian spirit in which it
was finally adopted as the ritual of the English Establishment.
Its several parts are highly paradoxical, being sufficiently Ca-
tholic to please the taste of High-Churchmen, and at the same
time sufficiently Protestant to satisfy the piety of Evangelicals.
While the advanced Anglican deplores the ultra-Protestant bias
which Cranmer's Continental divines, Martin Bucer and Peter
Martyr, gave to what his La^v-Church co-religionist calls the
incomparable liturgy, yet it is his solace to glory in the Eastern
sources whence he alleges the major part of it is derived. " All
history," says a High-Church writer of " Tracts on the Prayer-
Book, " " assigns to the British rites an oriental origin." * We look
with no especial favor on what is called popular opinion as to any
question, much less as to matters ecclesiastical ; but despite our
distrust of what is merely popular, we must admit that facts
sometimes enter into the traditions of society in regard to the
Catholic Church which no special pleading of her acutest op-
ponents can controvert. Of this character, in the current belief
of all mankind save the Anglican body, is the question of the
Catholic sources of the Book of Common Prayer. Such reflec-
tions are awakened by the frequent inquiry of Anglicans as to
the origin and authorship of the beautiful antiphon. Media Vita,\
an excellent translation of which is found in the burial service of
both the English and American Book of Common Prayer : " In
the midst of life we are in death : of whom may we seek for
succor, but of thee, O Lord, who for our sins art justly dis-
pleased ? Yet, O Lord God most holy, O Lord most mighty, O
holy and most merciful Saviour, deliver us not into the bitter
pains of eternal death." $
glorious shreds of echo from the eternal worship of the Lamb. It has a language of its own a
language of symbols, more luminous, more mystical, more widely spread than any other lan-
guage on the earth " (F. W. Faber's Sights and Thoughts in Foreign Churches, p. 614) .
* The Prayer-Book not Romish, No. i. p. 9.
tThe Rev. Frederick Gibson, of St. Luke's Episcopal Church, Baltimore, in answering an
inquiry made in a former number of the Churchman as to the authorship of Media Vita, says
in the issue of April 12, 1879, p. 404 (the italics are his) : " This antiphon, introduced into the
Sarum service book soon after its compilation, but never received into any part of the Roman
Breviary, is one among many proofs that our ancient English books are independent of the
Roman, though kindred to them." If this is a sample of the " many proofs " which satisfy An-
glican critics, it takes but little evidence to convince them.
J ' Media vita in morte sumus ; quern qua^rimus adjutorem, nisi te Domine, qui pro pec-
catis nostris juste irasceris ? Sancte Deus, sancte fortis, sancte et misericors Salvator, amara-
morti ne tradas nos."
1 6 A NINTH-CENTURY ANTJPIION [Oct.,
St. Gall,* an Irish monk and disciple of St. Columbanus of
Bangor, who had declined to follow his apostolic countryman
into Italy, founded near Lake Constance, in Switzerland, the
celebrated monastery which bore his name. A few humble huts,
constructed on the confines of vast forests haunted by bears and
wolves, at first sheltered the little community from the incle-
mency of the seasons, but in time they disappeared, and in their
stead arose the walls of that magnificent monastic school, des-
tined to live in history among the great abbeys of the middle
ages, with Bobbio and Fulda, with Monte Cassino and Cluni,
which conferred such incomparable benefits on literature and
civilization :
" He founded here his convent and his rule
Of prayer and work, and counted work as prayer;
His pen became a clarion, and his school
Flamed like a beacon in the midnight air." f
Mediaeval history has preserved the fame and grandeur of its
early name, around which are gathered associations, traditions,
and legends whose diverse and complex interests are full of
fascination for the antiquary and of affection and awe for the
hagiologist. Before the death of its saintly founder, in the early
part of the seventh century, St. Gall had become a centre of
Christian life and thought in the Germanic world. \ No less
than five monks named Notker are numbered among its illus-
trious scholars. Some writers have so confounded one or other
of these with the author of Media Vita, who was canonized by
Pope Innocent III., that it is important to give a list of the four
who also bear the name of Notker, in order to guard against the
mistakes which others have made. They are Notker, surnamed
Physicus, who was both painter and musician, and for a time
physician at the court of Otho I. ; another, of- whom little is
known, is said to have been abbot of St. Gall ; a third, Notker
Provost, or Notger, who flourished about the year A.D. 1000, was
*"Gall" and "Callus," the names by which this monk is usually known, were merely
corrupt forms of " Gael " the Irishman the name he himself loved to be called. In the same
way Columbanus is the Latinized form of Colm ban, two Gaelic words signifying "the Fair
Dove " ; just as that other Irish apostle, who brought Christianity among the Saxons by
disciples who went out from his foundation at lona, was known as Calm cille, " the Dove of the
Cells," on account of the great number of monastic communities subject to him.
t Longfellow's " Monte Cassino."
J Ozanam's Etudes Germamques, ii. 123. "
Butler says: " Sigebert and Honoratus confound Notker with Notger, Bishop of Liege,
who lived a century later, and who was not, as they imagine, abbot of St. Gall. It is equally an
error to confound him with Notker Labeon and Notker the Physician, who had been in the
same monastery" (Lives of the Saints , vol. iv. p. 163, note).
1883.] AND ITS COMPOSER. 17
bishop of Liege and author of a Life of St. Remains ; a fourth, called
Notker Labeo, or Teutonius, who died about A.D. 1002, was the
most celebrated of all these, save the author of Media Vita. He
excelled in many branches of learning- and enjoyed great repute
as painter, poet, astronomer, and mathematician. Possessing the
diligence and industry of the cloister, he made many translations
of the sacred and profane writers. The manuscript of his trans-
lation of the Psalms into High German is still extant, and is
regarded by bibliographers as one of the most valuable monu-
ments of the oldest German prose.* The work is printed in
Schilter's T/eesaurus.
How beautiful even to our modern, prosaic eyes, accustomed
to the garish lights of publicity in all that we do and in all that
we say, are the simple and unostentatious accounts which the
monastic annalists have given us of the good old monks, so
cheerful in temper, so liberal in heart, and so unobtrusive in
life ! How serene and peaceful in the picture of mediaeval
Europe stand the monastic communities, undisturbed by turbu-
lence from without or by anxieties from within, regulating the
daily round of cloistral duties by punctual obedience to rule,
which allotted, with wise economy, an appropriate portion of
time to the sacred offices of the choir, the learned labors of the
scriptorium, and the manual exercises of the field, thus pursuing
in undeviating diligence from generation to generation their
appropriate work for religion and society ! Happy, tranquil
spirits, with no other aspiration than to do their duty in humility,
" Plying their daily task with busier feet
Because their secret souls a holy strain repeat," t
and, when it is done, content to lie down in forgotten graves
with that vast monastic brotherhood whose very names have
long since faded from the records of earth ! Brave, noble souls,
who in unselfish love wrought with brain and hand that other
ages might enter in and possess the heritage of their labors with
little thought of the nameless sleepers of centuries ago, who sang
the praises of God, deciphered the almost obliterated parchment
page, and reclaimed the wild morass ! But in every human
epoch
" Strongest minds
Are often those of whom the noisy world
Hears least." I
* Pierer's Universal-Lexikon, band xii. p. 141, sub Notker.
tKeble's Christian Year. St. Matthew's Day. J Word :\vorth's " Excursion," book i.
VOL. XXXVIII. 2
1 8 A NINTH-CENTURY ANTIPHON [Oct ,
Such an one is St. Notker, author of the antiphon Media Vita,
one of the most interesting characters in the history of the old
abbey of St. Gall, whose figure is seen high among the lights
which shone above the intellectual horizon towards the sunset of
the ninth century. His career is especially noteworthy because
it extends by some dozen years into that age which Baronius*
calls iron from its barrenness of good, leaden from its hideousness
of superabounding evil, dark from its scarcity of writers, and in
which Muratori, adopting the first characteristic given to it by
his illustrious predecessor, finds grounds for thankfulness to God
for his own times not, indeed, that these were exempt from vices
and abuses, but that they were golden in comparison with the
tenth century : " Motivi a noi di ringraziar Dio, perch& ci abbia
riserbati ai tempi presenti, non gia esenti dai vizi ed abusi ; ma
tempi aurei in paragone di quelli." f The life of a simple monk,
whose days are passed in a seclusion remote from the eye of the
world and in the exercise of those qualities of mind and heart
which test the gift of vocation, possesses few of the striking
features of detail which captivate the pen of the modern biogra-
pher and the interest of the modern reader. The lights and
shadows which lend beauty to the picture of a career spent in
the discussions of the public arena with its ardent ambitions and
triumphs, or in the intellectual pursuits of authorship with its
keen jealousies and defeats, are almost wholly wanting in the
representation of the life of the monastic. His is an interior
career which seeks no combat save that which lies within the'
subjugation of self ; no victory save that over his own nature.
He is called to a state of repose whose highest condition is what
the biographer of St. Maurus calls " sum ma quies"\ It is the
antithesis of those mental and moral perturbations and rivalries
which play a prominent part in the world of action and of
thought, and give to the narration of biography an artistic
splendor and a potent fascination. In our day art and artist are
one. We cannot dissociate the creation of the author from the
varied influences in his life of which that creation is the visible
outcome. All art is the product of an environment made up of
biographical details which shed light on criticism. In the de-
* " En incipit annus Redemptoris nongentesimus, tcrtia Indictione notatus, quo et novum
inchoatur faeculum, quod sui asperitate, ac boni sterilitate ferreum, malique exundantis deformi-
tate plumbeum, atque inopia scriptorum appellari consuevit obscurum" (Anna/. Eccles. ad
arm. 900).
f " Secolo di ferro, pieno d'iniquitd in Italia per la smoderata corruzion dei costumi non
meno ne' secolari, che negli Ecclesiastic! " (Annul. cTItalia t ann. 900).
{ Mabillon, Act. Benedict^ t. iv. p. 37.
1883.] AND ITS COMPOSER. 19
velopment of man lie the growth and prevalence of sentiments
and principles of which authorship is the exponent. Personality
is nothing more than the manifestation of the relations between
character and circumstance, and art the transformation into ideal
forms of the philosophy of life and conduct. The opinion of
Voltaire may appear grand as principle, but it is worthless as
criticism: "Je ne considere les gens apres leur mort, que par
leurs ouvrages ; tout le reste est aneanti pour moi." In certain
aspects of monastic life, allowing for individuality of tepmera-
ment and condition, there is a oneness of aim and pursuit which
unifies growth and controls aberration. Biographical details,
however valuable in reaching critical estimates of men who have
figured in literature, science, and art, lose importance in a survey
of writers developed under monastic rule; for unity of situation,
purpose, and life produces unity of result. The career of one ,
modified by limitations of epoch and country, is apparently the
career of all who have not been called by public exigency or
peculiar fitness to exchange the cell and the cowl for the palace
and the mitre.
The life of St. Notker forms no exception to this general
monastic principle of which we have been speaking. It presents
none of those piquant and romantic episodes which enhance the
interest. of the reader with something of the charm of an histori-
cal novel. It is comparatively barren of incident, and but for
the fact of his place in the sacred calendar and the circum-
stances which gave rise to his celebrated antiphon his name would
lie in the dusty tomes of great libraries, among the forgotten
worthies whose good deeds and works would only be appre-
ciated by scholars who delve into the records of ecclesiastical
chroniclers. Beyond a few facts gathered together by the annal-
ists who revered his memory, and the pious traditions which
cluster about it, we know but little of his early days. The
exact date of his birth is uncertain, but the majority of wri- "
ters whose opinions on mediaeval subjects are worthy of con-
sideration represent him as the senior in age by some months of
his friend and patron, Charles le Gros, the last emperor of the
Carlovingian dynasty. They agree in dating his birth about
the year A.D. 830. His native village was situated in the old
province of Thurgovia, in Helvetia, which, at the disruption of
the vast empire founded and held intact by the splendid genius
of Charlemagne, was divided, and the present canton of Thurgau
became a part of the dominion of Louis of Bavaria, So St.
Notker was, in the parlance of our day, a German Switzer. Hi.>
2o A NINTH-CENTURY ANTIPHON [Oct.,
lineage was both ancient and noble. Following the custom of
his age and country, St. Notker was trained from youth in a
monastic school. Dedicated to the service of God from child-
hood, the neighboring monastery of St. Gall, but a short dis-
tance from his ancestral estate, was his home from the period at
which he left the paternal roof until called, at the advanced age
of eighty-two, to sleep in everlasting rest with the soft tranquil-
lity of an innocent child. Divers were the out door occupations
which filled up the hours of recreation among the monks of St.
Gall. Fruit-trees were to be planted or pruned, gardens to be
seeded or worked, and nets to be woven or tended when spread
for fish or birds. In these various pursuits the monastic dis-
ciples assisted their masters, who combined, as in our industrial
and agricultural schools, both mental and manual labor. Sur-
rounded by beauties, always fresh and always new, which keep
the poetry of life unvexed by art, towering Alp and shimmering
lake breaking the monotony of the landscape,
" Unquiet childhood here by special grace
Forgets her nature, opening like a flower
That neither feeds nor wastes its vital power
In painful struggles."*
Sweet to eye and to heart must have been the face of St. Not-
ker as a child among such scenes of Arcadian beauty and mon-
astic piety. Gray-headed monks too old for work, who crept
with infirm step about the cloisters of St. Gall, noticed the
demure little boy of quiet manners and studious ways, whom
they surnamed Balbulus the stammerer from an impediment
in his speech. Some, of larger insight into human character
than their aged brothers whose faculties were dimmed by weight
of years, discovered in the sensitive boy a poetic fervor, supple-
mented by a humility of spirit almost preternatural in one so
young. Under the direction of Ison and Marcellus, his instruc-
tors, and in communion with pure souls bound to each other by
that most enduring and ennobling of all ties, the profession of a
higher theory of life than that which prevailed in the world, St.
Notker advanced in the sphere of human knowledge and in the
wisdom of the saints. Among his fellow-disciples, who always
held him in tender affection, was Salomon, afterwards bishop of
Constance. When the period had arrived for the fulfilment of
the special purposes of his monastic training he made his re-
ligious vows, and from that time forward we find him pursuing
* Wordsvorth's Poems o/ Imagination, part iii. No. 16.
1883.] AND ITS COMPOSER. 21
with ardor and devotion the every-day duties in the life of a
monk of the ninth century. Possessing talents of a high order,
which claimed greater scope for development than that afforded
in the mere routine of transcribing sacred or profane writers, he
spent much of the time usually given to that kind of labor in
original composition, and became distinguished as a scholar,
poet, and musician.
But although so richly endowed with mental gifts differing
from, or superior to, those of his associates, St. Notker was never
neglectful in the performance of his full share of work, both in
the garden and in the scriptorium. Like the true monk as well
as the true poet, he loved nature and understood the tranquil-
lizing power which lives in her majestic symbols. Her book,
wherein he read the mystical meaning in which things earthly
prefigure things heavenly, lay open to his mind and heart.*
After the manner of St. Ephrem, who saw the sign of the cross
in the outstretched wings of the tiniest bird, or of St. Dunstan,
who heard the melody of the antiphon Gaudete in Ccelis when
the wind swept the strings of his harp suspended on the wall,
St. Notker, moved by the sound of the slow revolutions of a mill-
wheel in midsummer when the water was low, wrote the words
and music of his hymn, Sancti Spiritus adsit nobis gratia. When
a messenger of his friend and admirer, Charles le Gros affection-
ately called " our Charles " by the monks arrived at St. Gall on
a spiritual mission in behalf of the emperor, he found St. Notker
weeding and watering the herbs in the garden. The interview
was brief and the lesson taught suggested by the lowly occupa-
tion in which he was engaged. "Tell the emperor to do what
I am now doing," was the saint's reply. Hearing the advice,
Charles at once caught its import and said : " Ah ! yes, that is the
sum of all: destroy the weeds of vice and water the herbs of
grace." On another occasion during a visit of Charles le Gros,
who delighted in the companionship of the monks, the evidence
of confidence and love shown towards St. Notker excited the
envy of the chaplain who attended the emperor, and he deter-
mined to revenge himself by jeering at the stammering speech
of the saint and by perplexing him with knotty questions. Ap-
proaching St. Notker, who was composing sacred melodies on
his psaltery, the chaplain of Charles addressed him : " Master !
solve for us a point in theology, we pray you. What is God
* In one of his homilies St. Chryso?tom beautifully illustrates the wisdom of God in calling
the Magi, not by prophet, not by apostle, not by scripture, but by a star, as their art related to
the Stars, and adds : 'AAV IITO TUC oixcuoixcai awrpojxav irpayfiaTuiV afi/iarai rq; irAarr)? avrovf. .
22 A NINTH-CENTURY ANTIPIION [Oct.,
doing now ? " The attendants of the jealous and conceited in-
quirer, knowing the secret purpose of the question, were as-
tonished at the promptness and wisdom of the reply : " God is
doing now," said the saint, " what he has done in all past ages,
and what he will continue to do as long as the world lasts: he
is setting down the proud and exalting the humble."
St. Notker was a central figure among the transcribers and
illuminators of manuscripts in the spacious scriptorium of St.
Gall, in which quiet reigned because all the busy monks were
intent upon their special work:
"Against the windows' adverse light,
Where desks were wont in length of row to stand,.
Tne gowned artificers inclined to write ;
The pen of silver glistened in the hand ;
Some on their fingers rhyming Latin scanned ;
Some textile gold from balls unwinding drew,
And on strained velvet stately portraits planned ;
Here arms, there faces, shone in embryo view :
At last to glittering life the total figure grew." *
As a collator St. Notker was zealous and accurate, and his ser-
vices were of incalculable value to the library of St. Gall.
Through intercourse with the learned men of his times he be-
came acquainted with the character and contents of other libra-
ries than that of his own community, and by such knowledge he
was enabled to procure copies of scarce manuscripts or to bor-
row them for transcription. From Liutward, Bishop of Ver-
celli a Ghibelline city of northern Italy, whose episcopal see
dates back to the fourth century, and whose cathedral library is
rich in ancient manuscripts he received a copy of the Canonical
Letters in Greek, which he copied with his own hand.
It is painful to think that such a man as St. Notker, whose sim-
plicity of character and sweetness of disposition are the themes
of panegyric with the historians of the abbey of St. Gall, did not
escape the envious promptings which stirred the bosom of Sin-
dolphe, a brother of the same community. Allowing for the
natural glow of enthusiasm which would animate the portrait-
ure drawn by a monk of St. Gall three centuries after the close
of the earthly career of the saint, other evidence is not want-
ing in confirmation of the testimony of Eckehard, who says that
"no one ever saw him unless either reading, writing, or pray-
ing; he wrote many spiritual songs; he was the most hum-
* Fosbrooke's lirttish Maiiac/tism, Economy of Monastic Life, part ii p. 529
1883.] AND ITS COMPOSER. 23
ble and meek of men, and most holy." * We sometimes find
in the cloister, as in secular life, that men of dissimilar tastes and
talents are often attracted to each other by the very dissimilitude
which at first sight appears incompatible with the ordinary no-
tions of gravitation in the moral and intellectual world. Asso-
ciated with St. Notker from the date of his novitiate were Rat-
pert and Tutilon, two monks wholly unlike the saint in temper
and character, yet among them there had grown an affectionate
regard for each other which had never been chilled by open
strife or secret distrust. Common aims and common dangers
shared together seem to have softened those little asperities, fre-
quently united with quick feelings, which are yet not inconsistent
with holiness of life. But this union of confidence and affection
awakened in Sindolphe a suspicion that it had some other mo-
tives than those which appeared on the surface. In his igno-
rance and jealousy he attempted to poison the mind of the abbot
against them, but the latter had sounded the shallowness of Sin-
dolphe's undisciplined will, and took no heed of his insinuations.
Tutilon, learning of these wayward acts, was watchful of his
foolish brother, and soon found means to administer a wholesome
lesson. St. Notker and the two monks had repaired together
on one occasion to the scriptorium for study, and Sindolphe,
believing that he might overhear something which would con-
vince the abbot of their unworthiness, secreted himself under
the window outside and placed his ear close to listen to their
conversation. Tutilon, keen-eyed and alert, observed the action,
and, sending the sweet-tempered Notker into the chapel, per-
suaded Ratpert to take a whip, and, coming up softly to the un-
suspecting Sindolphe, to beat him severely ; while Tutilon, open-
ing the window, seized him by the head, calling for lights that
he might see the face of Satanas, who had come hither with evil
intent. Besides his bodily chastisement, which amused even the
grave abbot, the unamiable monk had to endure a still further
penance in the well-merited raillery of the community of St.
Gall. But whatever may have been the peculiar trials to which
the conduct of Sindolphe subjected St. Notker, it is pleasant to
believe that they were unable to destroy his high serenity or to
tarnish his purity of soul, as in later times the advocatus dioboli
was unable to present evidence which in any way interfered with
his being a saint. In his long career many honors commensu-
rate with his talents and vocation came to him, but in meekness
of spirit he turned away from them all, even the episcopal dig-
* Eckehard, Mtn. in Vita.
24 A NINTH CENTURY ANTITHON [Oct.,
nity more than once pressed upon him, to pursue the humble
path of a simple monk. As an author his fame spread abroad,
and he was remarkable for the variety and extent of his erudi-
tion. On this account certain writings continue to this day to be
wrongly attributed to him, notably among these the Gesta Caroli
Magni. He compiled a life of St. Gall in verse, and wrote a
martyrology "which he chiefly collected," says Butler, "from
Ado and Rabanus Maurus, and which was for a long time made
use of in most of the German churches."* His skill in music
found expression in many sequences and proses which estab-
lished his reputation as a master of ecclesiastical chant, and his
small treatise on the value of letters in music is still extant in
the Scriptores ot Gerbert. Ruodbert, Archbishop of Metz, re-
quested him to compose a hymn in honor of St. Stephen to be
used at the opening of a church dedicated to the proto-martyr.
He complied, and accompanied it with these words: " Sick and
stammering, and full of evil, I Notker, unworthy, have sung the
triumph of Stephen with my polluted mouth, at the desire of
the prelate. May Ruodbert, who has in a young body the pru-
dent heart of a venerable man, see a long life full of merits ! "
The voice of the thoughtful monk, who had chastened his soul
in solitude and turned a deaf ear to human applause, has gone
out into all the earth and his words unto the ends of the world.
The antiphon Media Vita in worte sumns, which commemorates
the insecurity of life and the certainty of death, has preserved
the name of the severe ascetic in the literature of the church and
among those who have ceased to be partakers of the lot of the
saints. It was sung for centuries at St. Gall, and formed part of
the solemn supplications every year in Rogation week during a
religious procession to an awe-inspiring region situated between
two mountains and spanned by a bridge beneath which the roar-
ing torrent dashed over the sullen rocks. Peak to peak rever-
berated the penitential song of the monks, until its last echoes
died away among the lofty summits, of Alpine solitudes. The
antiphon soon spread over Europe and thrilled the hearts of pil-
grims from the stern regions of the inhospitable north and from
the vine-clad shores of the blue Mediterranean. Sung by Crusa-
ders, it stirred the most listless and apathetic on the eve ol con-
flict, and at the close of day it was a prayer for protection
through the awful perils of the night. So profoundly had it
moved the mediaeval world that it was heard in the ranks of
opposing armies going to battle. But by and by the imagina-
* Lives of the Saints, vol. iv. p. 163.
1883.] AND ITS COMPOSER. 25
tion of the ignorant began to invest it with a sort of supersti-
tious charm, which led the Synod of Cologne, in 1316, to inhibit
its use except by express permission of a bishop. Two accounts
of its origin, slightly differing in detail, have been given by
monastic annalists, and both are in harmony with the moral
vision of St. Notker, through which the lowliest and the loftiest
aspects of nature were solemnized to religious uses :
" The animating faith
That poets, even as prophets, . . .
Have each his own peculiar faculty,
Heaven's gift, a sense that fits him to perceive
Objects unseen before." *
The monks of St. Gall made frequent excursions into the
neighboring country, some for recreation, some on missions of
mercy, and others for herbs and flowers which clung about rocky
projections or grew in mountain recesses perilous of ascent.
Their circuit of ordinary travel, hedged in by a snowy palisade
of Alps, abounded in scenery of infinite variety and grandeur.
The earliest version of the origin of the antiphon is that, during
one of these rambles in the wild region of the chasm of Martis-
toble, St. Notker was drawn thither by the sound of the hammers
of workmen engaged in the construction of a bridge across the
yawning abyss. The spectacle of the masons suspended over
this awful gulf on movable scaffolding, adjusted by means of
ropes which swayed to and fro by the very motion of their
bodies, presented to the mind of the saint a realistic picture of
the uncertainty of life, and suggested the train of pious thought
elaborated in his great antiphon.
The flora of the mountain ranges and the outstretching val-
leys was pretty well understood by the monastic herbalists, who
had traversed the whole region on foot and given to some of the
plants and flowers the names which they retain, although in a
corrupted form. Between the pages of well-used manuscripts
preserved in the libraries of religious houses are still traceable
the dim, faint outlines of the rare flowers gathered, perhaps, from
rocks and ravines seldom touched by human foot save that of the
monk, and in this way the delicate petals and stems were dried
for the hortus siccus of the monastery. The monks w ere physi-
cians of both body and soul. They made many discoveries in
the medicinal -properties of herbs which entered largely into the
practice of the healing art. The sampetra, or samphire plant,
well known in Great Britain, was highly esteemed for its aro-
* Wordsworth's "Prelude," book xiii.
26 A NINTH-CENTURY ANTIPHON [Oct.,
matic and curative qualities. It grows on rocky cliffs and pro-
montories the sight of which almost confuses the vision and makes
the brain reel. Shakspere, by a few touches, paints the appalling
dangers of the hunter of samphire in the inimitable scene be-
tween Edgar and the eyeless Gloucester, in which the unhappy
earl is led to believe that he is ascending the chalky cliff ol
Dover, there to shake his great affliction off :
" How fearful
And dizzy 'tis to cast one's eyes so low !
The crows and choughs that wing the midway air
Show scarce so gross as beetles ; half way down
Hangs one that gathers samphire, dreadful trade !
Methinks he seems no bigger than his head.
The fishermen that walk upon the beach
Appear like mice ; and yond' tall anchoring bark,
Diminished to her cock ; her cock, a buoy
Almost too small for sight : the murmuring surge,
That on the unnumbered idle pebbles chafes,
Cannot be heard so high." *
The second account of the composition of Media Vita relates
that the clinging form of an adventurous gatherer of the plant,
hugging, as it were between life and death, a precipitous rock
which juts over the very edge of the torrent below, his body at
one moment wrapt in a violet mist, then apparently within -the
full sweep of the foaming spray, so pierced the imagination of St.
Notker that not only the words but even the hieasured move-
ment of the original melody of the antiphon sprang spontaneous-
ly from his awe-struck soul.
Of the career of its composer but little more remains to be
told. St. Notker was now an octogenarian and the weariness
of years weighed heavily upon him. The animation that had
lighted up his face in the flush of manhood was gone, his eyes
were hollow, and his flesh was wasted with the long" conflict of
life. His body, frail and shrunken, was scarcely equal to its
functions, and the intellectual fibre, once so strong and vigorous,
was worn out. The candle was burnt to the end and its dying
light fluttered in the socket. In his own person was fulfilled the
prophecy of old : " The days of our age are threescore years and
ten ; though men be so strong that they come to fourscore years,
yet is their strength then but labor and sorrow." The verdure
of spring, so grateful to the languid eyes of the sick m:m, had
now begun to clothe valley and hill with its richness. Winter
* " King Lear,'' act iv. sc. vi.
1883.] AND ITS COMPOSER. 27
was relaxing its icy hold, and nature, like a young giant re-
freshed with sleep, was putting forth the strength and fulness of
life. Even the coldness of the snow-crowned Alps seemed to
decrease under the lustre and warmth of a vernal sun. The
quickening influences of reawakened nature, which touched all
visible forms with the glory of resurrection, made no impression
on the attenuated frame of the saintly ascetic stretched on his
narrow couch. His mission was nearly accomplished, and only
the feeble pulsations showed that life was not quite extinct. The
morning of the 6th of April, A.D. 912, wore away as usual in the
cloisters of St. Gall, and no change was apparent in the face of
the dying monk; but when silence and night settled over the sor-
row-stricken community the joy of eternal day had dawned on the
vision of the saint. So quietly and peacefully came his release
from the earthly tenement that none knew the moment when
he ceased to breathe. If we would realize the greatness of such
a saintly character in its completeness, we must remember that
St. Notker closed his career in the second decade of a century
rife with ecclesiastical scandals and abuses without a parallel in
the history of the church. It is not unreasonable to believe that
such men as the author of Media Vita, with ken quickened and
outlook widened in the high spiritual plane in which they dwelt,
discerned the beginnings of those moral evils and human perver-
sities which menaced religion and society. When encompassed
by such calamities, foretold by our Lord, where did they look for
consolation, where seek a refuge, but under the shadow of the
divine promise given for all ages and for all conditions of the
world? " Upon this rock 1 will build my church, and the gates
of hell shall not prevail against it."* In better and purer times
the life and example of the monk of St. Gall engaged the thought
of the church, and he was canonized by a pope whom Mr. Ed-
mund S. Ffoulkes regards as "one of the most eminent and exact
canonists that ever adorned the chair of St. Peter." f
In an age like ours, full of novelty and discontent, we turn
with greater confidence of edification to the saintly exponents of
the ancient faith than to the eloquent teachers of the new,
because they have exercised themselves with the weightiest
interests involved in the destiny of man. It is this fact that
makes their career and their words a perpetual benediction, ever
present and ever operative amid the perplexing enigmas of life.
The universal law of pain and of death, the vehement play of
passion and the remorse of guilt, the misunderstanding of friends
* St. Matt. xvi. 18. f Christendom's Divisions, part ii. p. 200.
28 THE WIZARD OF SAINTE MARIE. [Oct.,
ami the separation of kindred, the pangs and desolation of be-
reavement that rend the soul these and a thousand lesser ills
that Iret and torture are subdued or elevated when measured by
tHfe supernatural gifts revealed in the lives of the saints. "So
long as people were conscious of possessing themselves an in-
terior moral force they believed the possibility of its existence in
other men," says an historian of St. Gall, " and valued this mode
of dying to the world, partly as an example of high self-command
of taking up the cross to follow Christ, and partly as the ope-
ration of a deep conviction and of an all-subduing faith. But
when they no longer felt themselves strong for moral efforts
they ceased to believe that others were capable of making them,
and loved rather to persuade themselves that such strength had
its origin in an aberration of the intellect."*
THE WIZARD OF SAINTE MARIE.
ONE mild, moonlight night in April, 1648, the Jesuit mission-
ary Father Daniel reached the western shore of Lake Huron.
His well-worn shoes and tattered cassock told that he had jour-
neyed many a league, and, seeing near by a bed of moss, he was
fain to lie down and pray himself to sleep, lulled by the voice of
the whip poor-wills. And while he slept the expression of weari-
ness passed from his face ; he smiled ; his lips murmured words of
delight, for a golden vision had arisen before him. Again he was
in his far-off ancestral home in Normandy ; strains of sweet music
fell on his ear; he beheld dear friends beckoning him to come to
them ; his father and mother, too, he beheld. In fact, all that
might go to make life on earth a paradise came before him in
this tempting, intoxicating dream. But by and by in the sky
overhead appeared a great, flaming cross ; onward through the
air it slowly moved toward the west, then just ere it disappeared
below the horizon Father Daniel awoke. He opened his eyes
with a look of bewilderment, as if he could not realize where he
was, and as he gazed about him he heard the melancholy howl
of a wolf. But presently the truth burst upon him: more than
a thousand leagues he was from dear old France, alone in the
wilderness of North America. Then, making the sign of the
* Geschichte des S. Gall, ii. 205.
1883.] THE WIZARD OF SAINTE MARIE. 29
cross, he said aloud: "Ad majorem Dei gloriam." While he
was wondering how long he had been asleep he heard, besides
the howl of a wolf, the sound of a human voice among the
bushes, and in another moment an Indian stepped forth into the
moonbeams. He was tricked out in his war-paint; in his right
hand he carried a tomahawk, and a solitary scalp dangled from
his waist. " You are doubtless one of the pale-face medicine-men
from the mysterious land of the rising sun," spoke the savage ;
" otherwise you would not be resting here so peacefully with-
out any arms to protect you." " I carry this, and I have no
fear,". answered the priest, rising to his feet and holding up a
little crucifix. Atsan for such was the other's name smiled,
then asked whither he was going.
" To Ossossan6," replied Father Daniel. " There I hope to
found a mission of the holy church and to teach the red men to
love one another."
" Well, I hope that the Hurons of Ossossane will listen to
you," said Atsan, " for then they will forget how to be warriors;
they will become squaws, and my tribe will easily vanquish
them." " Pray, to what tribe do you belong?" inquired the mis-
sionary.
" I am an Iroquois," said Atsan proudly.
"An Iroquois?" echoed Father Daniel, who felt a cold
stream through his veins at this much-dreaded name. , " Well,
is this the first year that you are a brave ? For I perceive that
you have taken only one scalp. Or are vou weary of shedding
blood ? "
" I might have girdled my loins with scalps," said the Iro-
quois ; "but for a secret reason I have vowed during twelve
moons to kill no more Hurons." "You interest me; there is
some romance in you," continued Father Daniel, taking him by
the hand. " And while I am going to preach the faith among
those whom you" call your enemies, yet I trust to meet you
again."
" It is possible we may meet again," said Atsan. " And when
that day arrives I shall perhaps tell you why my tomahawk re-
fuses now to strike any Hurons." " Well, is it far to Ossos-
sane?" inquired the priest. "It is half a day's march." "Oh!
that seems a very short distance to one who has trudged all the
way Irom Quebec," said Father Daniel, smiling. " I have taken
two whole moons to get where I am."
" If you like I shall keep you company part of the way to
Ossossane," pursued the Iroquois; "for there are more wolves
30 THE WIZARD OF SAINTE MARIE. '[Oct.,
than one roving through the forest, and you are too brave a pale-
face to be devoured by the wolves." Accordingly, as day was
beginning to break, the missionary resumed his journey to the
chief town of the Huron nation, and, as he spoke the Iroquois
tongue pretty well, he endeavored to give some instruction in
the faith to his swarthy companion. He spoke in simple, win-
ning language, and when at length they separated within a
couple of miles of the journey's end they had become quite good
friends. "The Iroquois medicine-men are wise," were Atsan's
parting words, " but they are not like you : they teach us not to
love our enemies."
Some Hurons of Ossossan6, who had been on a trading ex-
pedition to Quebec the previous summer, had brought back
word that Father Daniel might shortly establish a mission among
them, as Father de Br6beuf and Father Jogues had already done
in other places along Lake Huron. His appearance, therefore,
this April day was not altogether unexpected. Still, the excite-
ment and curiosity were great when Father Daniel passed
through the palisade which surrounded the town, and at the
head of the multitude who advanced to meet him were the chief
sachem, Ontitarho, his handsome daughter, Weepanee, and a
noted medicine-man, or wizard, named Okitori. The last had a
vicious countenance and scowled when he saw the priest bow to
the maiden, who wore about her neck a string of party-colored
shells, and whose loose, dark hair, which fell to her waist, was
adorned with discs of shining copper. Almost the first question
which Ontitarho put to Father Daniel was whether he had met
any Iroquois on his way through the wilderness ; and when the
latter frankly owned that he had met one solitary individual of
that tribe the previous night, the other Indians drew nearer to
him and listened with eager ears. It was evident that the mis-
sionary had imparted startling news, for where one of this ruth-
less tribe was found lurking there must needs be others; and
immediately the trembling squaws declared that they were afraid
to venture beyond the stockade to prepare the corn-land. For
stretching along the lake for the distance of a mile was a strip
of uncommonly fertile soil, and no better corn could be seen any-
where than the co:n which was grown by these industrious
Huron women.
Weepanee alone appeared calm and unconcerned, and ex-
pressed her willingness to sally forth and hoe her father's patch
of ground. Whereupon the chief shook his head, and Okitori
again frowned when he heard Father Daniel say: "Of such as
1883.] THE WIZARD OF SAINTE MARIE. 31
you, Weepanee, I hope that my Christian flock may be com-
posed ; you have a fearless heart."
" To-morrow," spoke Ontitarho " unless the enemy in the
meanwhile shows himself to-morrow you may go forth and till
my land. But to-day you must stay and help to build the
Blackrobe a mission-house." Accordingly with willing hands
Weepanee assisted in this good work. Hundreds of men and
women were thus busily employed, and by the time evening;
arrived there was a not unseemly structure ready for Father
Daniel to occupy. It was seventy feet long, composed of bark
laid, over an arched, arbor-like frame ; in the walls were nume-
rous crevices which served for ventilation, and through the roof
was a hole for the smoke to escape. Father Daniel himself made
a cross of two hickory boughs, which he placed as far as possible
from the smoke-hole ; and if he had no bell wherewith to summon
his flock to prayers, he was furnished with a tin kettle which had
found its way here from the French settlements on the St. Law-
rence, and which made a pretty loud noise when he struck it
with the stick of copper which Weepanee gave him. " I am
glad that you are pleased with what we have done for you,"
spoke Weepanee just as the sun was setting. " Indeed I am,"
answered the priest. " And although this is not the first mission
which the church has established among your people, I hope
that it will surpass the others in numbers and in zeal." " I
heard you say," pursued Weepanee, now lowering her voice to
a whisper, " that you had met on your way hither a solitary Iro-
quois brave; pray describe him to me."
" He was tall and fine-looking, and carried himself like a war-
rior," replied Father Daniel. " Yet he could boast of only one
scalp."
"Are you sure? Only one scalp?" said Weepanee, ill con-
cealing her emotion, which the wizard's keen eyes observed
from a distance. Indeed, since morning Okitori had held aloof
from the others and had watched with -sullen visage the work
going on. He had already heard of the Jesuit missionaries.
" And if this pale-face medicine-man who has come among us
succeed," he muttered to himself, " then nobody will put faith in
me ; Okitori's power will be gone."
" What I have told you about this Iroquois seems to cause
you joy," continued Father Daniel presently. " May it be that
you know him ? " " Know him ? " ejaculated Weepanee, with an
air of alarm, and glanc ng nervously round. But her father was
not within earshot, nor was Okitori, although she perceived him
32 THE WIZARD OF SAINTE MARIE. [Oct.,
watching- her. " Know him, did you say ? Oh ! no, indeed. 1
would shun an Iroquois as I would a rattlesnake. I loathe all
who belong to that cruel, bloodthirsty nation, and the one whom
you met must be a faint-hearted fellow, since he has taken
only one scalp." Yet Weepanee's expression belied her words,
and while her lips were uttering an untruth her heart was
in a flutter of joyous expectation. Father Daniel, however,
deemed it best not to speak anything more on the subject at
present.
On the morrow Weepanee set an example of boldness, and, at
the head of many other young women, led the way to the corn-
land. A flock of wild turkeys had got there before her, who
slowly withdrew to the edge of the woods as she approached,
and a couple of foxes, too, slunk away. For a while she labored
industriously with her primitive hoe made of a forked root.
But sooner than her companions she seemed to fag, and then
went off to slake her thirst, not at the lake, which was close by,
but at Wolf Spring, a fountain hidden in the gloom of the primeval
forest, and whose water even in midsummer was icy cool. When
Weepanee reached this lonesome spot she did not immediately
drink, but carefully examined the fresh green moss which grew
about the rock out of whose cleft bosom the water bubbled.
But not a trace of human hand or foot did she discover. " Yet
what a pleasant couch this would have made for my Atsan! " she
murmured. Nor was there a single twig broken off any of the
laurel-bushes which surrounded the bed of moss. " I do not
think he has been here," she said. " Where can he be?"
Presently, while she was listening to catch the faintest sound,
a loud, fearful cry rent the air above her head, and a moment
afterward down through the branches of a whitewood-tree
tumbled a huge panther with an arrow driven through and
through his quivering body. " Oh! what a very narrow escape 1
have had," exclaimed Weepanee, shuddering and jumping back
from the dead brute atJier feet. " The Great Spirit guided me
here exactly in time he was about to spring," spoke a voice
which she recognized at once, and out of a dense laurel thick-
et her lover emerged with outstretched arms. For a moment
neither of them breathed another word ; their hearts were too
full. Then looking up in Atsan's face while he caressed her,
" Ay, "'said Weepanee, " as when a few years ago you generously
saved my dear mother from the tomahawk of one of your own
tribe, so to-day you have saved me from death." Then, while
he embraced her again and again, "Can you wonder," she added,
1883.] THE WIZARD OF SAINTE MARIE. 33
" that I love you even if you are an Iroquois ? Can you won-
der? " " Well, am I quite safe here ? " inquired Atsan when the
first passionate caresses had ceased. " Safe ? " said Weepanee,
with a look of tender reproach. " Oh ! how could you imagine
that I would allow any evil to befall you ? In the opening be-
yond these trees are only some squaws at work with their hoes ;
a few men without weapons are on the edge of the lake mend-
ing their canoes. But the greater part of the inhabitants of Os-
sossane will spend the day within the palisade listening to the
preaching of a new medicine-man, a pale-face." " No doubt the
one whom I fell in with day before yesterday," said Atsan.
" And I told him, if they asked any questions, to frankly answer
that he had met an Iroquois brave not far away. You see that
I am not afraid." " Father Daniel told me that he had met you,"
said Weepanee.
"Indeed! Well, how knew you 'twas I and not some other
Iroquois?" asked her lover, smiling.
" Because I questioned him apart, and he said that the Iro-
quois whom he met had captured only one scalp, and by this fact
I recognized my beloved." " Well, it was for love of you that I
made the vow to kill no more Hurons during the space of twelve
moons," said Atsan.
' " I know it, and I am quite sure no other Iroquois is like unto
you in goodness." Then shaking her head, " But, alas ! " she
added, " your nation is terrible indeed ; your warriors are every-
where ; at all seasons, in the most unlooked-for places, they
appear stealthy as wildcats, blood-seeking as wolves. Alas !
alas ! you will end by exterminating us. There will be no
Hurons left by and by." " None except Weepanee. But she
shall live when the last fight comes; no arrow shall pierce her
heart; no hand shall steal her scalp," answered Atsan, again
clasping her in his arms.
" Well, tell me," pursued Weepanee, " how soon may danger,
threaten my native town ? " " There is nothing to fear at pre-
sent," said herlover. " No war-party will march in this direc-
tion for several moons perhaps not even then. But when we
do advance 'twill be with warriors from each of the five tribes
who compose our mighty league. Ay, Mohawks, Onondagas,
Oneidas, Cayugas, and Senecas will take part in the final struggle
with the Hurons."
" Alas ! you will sweep us away even as grass disappears in a
prairie fire when a whirlwind blows," moaned Weepanee. "O
Atsan, Atsan ! what will become of my father? I dearly love my
VOL. xxxvm. 3
34 THE WIZARD OF SAINTE MARIE. [Oct.,
father. Between him and you my poor heart is divided. Oh !
what will become of my father ? "
" When the fatal hour arrives, if I cannot save him, he will
know how to die like a brave," answered Atsan. " But hark !
Is it he calling you?" Weepanee listened and presently heard
her father shouting her name. " Flee! " she said, pushing Atsan
away from her. " Not further than yon hollow tree," replied the
Iroquois. And so saying, he went and hid himself in an ancient
oak a short distance off, while Weepanee advanced to meet the
chief, who kept shouting her name in lusty tones. But not many
steps had she taken when whom should she come upon like a
snake out of the grass he started but Okitori, whose small eyes
twinkled maliciously, and he seemed to rejoice in her confusion.
" The sachem's daughter is fond of solitude," spoke the wizard.
" She loves to linger by the fountain and admire her pretty face
in its limpid water." "I go there when I am thirsty," answered
Weepanee.
"Always?" said Okitori, with a cunning grin. Then, point-
ing to one of her moccasins, " But whence that blood?" " Why,
sure enough! Can I have hurt my foot?" ejaculated Weepanee
in faltering accents. " Well, tarry here a moment while I go
for a drink ; I, too, love Wolf Spring," said the wizard. At these
words Weepanee's heart throbbed violently, and when in a few
minutes he came back and questioned her about the dead pan-
ther she could hardly speak. " What has happened, my child?"
said Ontitarho, who now joined them. " You are trembling as
if you had seen a demon in the forest."
"A dead panther has scared her," put in Okitori. "The
animal has barely done breathing, and its blood has spurted on
her foot."
" Why, sure enough," exclaimed the chief. " I wonder who
killed it." " I saw not whence the fortunate arrow came ; the
.panther seemed to drop from the sky," answered Weepanee.
" Some friendly spirit from the Happy Hunting-Ground must have
sent it as a gift, to Okitori," spoke the wizard, again smiling mali-
ciously. "Its coat is superb; I will go and fetch it home."
" Father and I will accompany you," said Weepanee, who was
determined, should the wizard track her lover to his hiding-place,
to intercede with her parent for Atsan's life, or else to die with
him. Accordingly all three returned to Wolf Spring. But
Okitori, albeit keen of eyesight, seemed not to observe the foot-
prints which led away in the direction of the hollow oak ; while
Weepanee kept pointing at a squirrel that was jumping from tree
1883.] THE WIZARD OF SAINTE MARIE. 35
to tree, and begging her father to shoot it. Whereupon the
guileless Ontitarho wasted half a dozen arrows on the little crea-
ture, who escaped unhurt, to Weepanee's inward joy, for she
took it as a happy omen that no ill would betide Atsan.
On the morrow Weepanee was impatient to go again to Wolf
Spring, but her father bade her stay and hear the new medicine-
man discourse on the God of the pale-faces. Full of high hope
was the heart of Father Daniel when he saw the crowd assem-
bling in front of the mission-house in response to the call of his
tin kettle. " This kettle hath done many good things since it left
old France," he thought to himself, " but nothing half so good
as this."
We need not repeat all that he said to his attentive listeners ;
enough to know that when he got through many expressed a
willingness to be baptized, and among these was Ontitarho, who,
being head chief, had great influence over the others.
Weepanee, however, strange to say, refused to follow her
father's example, which much grieved Father Daniel, who knew
that she was a young woman of character and ability, and other
maidens would probably hold aloof, too, from the sacrament
when they saw her do so. He argued with her mildly but in
vain. Weepanee kept inwardly repeating: "My God shall be
the same God as Atsan's; I wish to go to the same Happy Hunt-
ing-Ground that he goes to." But of course she durst not speak
this aloud ; and great was the delight of the wizard, who was
lying on the roof of the building, glaring down upon the priest
with eyes like a wildcat. Okitori had done nothing thus far to
interrupt Father Daniel. Angry words, indeed, he had muttered,
but only to himself. When, however, the missionary, after bap-
tizing a score or so of Hurons, paused to say that he hoped they
would change the name of the town from Ossossane* to Ste. Marie,
he could no longer curb his wicked tongue, and springing to his
feet, " Friends and brothers," he cried, " what has come over
you? Have you all become children again ? For the pappoose
is ever crying after something new to play with. Has this
strange Blackrobe, who appeared among us only yesterday,
already turned your heads ? He bids you lay aside your toma-
hawks and love your enemies. He bids you to think more of
raising corn and tobacco than of sounding the war-whoop and
adorning yourselves with glorious scalps. He even urges you
to love the Iroquois, who have never spared the life of a Huron
and who make bonfires even of our squaws and pappooses. O
friends and brothers! heed the voice of Okitori. Keep the
36 THE WIZARD OF SAINTE MARIE. [Oct.,
ancient name of your town. Ossossan6 was known as a happy
spot, the happiest on all this broad and beautiful lake, long be-
fore the great-grand si re of this false magician-doctor was born ;
and 'twill be known generations hence, unless ye become chil-
dren and do what he requests. But mark my words: if you for-
get to be warriors, if you love your enemies, then the powerful
Iroquois will one day come and jeer at your death-songs while
the crackling flames consume you." When the wizard had con-
cluded his appeal not a few braves shook their heads, especially
the young and fiery ones, and it needed all the influence of On-
titarho to make them change the name of the town to Ste. Mane.
But even he, renowned though he was for wisdom, was not able
altogether to undo the baneful effect wrought by Okitori's artful
speech, and the discontented ones withdrew to the council-lodge
muttering, " Okitori is right, Okitori is right."
" I will call my native place Ste. Marie, if it pleases you," said
Weepanee to Father Daniel after he had spoken to her private-
ly a lew minutes. " And when you ask us to love the Iroquois
it proves that your heart is full of goodness ; you would injure
nobody ; you would be as peaceful as a squaw. But but I can-
not love all who belong to that bloodthirsty nation ; no, not all."
"Can you love any ?" inquired the priest in an undertone,
for he recalled her look of delight when he first spoke of the
Iroquois whom he had met journeying hither, and now he sus-
pected that he had discovered the reason why she refused to be
baptized. " You may speak to me in perfect confidence," he
added. " Your secret shall never pass my lips." But Weepanee
hesitated. " Even in a whisper I might be overheard," she said
to herself.
" Well, well, never mind," continued Father Daniel, who read
in her countenance the inward struggle that was going on.
" Never mind ; I shall say no more at present. But remember,
my child, I am one whom you may in all things implicitly trust."
"Oh! I know you are very good," answered Weepanee, with
moistened eyes ; " and although I do not wish to become a
Christian, I will call Ossossan6 Ste. Marie to please you."
Three days elapsed before Weepanee ventured anew to meet
her lover at Wolf Spring ; for wherever she went Okitori fol-
lowed with his restless, wolfish eyes, and whenever she passed
near him he would ask, " Who killed the big panther? who kill-
ed the big panther?" But on the third day, toward sunset,
while Father Daniel was giving an instruction in Christian doc-
trine to a number of converts, among whom the most devout
1883..] THE WIZARD OF SAINTE MARIE. 37
was her father, Weepanee eluded the vigilance of the wizard,
who was amusing himself by interrupting the priest with foolish
questions, and stole away unobserved to the forest. She tapped
on the hollow tree to call Atsan's attention, then began to bark
like a puppy ; and presently out he came from the dark hole.
" Look ! " said Weepanee, after he had kissed her " look !
I have brought you some pounded corn and a fish which I
caught myself to-day. I should have come sooner, but there is
a medicine-man who watches all my movements ; I was afraid
lest he might follow me, and I could not get away until now."
" Not the pale-face, I hope ? " said Atsan. " Oh ! no, indeed. I
like Father Daniel ever so much ; he never annoys me. And you,
too, must like him ; for do you know, dear boy, he says that we
Hurons must love your nation ay, love those who wage con-
stant war upon us." " Well, I am sure there is one Iroquois
whom you do not hate," said Atsan, smiling.
" I hate you so little, you who saved my mother's life," con-
tinued Weepanee, " that I will not pray to the God of the pale-
faces, although my father does, and although the Blackrobe in
the kindest manner urges me to >be like my father. But I wish
in all things to be like you." Here Atsan again pressed his lips
to hers and said : " When my nation sweeps down like a hurri-
cane upon Ossossane, Weepanee shall be spared ; she shall be
adopted and become an Iroquois."
At these words the maiden bowed her head on his shoulder
and heaved a sigh. " Do you believe that your nation will soon
attack us?" she asked presently, with tearful eyes. " I know not
how soon we may be on the war-path," replied Atsan. "To-
night I must leave you for what will seem an age to me. I am
going away for the space of one moon in order to obtain fresh
tidings of what my people are doing."
"And then you will hasten back and tell me?" "Indeed I
will." " O my beloved ! if I could only feel sure that my father
would survive the last fight, that he would not be put to the
torture and die in the flames, I should be happy," said Weepanee.
" Ontitarho will kill many an Iroquois ere he chants his death-
song," said Atsan. " If . they burn him I will never, never
become a member of your tribe," pursued Weepanee. " Oh !
why cannot all red men love one another, as Father Daniel says
that they should?"
" Would you have the Huron and Iroquois braves turn
squaws ? Would you have them do nothing but plant corn ? "
said Atsan.
38 THE WIZARD OF SAINTE MARIE. [Oct.,
" Well, I begin to think that Father Daniel ma)' be fight,"
pursued Weepanee. " If we buried the hatchet for ever my
heart would be at ease, and you and I might have our wig-
wam together immediately. But now, alas ! all is cruel uncer-
tainty."
For about a minute Atsan remained silent. Her last words
had moved him deeply, and he, too, Iroquois though he was, felt
a strange yearning for peace, lasting peace and quiet, which he
had never experienced before. Presently turning toward the
hollow oak, he pointed to a figure cut deep into the bark about
five feet from the ground. " Very early this morning," he said,
" I heard somebody at work on the outside of the tree. Look
what an odd figure he has cut. What means it? "
" That is a cross," answered Weepanee. " Father Daniel
calls it the sign of salvation ; he has such a totem, made of two
big sticks, stuck on the top of his prayer-house. He likewise
wears a small one round his neck. It must have been he who
cut that cross yonder." " I hope to meet him again some day,"
said Atsan. " Although we were only a few hours together, we
parted excellent friends. The words he spoke were so different
from the words of our medicine-men ; and I no longer wonder
that he and the other Blackrobes who have come to preach
among your nation have succeeded in winning the hearts of so
many Hurons."
" Could Father Daniel win a certain Iroquois' heart he'd win
mine with it," said Weepanee.
" Well, what the pale-face medicine-man teaches may be true
it may," pursued Atsan, after reflecting a moment. " Yet to
love our enemies is something beyond my wits to conceive. I
find a delight, a rapture in the war-path which all the sunny days
of a long life of peace could not equal."
" Not even if you spent that life with me ? " said Weepanee,
gazing fondly at him.
Atsan's breast heaved, but he made no response.
At length, running his fingers through her long, black hair,
' No Iroquois maiden had ever hair so beautiful as yours," he
said. " I could toy with it all day and never grow tired.
Oh ! would that I might carry it with me." " What a fine
scalp mine would make to grace an Iroquois war-feast ! " an-
swered the maiden. " By the great Manitoti ! never never,"
exclaimed Atsan. Then, pressing her to his heart, " But I must
now bid my love good-by. I must depart. Look for me by
the time the first fireflies appear." " Dear fireflies ! may they
1883.] THE WIZARD OF SAINTE MARIE. 39
come very soon," murmured Weepanee. And with these fare-
well words she turned and walked sadly back to her home.
For more than six weeks Weepanee saw nothing more of her
Iroquois lover, and during this time Father Daniel did good
work among the Hurons of Ste. Marie and its neighborhood, just
as other Jesuit missionaries were doing in the Huron country
further east. The zealous priest's heart was filled with holy joy
as he pictured to himself the whole of this heathen land pene-
trated and redeemed before many years by the light of the faith.
Nor was there a more edifying member of his flock than Onti-
tarho. But Weepanee, much as she loved her father and es-
teemed the missionary, always shook her head whenever the
latter spoke to her about being baptized. Yet near the sachem's
corn-land she had diligently tilled another piece of ground and
sown it with wheat wherewith to make for the kind Blackrobe
sacramental bread. Needless to say that the wizard was greatly
pleased to see Weepanee hold, aloof from Christianity. Never-
theless her conduct in some things puzzled Okitori. " She re-
fuses to have water sprinkled on her head and to make the sign
of the cross," he muttered. " Nor will she enter the prayer-
house and pray with her father. Yet she labors industriously to
raise wheat for the pale-face magician, and whenever she hears
me flinging gibes at him, and trying to confuse him when he talks
about his God, she turns on me like a wildcat."
But if Weepanee often saved Father Daniel from Okitori's
insults, the wizard at night would have his revenge. Rising
from his couch when all the others were asleep, he would wan-
der about among the houses, crying aloud in a voice which
roused the soundest sleeper: "Awake, brothers, awake! Be
watchful, brothers, be watchful ! The Blackrobe preacher is in
league with the Evil Spirit; the crosses which he cuts on the
trees are meant to woo the demons of the forest. He bids us
love the Iroquois, who have never spared a Huron. One day
the Iroquois will rush out of the forest and spring on you like
wild beasts. O men who have turned squaws ! be braves, be
warriors again. Awake ! awake ! awake ! " And these words,
uttered in shrill accents, which sounded shriller and more un-
earthly for its being night-time, always wrought a baneful im-
pression on Ontitarho, who for an hour afterward would lie
awake repeating the prayers which Father Daniel had taught
him, and trying sincerely to say : " I love my enemies." But
his prayers did not always bring relief, and then, jumping to
his feet, he would curse the Iroquois and cry out : " If my
40 THE WIZARD OF SAINTE MARIE. [Oct.,
tongue says I love them it lies, it lies ! " Between the chief
and the wizard a coolness had naturally sprung up, and now
they seldom exchanged a word. Indeed, Okitori secretly hated
Ontilarho for only for his influence Father Daniel would not
have had so pleasant a time in Ste. Marie. " But the day may
come," murmured the wizard, " when Ontitarho will crouch at my
ieet and beg me to be merciful." For Okitori remembered that
the missionary had seen an Iroquois journeying hitherward; nor
had he forgotten the dead panther which he had once found by
Wolf Spring, and he remembered Weepanee's blood-stained moc-
casin and her confusion when she had seen him suddenly rise up
out of the bushes. Every man, young and old, in Ste. Marie he
had questioned about that panther. Not one said that he had
killed the beast. "Who, then, did kill it?" was a question which
Okitori had often asked himself. But, shrewd as he was, it was
not until he had long meditated on Weepanee's odd behavior
that he could bring himself to believe that his first suspicion was
correct, and then he chuckled and said : " The sachem's daughter
is at my mercy."
One evening in June Father Daniel found Weepanee en-
gaged in tyin^ together a number of fireflies. "Look!" she
exclaimed with a radiant countenance. " These are the first fire-
flies of summer. Oh ! I am so happy, so happy. And I am
going to weave them into a shining festoon to hang before your
altar, where you say God is ever present." The missionary
thanked her warmly and said : " I hope one of these days to see
you praying with us in the chapel. Many of your friends have
been baptized. Why do you hold back?"
Weepanee sighed. " Pray tell me what the difficulty is,"
continued Father Daniel. " The fireflies are now all ready to
hang up before the altar. Look! look! how beautiful they are,"
said Weepanee, handing him the fantastic, flashing wreath of
light. Then, before he could do more than express anew his
thanks, she turned and walked rapidly away.
" Strange, tender-hearted maiden! where may she be going?"
thought the priest when, a quarter of an hour later, he saw her
passing through the main gate of the town. It was growing
dark. But the moon would soon be up. Might she be going
into the forest?
The full moon was just rising when Weepanee got to the
hollow oak. She gave a peculiar cry, and in a moment Atsan
o&JCfe^vmit of the dark cavity at its base. " How true you are
vouf -romise, dear boy !" she said, as he caught her in his
*
1 883.] THE WIZARD OF SAINTE MARIE. 41
arms. " The fireflies are flashing this evening for the first time,
and here you are."
" I might have arrived a little sooner," replied the Iroquois,
" only that I wanted to obtain better information a's to what the
warriors of my nation are meditating." " And what have you
learnt ? " inquired Weepanee anxiously.
" That before the snow falls deep enough to track a rabbit
they will be on the war-path." " Alas ! alas ! " sighed Weepanee.
Then for more than a minute she did not open her lips, but
leaned heavily on his shoulder.
It was with no intention to spy Weepanee's movements that
Father Daniel in a little while entered the forest too. The
wizard had begun to fling jeers at him while he was saying his
rosary in front of the mission-house, and he had felt a yearning
to be alone amid the silent trees, where his ears would not be
shocked by Okitori's blasphemies. But to the very gate of the
town the latter had dogged his steps, crying aloud : " Behold
the Blackrobe going forth to cut more demon-marks on the
trees. Like an evil spirit, he is fond of the night. Beware of
the Blackrobe, who bids you love the Iroquois ! "
Scarcely had Father Daniel begun again to tell his beads
which he did facing the venerable tree in wlrose bark he had
carved the deepest cross of all when he was startled by a hand
clutching his arm, and, turning, whom should he discover but the
young Iroquois that he had met three months before, while
behind him stood Weepanee.
" I am delighted to meet you again," spoke the priest, shak-
ing his hand.
" You have found out our love secret, but my dear Weepanee
assures me that you may be trusted," said Atsan. " Implicitly,"
said Father Daniel. " Well, I once told you an untruth," spoke
Weepanee, stepping forward. " I once said that I did not love
any Iroquois. I now ask forgiveness for telling that untruth."
" Would that your whole tribe might do as you are doing :
would that every Huron loved an Iroquois ! " answered the
missionary. " For then would reign unbroken peace, and our
missions would flourish everywhere in this benighted land."
Then, addressing Atsan, " Why," he added, " do not you red men
bury the tomahawk? Why do you exterminate one another?
Think how much happier you all would be if Hurons and Iro-
quois lived like brothers."
"Ay, how much happier!" murmured Weepanee, gazing
with tender eyes on her lover. " You speak golden words," said
42 THE WIZARD OF SAINTE MARIE. ["Oct.,
Atsan. " But the Happy Hunting-Ground is not in this world ; it
is somewhere far, far amid the stars." " Father Daniel preaches
peace and good-will to others," said Weepanee. " He is not
fond of bleeding scalps and tortured prisoners, like our loathsome
wizard, Okitori. O Atsan! if we were all like Father Daniel
and we might be, if we tried then the Happy Hunting-Ground
would not be so far away."
Encouraged by her words, the missionary now went on to
speak in fervent accents of the holy Catholic religion, while the
Iroquois listened without interrupting ; until at length, warned
by the height to which the moon had risen, he was obliged to
stop, for it was time to go back to the mission-house, where his
flock were no doubt waiting for him to say the' evening prayers.
" May I return to-morrow ? " he said. " Yes, indeed ; come
and talk to us again to-morrow," cried Atsan and Weepanee at
one breath.
The following morning Ontitarho found his daughter saun-
tering alone by the edge of the lake. Ever and anon she would
pause and cast her eyes over the sparkling water ; then she
would frown, for she saw Okitori watching her from a canoe a
little distance off. "Why are you not at work?" inquired the
chief. "Are there no weeds in my corn to weed out? Have
I no moccasins which need mending?"
" A heavy weight presses on my spirits to-day," answered
Weepanee, " and the fresh breeze from the lake soothes me.
Tis why I am here." "A weight on your spirits !" exclaimed
Ontitarho. " Ah ! my daughter, why do you not become a Chris-
tian ? Why do you not let Father Daniel baptize you ? Then
you would never be melancholy."
Weepanee made no response.
" Is it the wizard," he continued presently, scowling at Oki-
tori "is it that plaguing, devil-worshipping wizard yonder
who has persuaded you to remain a heathen ? Why has he more
influence over you than your father ? " " Okitori has no power
over me for good or ill," answered Weepanee in a firm voice.
" I detest him. Look at him crouching in his canoe like a wild
animal. I can see his eyes glistening from here. I believe there
is a demon in him." " Well, I wish with all my heart that he
were gone from Ste. Marie," pursued Ontitarho. "He never
ceases to annoy good Father Daniel. Did you not hear him last
night howling through the town and crying out that the priest
is in league with the devil ? " "I never knew a better man than
Father Daniel," said Weepanee. " And I always take his part
1883.] THE WIZARD OF SAINTE MARIE. 43
against Okitori, who calumniates him. But, dear father, while
we may love our enemies, as he bids us to, is it wise to devote so
much time to prayer? Oh ! I beseech you, do not forget how to
use the tomahawk and war-club : our warriors must not become
squaws. The Iroquois may appear before many moons, and we
should be ready for them. Let the palisade be strengthened ;
let our warriors practise with their arms. Let them pray to the
God of the pale-faces, if they will, but at the same time they must
not forget how to fight."
" Verily, you presume to address me as if you were old in
wisdom," answered Ontitarho somewhat harshly. " It is not
thus that you used to speak to your father. How dare you in-
sinuate that I pray too much?" At these chiding words Wee-
panee bowed her head and began to cry. The sachem, whose
heart was easily moved, and who loved her dearly, was trying to
calm her when Father Daniel approached and asked what fault
she had committed.
" I do not find her at work this morning as usual," answered
Ontitarho. " But she is a good girl and will now go to work.
There are some weeds in my corn, Weepanee, are there not? "
" Well, methinks Weepanee is a pretty good worker," said
the priest. " She is raising for me as much wheat as I shall
need; she keeps me well supplied with fish and Indian meal, and
every evening she has promised to make me a fresh wreath of
fireflies to hang before the Blessed Sacrament."
" Thanks for taking my part," spoke Weepanee, smiling
through her tears. " I like you ever so much, even if I am not
one of your flock."
An hour later Weepanee might have been seen in the school-
room of the mission-house, whither Father Daniel had invited
her. " I have been praying for you a great deal to-day, my
child," said the missionary.
" Your prayers will do me good," answered the maiden.
" You comfort me; Atsan likes you, too."
" I wish that your Iroquois lover would listen to my instruc-
tions for a few days or rather nights, for 'tis only at night we
can meet. He might then become a Christian," continued Fa-
ther Daniel. " If he does, then so will I," said Weepanee. " The
faith which you preach has much in it that is consoling. To
love the Iroquois seems less difficult for me to do now than
when I first heard you say we ought to love our enemies."
Every word of this conversation, which lasted for half an hour,
was overheard by Okitori, who had sneaked into the house a few
44 THE WIZARD OF SAINTE MARIE. [Oct.,
minutes before the priest and concealed himself under a pile of
beaver-skins, a gift to Father Daniel from Ontitarho. " Ha !
ha!" chuckled the wizard, " my shrewd suspicion turns out to
be quite correct : Weepanee has an Iroquois lover." And so
elated was Okitori at what he had heard that he could scarcely
keep quiet in his hiding-place.
As soon as Father Daniel had finished evening prayers this
evening which he always said aloud in the midst of a throng
of fervent neophytes, of whom none were more prayerful than
Ontitarho he bent his steps toward the forest, not expecting to
be back until morning ; for all night he would instruct Atsan,
if the Iroquois would listen to him.
His face wore a bright smile when he approached the moon-
lit trysting-place where Weepanee and her lover were awaiting
him. But presently his countenance fell, for he discovered that
the young woman was in tears.
" Atsan says he must depart ere the moon wanes," sobbed
Weepanee. " Why, he makes you a very fleeting visit. What
has happened?" said the priest, who was chagrined, too. "An-
other Iroquois, a spy sent in advance of the war-party, is hover-
ing about Ste. Marie," answered Weepanee ; " and Atsan does
not wish this spy to find him holding converse with a Huron
maiden ; otherwise it might fare ill with my lover."
It had been well had Atsan departed earlier than he did, be-
fore the moon had risen so high ; for the guileful wizard, who
seemed never to sleep, had spied both Weepanee and Father
Daniel quit the town, and immediately seeking Ontitarho, he had
said : " O chief ! I know that the friendship which you once
had for me is dead ; no Huron in your eyes is so detestable as
Okitori. But if I have refused to become a Christian like your-
self, if I am bitterly opposed to the Blackrobe medicine-man, who
has turned the once warlike Ontitarho into a praying squaw, 'tis
because I dearly love my tribe and wish not to see" the Hurons
destroyed by the Iroquois." "What mean you?" exclaimed
Ontitarho. " Father Daniel bids us to love our enemies, but he
goes no further ; we may defend ourselves if they attack us. He
is not partial to the Iroquois. We have no truer friend than
'Father Daniel."
At these words there spread over Okitori's ugly visage a de-
moniac grin. Then, lifting up his hand, he merely answered :
" Follow me."
And now behold the wizard leading Ontitarho with cautious,
stealthy step toward Wolf Spring. You could hardly hear a
1883.] THE WIZARD OF SAINTE MARIE. 45
leaf rustle as they made their way through the trees and under-
brush. At length Okitori paused and whispered : " Look ! yon-
der in the moonbeams are three persons your daughter, an Iro-
quois brave, and holding each of them by the hand is your dar-
ling Blackrobe."
Ontitarho's straining eyes rested with savage glare on the
group a little distance ahead, and he discerned, sure enough, the
priest and Weepanee, the latter greatly distressed at something,
while beside her was undoubtedly an Iroquois. Scarcely breath-
ing, Okitori and the chief now crawled nearer.
" Well, if you must leave me," spoke Weepanee, " come back
before the first snow, but come not as a destroyer of Ste. Marie."
" Your dear scalp will be safe in my hands," replied Atsan.
"And my father will you save him, too?" continued Wee-
panee.
" We will adopt him as well as you you shall both be made
Iroquois." * It was these last words of Atsan which most infu-
riated the sachem, and now while Weepanee and her lover em-
braced for good-by he muttered : " I am a squaw indeed ! Oh !
why have I buried my tomahawk? I'd give all my beaver-skins,
my birch canoe, my priceless wampum belt for a tomahawk."
" Love your enemies and bury the hatchet," answered the
wizard in a sarcastic voice, which Weepanee and Father Daniel
heard, and they immediately turned their faces toward a clump of
laurels a few paces distant.
We may imagine the wonder of the Christian Indians of Ste.
Marie the following day to see their chief absent himself from
Mass. Nor would Ontitarho pause at noon to say the Angelus ;
and when Father Daniel accosted him he turned his back and
walked sullenly away arm-in-arm with Okitori, with whom he
seemed to have renewed all his old-time friendship. Among the
gossips many things were whispered about Weepanee, who had
not been seen since the previous evening. Was she ill ? Or was
it true that her father had forbidden her to leave her cabin ?
The missionary was, of course, well-nigh heart-broken at what
had occurred. He knew that Weepanee's love for an Iroquois
had been discovered by Ontitarho, and that the latter had seen
both himself and Weepanee conversing with Atsan. Nor did he
doubt that the wizard was the author of all this trouble ; and it
was sad to think where it might end.
Ontitarho's example was ere long followed by others, and
within a week a score or more of young men, who had never
* In rare cases prisoners were adopted.
46 THE WIZARD OF SAINTE MARIE. [Oct.,
altogether approved of the missionary's exhortations to peace
and good-will toward their enemies, formed a circle around the
wizard while Mass was going on in the chapel, and listened with
delight to his exciting descriptions of combats between Hurons
and Iroquois, from which the former always returned laden with
countless scalps. " And how much more glorious are those
trophies of victor}'," exclaimed Okitori, " than the stupid beads
which the Blackrobe has given you to count your prayers by ! "
Whereupon, one by one, his hearers tore their rosaries apart
and trampled the fragments under foot.
Father Daniel, however, was not sorry to see that precautions
were being taken to prevent a surprise by the Iroquois, who, he
knew, would be on 4 the war-path before many months. He ex-
horted his pious flock to devote some hours daily to strengthen-
ing the palisade. "And those of you," he said, "who in your
zeal for religion have buried your tomahawks must dig them up
again. For great will be the blow to the faith in the Huron
land, if this mission of Ste. Marie be destroyed."-
As time wore on, and Weepanee still did not appear, Onti-
tarho was more and more plied with questions concerning her.
But to nobody would he reveal the cause of her punishment ; he
merely said that she was alive. And the poor girl suffered much
during the long, hot summer, fanning herself with the wing of a
wild turkey, and with never a soul to speak to. Only once a day
did her father bring her food and water. On one occasion Oki %
tori brought her a drink, but she dashed the cup in his face, and
he came not a second time.
Poor Ontitarho! His father's heart all this while was torn
with anguish. That his only child, in whom he took so much
pride, should be enamored with a hated Iroquois, and that the
latter should talk of his tribe adopting both himself and her, was
enough to drive him distracted. And in certain things his mind
did, indeed, appear to wander. Nor would he believe that Father
Daniel, whom he had once so revered, was not what Okitori
said he was a spy and worthy of being put to death. " And if I
was deceived in him, in whom may I trust? " he would ask.
The wizard was certainly playing his part well. In his hands
he held the life of both Weepanee and the priest. If he breathed
a single word of what he knew regarding Weepanee she would
immediately be stoned to death by the other squaws. And this
her unhappy parent was well aware of. Therefore, in order to
bribe the wizard to hold his tongue, Ontitarho made him gift
after gift. He gave Okitori first five, then ten, then twenty
1883.] THE WIZARD OF SAINTE MARIE. 47
beaver-skins ; and when these presents were declared not suffi-
cient, he gave him the skin of a grizzly bear. Finally he made
him a present of his birch canoe the largest and finest of any
canoe on the lake. Yet still the wizard kept hinting that his
tongue would not keep silent unless he received more gifts.
" More, more, more ! " he would say, " or I will reveal that your
daughter is betrothed to an Iroquois."
" Mean, avaricious wretch ! " muttered the unhappy chief one
day. " I am half tempted to dash your brains out and afterward
to kill myself."
But while Okitori was thus impoverishing Ontitarho he had
actually wrung from him a promise to murder Father Daniel.
Yet why did the sachem hesitate to keep his promise? Even the
wizard, subtle as he was, was unable to account for the Jesuit's
life being spared week after week ; and he would sometimes
whisper in Ontitarho's ear: "Keep your promise. The Black-
robe is hateful in my sight. Kill him soon ; I am growing impa-
tient." Still Ontitarho's hand refused to strike the blow, because
Weepanee had said : " Father, if a single hair of Father Daniel's
head is touched I will proclaim aloud my own guilf; all who
hear my voice shall know that I am bound by an undying love to
an Iroquois, and then I shall die a cruel death."
Nor was Father Daniel ignorant of the imminent peril which
hung over him. Ever and anon he heard ominous threats, while
Okitori grew so boldly impudent as to curse him from the very
threshold of the mission-house. Once he even succeeded in
breaking up his catechism class. When the priest walked
through the town many of the young men frowned and clutched
their tomahawks, and sometimes little children spat at him. Yet
never a thought of flight entered Father Daniel's mind. He
fervently prayed that Ontitarho might come back to the faith
and that the wizard might be confounded in his wickedness.
Where souls were to be saved, there Father Daniel would abide :
Ad majorem Dei gloriam.
One rainy' morning toward the end of September, after the
wizard and Ontitarho had had a long and angry talk together,
the sachem entered his daughter's prison-chamber with a very
distressed countenance. "What troubles my father?" inquired
Weepanee in tender accents ; for she loved him dearly, albeit he
had kept her so long in solitary confinement, and perhaps made
it impossible ever to meet Atsan again. " Tell me, father, has
Okitori been urging you anew to kill the Blackrobe?" "Yes,"
answered Ontitarho ; " he has been pressing me harder than
48 THE WIZARD OF SAINTE MARIE. [Oct.,
ever to fulfil my rash promise. But, estranged though I am
from Father Daniel, 'twill break my heart to kill him. But the
\vixard, who, alas! knows the great power he wields, has threat-
ened that if I procrastinate one hour longer he will divulge the
crime of which you are guilty your love for an Iroquois, a
deadly foe of the Hurons and then in a few minutes I shall hear
your death-shrieks."
" Well, but, father, you dare not redden your hatchet with
the blood of the Blackrobe ; for if you do, then, as I have said
before, I will myself tell aloud what I have done and begin to
chant my death-song." " Alas ! the way is dark ; I am bewil-
dered. Oh! what must I do?" groaned Ontitarho, burying his
face in his hands. " Bid the good priest to flee flee toward the
rising sun," answered Weepanee.
" Flee?" ejaculated the sachem, looking up. " Oh ! he would
not budge an inch: he knows not fear. What a glorious Huron
brave he would make, could he only change his skin and learn
to hate the Iroquois ! Why, Father Daniel would rather be
eaten by the wolves than to flee."
" Well, if he tarries here his life may soon be in great dan-
ger," continued Weepanee. "If the Iroquois attack us as 1
expect they will before the first snowflake drops think you that
he will escape from the massacre which will follow ? " " But
may we not beat off the attack ? " said Ontitarho. " Has your
heart become so wedded to the Iroquois that you believe they
are certain to be victorious ? O my child ! shame, shame on
you ! " " But they are coming in tremendous force," pursued
Weepanee earnestly. " And I implore you to make Father
Daniel, whether he will or no, flee toward the rising sun. Es-
cort him yourself into the forest, show him the tsail, forbid him
to return; and as my Atsan will doubtless be at the head of the
Iroquois warriors, he will take the Blackrobe under his pro-
tection."
The chief made no response ; he was in tears, and so was Wee-
panee. They were still weeping when a harsh voice outside
was heard summoning Ontitarho to appear. " Come forth,"
growled Okitori, who was armed with a tomahawk" come
forth and redeem your promise. I will wait no longer ; my pa-
tience is exhausted." In another moment Ontitarho was facing
him. " Are you ready ? " asked the wizard. " I am," answered
the sachem. " I acknowledge that the Blackrobe is deserving
of death ; he is a secret friend of our deadliest foes. Where is
he?" "In the mission-house, teaching Huron children to love
1883.] THE WIZARD OF SAINTE MARIE. 49
the Iroquois," said Okitori, with a grim smile. " Then lend me
your hatchet," said Ontitarho. Weepanee, who had heard what
was said, was about to utter a shrill cry, which would undoubt-
edly have proved her death-knell, when, with a heavy thud,
down dropped Okitori half-way across the threshold, and spat-
tered over the floor were his brains. " Well done, father ! " she
exclaimed, springing forward and bending with savage delight
over the quivering corpse of the wizard.
" Well done ! " echoed Ontitarho, spitting upon it. " But
now I must haste away and lead Father Daniel into the forest,
whether he will or no. For great will be the uproar when
Okitori's friends discover what has happened. They will thirst
for his scalp perhaps, too, for mine."
Scarcely had the chief spoken when yells and screams were
heard without the palisade, and in a few minutes in through the
gateway pell-mell rushed hundreds of terrified men and women,
crying out : " The Iroquois are here ! The Iroquois are here! "
In the great confusion which followed this startling alarm
nobody heeded Okitori's mangled remains. Warriors, snatching
their bows and tomahawks, hastened to meet the advancing
enemy ; trembling mothers clasped their pappooses to their
breasts. Weepanee clung to her father. But Ontitarho broke
loose from her, and, flourishing aloft the wizard's gory hatchet,
took his place among the foremost defenders. Meanwhile, sur-
rounded by a crowd of old folk and those too young to fight,
was Father Daniel. He was giving them his last blessing, after
which to the post of danger he bent his steps ; and soon there
was plenty for him to do.
Many a dying Huron received absolution, and among these,
with tears of repentance, crawled the valiant Ontitarho; an ar-
row had pierced his breast, and as his life-blood ebbed away he
murmured the name of Weepanee. " Baptize her, my father,"
he said " baptize her. For I wish to meet her in heaven ;
every Huron of Ste. Marie must perish to-day. Oh ! seek Wee-
panee and baptize her."
What the sachem predicted seemed too likely to come true.
Desperately as the Hurons were defending the town, the as-
sault of the Iroquois was like unto a whirlwind of demons; in
full strength they had come, and once inside the palisade there
was no resisting them. Their tomahawks spared neither man,
woman, nor child, with the exception of Father Daniel antf
about twenty others ; for this day's victory would not end to
the taste of the victors without a bonfire of prisoners.
VOL. xxxvin. 4
50 THE WIZARD OF SAINTE MARIE. [Oct.,
41 I claim these as my captives," spoke Atsan, grasping Wee-
panee and the priest by the arm.
Hut Father Daniel, who espied hard by a dying Huron, was
resolved at all hazards to shrive him and give him absolution.
But hardly had he escaped from Atsan's protecting hold when
he was pounced upon by a number of yelling savages.
" Let us begin the bonfire with the pale-face," cried these. In
a brief space the missionary was bound to a stake. " Why does
not your pale-face God save you now? Is your God a squaw ? "
cried a mocking voice. "Are you hungry?" shouted another
Iroquois. " If you are, here is something to eat." And so say-
in ar, in derision he threw the victim an ear of corn to whose
o "
husks were providentially clinging a few raindrops.
By a superhuman effort Father Daniel freed his hands, and,
catching the ear of corn, he bent over Weepanee, who, despite
her lover, had flung herself at his feet ; and now, even while the
torch was being applied to the pine fagots scattered around him,
he administered to the brave girl baptism. Yet indeed Wee-
panee had run very great risk in order to receive the sacrament.
Already the sparks were singeing her robe; nor was it easy for
Atsan to save her.
" Now is our only chance," spoke the latter presently in a
hurried whisper, and pulling her away from the circle of howl-
ing Iroquois, who were dancing about the writhing form of
Father Daniel, dimly visible through the smoke and flames.
" Come, come quick," he said. And with this Atsan snatched
her in his arms and with the fleetness of a deer made off toward
the forest.
This night, at the stillest hour, when the Iroquois had fallen
asleep after the fatigues of the battle and the excitement of tor-
turing to death the Huron prisoners, Atsan stole back to the site
of Ste. Marie, and, threading his way amid the smouldering re-
mains of the houses, he sought the spot where Father Daniel
had breathed his last. Peering above the ground was the
charred stump of the post to which he had been tied, and, as
Weepanee had requested, he stooped and gathered as much of
the hallowed ashes as he was able to carry away in both hands.
Then, just as the dawn began to break in the east, he and Wee-
panee the latter with many a tear plunged deeper into the
forest. On and on they journeyed, until, after travelling half a
moon and enduring much hardship, they came once more in view
of the water. It was a charming spot, just where Lake Superior
falls into Lake Huron. " And in these bright rapids and long,
1883.] INFALLIBILITY AND PRIVATE JUDGMENT. 51
sweeping eddres fish must abound," spoke Atsan. " Yes, let us
pause here," said Weepanee. " And we will name our new
home after the dear one where I was born and which Father
Daniel loved so well."
" For your sake I, too, love the name of Ste. Marie," answered
Atsan, touching his lips to hers. "Therefore let us call it Ste.
Marie."
" And with drops from this pure, sparkling current let me
baptize you," said Weepanee. " Then we shall both be Chris-
tians."
Many years afterward, when the first white explorers came
here, a big cross was found planted at the edge of the water, and
crosses, too, were faintly visible cut in the bark of some of the
trees. They likewise found a few Indians settled near the rapids
a happy, innocent band, who still retained such traces of the
Catholic faith as Atsan and Weepanee had bequeathed to them.
These red men have now disappeared, but this beautiful spot is
known to-day as the Sault de Sainte Marie.
INFALLIBILITY AND PRIVATE JUDGMENT.
I.
" WE ourselves have, equally with those in the Roman Church, infallible
truth, as resting on infallible authority. We do not need the agency of an
infallible church to assure us of the truth of what has been ruled infal-
libly. Nor, in fact, have Roman Catholics any more infallible authority
for what they hold than we, seeing that it was ruled by the church in past
ages, to whom, so far, the present church submits." *
So wrote Dr. Pusey eighteen years ago in that far-famed
work which in its time made, perhaps, a greater stir among re-
ligious circles in the Established Church of England than any
other publication during the latter half of this century, not ex-
cepting the Essays and Reviews and Bishop Colenso's book on
the Pentateuch ; a work perhaps the most singular of any pro-
ceeding from the pen of an author, himself remarkable for his
strange and persistent inaccuracies, his curious method of treat-
ing the Fathers, and the still more incomprehensible way in
which, when dealing with other authors, he let us hope not de-
* Eirenicon, part i. p. 96.
52 INFALLIBILITY AND PRIVATE JUDGMENT. [Oct.,
libcratcly puts forward the objections which those writers had
set down for refutation as their own personal views : a system
of polemics which caused even so staid a journal as \.\\s Athenceum
to exclaim : " It will be necessary for careful readers to compare
the citations with the originals, and to look narrowly at the in-
ferences derived from them. Since Father Harper exposed the
manner in which Dr. Pusey treats the Fathers and others it is
necessary to be cautious in the matter, for that learned Jesuit
has shown that the Oxford professor's accuracy cannot be relied
on." * But my intention here is not to criticise either the Ei-
renicon or its author ; that has already been done with fearfully
damaging effect by the learned religious above referred to. I
have merely introduced the foregoing extract from Dr. Pusey's
work because it appears to me to be as clear an exponent of the
advanced Anglican idea of an infallible authority, its strength
and its weakness, as one can well rind. Not very clear, I admit,
and hopelessly illogical ; but what would you have? When men
turn their backs upon God's everlasting truth they must take
refuge in sophisms. However, de mortuis nil nisi bomun ; the au-
thor has himself now passed out of the jurisdiction of our weak
censure. May that Immaculate Mother whom his dear friend
Cardinal Newman declared that he "loved well" have inter-
vened even at the eleventh hour; and when the lips were motion-
less and the eye glazed, and while the sweats of death were al-
ready creeping over that frame from which the life was fast
ebbing out, may his heavenly Father have once more opened the
eyes of his soul to the light of Catholic truth and have given
him the grace of conversion ! R.I. P.
Leaving, therefore, the memory of one whom once, long ago,
I revered as a saint, I purpose, taking the above passage as my
text, to examine the question whether Anglicans really possess
any infallible authority at all in a word, whether, in spite of their
boasted superiority over other Protestant sects whose rule of
faith is the Bible, and the Bible only, and the supposed security of
their situation on account of their appeal to the judgment of the
universal church, they have in reality, when their position comes
to be carefully investigated and their principles analyzed, any
better grounds of certainty for the doctrines they profess than
the Biblicists whom they condemn, or are possessed of any ul-
timate arbiter in matters of faith beyond their own private
judgment. I think it will be seen that, beneath the light of strict
investigation, Dr. Pusey's claim, on the part of his communion,
* Atkenatim, October 7, 18/6.
1883.] INFALLIBILITY AND PRIVATE JUDGMENT. 53
of " infallible truth, resting on infallible authority" vanishes into
thin air.
I have emphasized the words resting on infallible authority,
because it is not for a moment denied that Anglicans can attain
to, and are in the possession of, some infallible truths, which they
are able to know with certainty as such ; but then we are bound
to admit this much not only of every Protestant as well, but
even of every human soul which God has created. Take, for in-
stance, the doctrine of the existence of God himself. This is one
of those immutable and inevitable truths which can be known
even by the light of nature, apart from revelation a truth which,
although it is not, strictly speaking, intuitional in the mind of
man, can yet in a secondary sense be said to be innate on account
of the natural facility with which it can be comprehended, and
whose proofs can be worked out and demonstrated with logical
completeness (as, indeed, the)'" were by Aristotle, and by St.
Thomas of Aquin following in his steps) by the simple workings
of human reason, and that with a force and unanswerable lucidity
which ftone have even attempted to impeach. Then, again, the
Christian, of whatever denomination, if through baptism, validly
administered, he has received the gift of faith, may apprehend
with absolute certainty that is, he may know infallibly many
truths forming part of divine revelation. Among such I may
mention the doctrine of our Lord's divine mission, the eternity
of heaven, the existence of angels, the authority of the apostles
to preach the Gospel, the mercy of God in forgiving sins to
the truly penitent these and many others can certainly be ap-
prehended by any one of ordinary intelligence, and known infal-
libly by the baptized Christian. In this sense, then viz., that
Anglicans, with all Protestants, are able to know some religious
truths with certainty Dr. Pusey and we are at one. But I do
not imagine that this was at all the construction which he in-
tended should be put upon his words ; indeed, he himself ex-
pressly excludes all such limitation to those truths which can
be known with certainty by the light of nature or deduced by
natural reason from the pages of God's written word; he refers
to truths of a more obscure kind, matters not at once palpable
to the ordinary light of reason, questions to which there are two
sides and which require an infallible authority to explain them.
It ought to be scarcely necessary to remark here that " infal-
libility " and " the knowing a thing infallibly " are net the same.
Still, as Anglican writers appear frequently to confuse the two, it
may be advantageous to introduce a few words of explanation.
54 INFALLIBILITY AND PRIVATE JUDGMENT. [Oct.,
To know a thing infallibly signifies nothing more or less than
to know it with absolute certainty such certainty, for instance, as
we have of our own existence and of the reality of the visible
world around us. Or we may possess certainty as to matters
not under our personal observation, by reason of the entire and
implicit confidence we have in the credibility pf the person who
supplies us with the information. In the former case we have
metaphysical and physical certainty respectively ; in the latter
case, moral.
But this certainty, absolute and immutable as it is under the
proper conditions, by no means precludes the abstract possibility
of our making mistakes. I am perfectly certain that I hold this
pen in my hand and that I am writing at the present moment. I
do not admit the possibility of my being mistaken upon this
point as long as I possess mens sana in corpore sano. I therefore
know this fact infallibly, but I am not on that account infallible.
Infallibility is an attribute which, if it be abiding and per-
petual in its subjects, precludes the possibility of their ever mak-
ing mistakes. Of course we can conceive of such a thing* as tem-
porary or partial infallibility that is to say, an infallibility which
has for its object certain special matters, or which exists under
certain conditions and for certain periods of time. But whether
it be absolute and permanent, or temporary and partial, it is
manifest that it can only exist in an intelligence other than that
of divine omniscience by special divine assistance and divine
guidance.
The infallibility with which Christ our Lord endowed his
church and its visible head, though permanent throughout this
dispensation, " even to the consummation of the world," is never-
theless only partial. It has for its object matters only relating to
faith and morals, including the adjudication of what are called
dogmatic facts that is to say, matters of fact which are intimately
bound up with dogma.* The Holy Father would riot be infal-
lible with regard to a problem in mathematics, nor as to mere
historical facts unconnected with divine revelation. On the
other hand, it is of faith that the Catholic Roman Church and its
visible head are infallible in defining dogmas binding upon the
consciences of the faithful, and, by consequence, in their interpre-
tation of the words of Holy Scripture, and the writings of the
Fathers as witnesses to the tradition of the church.
* As, for instance, the question, decided ex cathedrd by Pope Clement XI. in his constitution
Vineam Domini, as to whether certain propositions attributed to Cornells Jansen were really
contained in his book, the Augustinus.
1883.] INFALLIBILITY AND PRIVATE JUDGMENT. 55
Now, it would appear that Dr. Pusey, in the above passage
from the Eirenicon, claims for his church a share in this infalli-
bility, at all events as regards past ages. Let us examine more
at detail in what the infallibility of Christ's church, according to
his ordinance, consists ; \ve shall then be in a position to determine
whether or no the Anglican communion has any share or lot in
this matter.
In a document familiar, of course, to all the readers of THE
CATHOLIC WORLD, and even to many Episcopalians namely, the
Creed of Pope Pius IV. the following passage occurs : " I ac-
knowledge that the Holy, Catholic, Apostolic, and Roman Church
is the mother and mistress of all churches, and whatsoever here-
sies have been condemned, rejected, and anathematized by the
church I equally condemn, reject, and anathematize."
In a previous number of this magazine I pointed out that
this supreme office of judging in faith and morals must, from the
very constitution of the church, have existed somewhere from the
beginning ; and I endeavored to show that, according to the
teaching of St. Irenasus, which, from the prominent position
which that Father held, may be regarded as being the general
belief of the Christians of his time, this inagisterium, if I may use
a theological expression, had its seat in the Roman pontiff and
the bishops who were in communion with him. These constitute
the Ecclfsia Docens, which expression, I need scarcely say, does
not include the laity, but only the clerical order, and especially
the bishops, who alone are the judges of doctrine co-judges, that
is, with the pope. The clergy of the second order merely teach,
each in his respective diocese, as representatives of the bishop
and in subordination to him.
The infallibility of the Catholic Church may be classed under
two heads viz., her infallibility in teaching and her infallibility
in believing. The former of these is infallibility properly so
called, and constitutes the active infallibility of the church ; while
the latter, constituting the passive infallibility of the Ecclcsia Dis-
cens, is more correctly that inerrancy and indefectibility which
the church possesses as a whole an inerrancy which is most in-
timately connected with, and, indeed, may be said to depend upon,
the infallibility of the Ecclesia Docens. We shall see in the course
of our investigation that this passive infallibility is all that An
glicans of Dr. Pusey 's school claim for the church, and conse-
quently their theory leaves them practically without any infal-
lible church at all. The office of the Ecclesia Docens is a threefold
one: to wit, that of witness (testis), judge (iudex\ and teacher
56 INFALLIBILITY AND PRIVATE JUDGMENT. [Oct.,
(ningistra). She executes the office of witness whenever a dogma
is defined as of faith, which simply amounts to the declaration
that such doctrine formed part of the original deposit urn of reve-
lation delivered by our Lord to his apostles; we see her perform-
ing the office of judge whenever she interposes her voice to de-
termine conflicting controversies, whether regarding matters ot
faith or questions of the moral law; of magistra* \n her daily
ministry of preaching. The duties of this threefold office are
exercised with more or less frequency : that of magistra is perpe-
tual and non-intermittent ; that oijudex is quite frequently called
into operation ; while that of testis is more rare, being called into
exercise only as occasion requires. But without the two former
the ordinary magistcrium of the church could not be carried on
at all. For the infallibility of the church's magisterium is most
intimately bound up with her oneness ; indeed, the mere idea that
inerrancy could exist in a body disunited as to its formal belief
is an absurdity. But, except by unduly constraining the free-will
of man or by rendering every individual infallible, there is no
conceivable means by which a world-wide society of human
beings can be maintained, and maintain themselves, in perfect
unity of belief, except by the voluntary union of all the members
with a common head. And this applies to the Ecchsia Docens
no less than to the church at large. The unity of the episcopate
consists in union with the "throne of Peter, the chief church,
whence priestly unity takes its source." f Upon consideration it
will be seen that this arrangement is a sine qud hon, for unity and
infallibility are necessary co-ordinates.
Before proceeding to apply this doctrine of the infallibility
of the church to the position of Anglicans it may be well to for-
tify our argument with two brief pictures, drawn from early
ecclesiastical history, as illustrative of the working of the above
theory. It is manifest that upon any hypothesis in which the
Petrine centre of unity is omitted the church can only be re-
garded as an infallible teacher so long as all the bishops hang
together in one body. Judging from the experience of the past
and by our knowledge of human nature, this will not be for long ;
and when a schism has been effected to which partv are we to
look for the truth, as both claim to be in possession of the genu-
ine tradition ? Is ever)' one to judge for himself which ol the
conflicting parties is right and which wrong? Then the very
*The expression magistra implies much more than this far more, indeed, than can be ren-
dered into any single word in English. I shall return to this subject later on.
t Ante-Nicene Library : The Writings of Cypriui, vol. i. ep. liv. p. 173.
1883.] INFALLIBILITY AND PRIVATE JUDGMENT. 57
idea of an infallible church has disappeared. Or is it to be sup-
posed that the truth goes with the majority? A dangerous
doctrine indeed ; for have we not read somewhere that the world
"woke up one morning and found itself Arian"? But even
supposing that such a theory were admissible, it yet remains
impracticable. For it is at least conceivable that the bishops
might be equally divided in point of numbers, or be split into a
number of small sects neither of which could claim any distinct
majority. Something very much like this has actually happened
among the oriental non-Catholic Christians, although, of course,
the adhesion of Russia has accidentally given a large preponde-
rance to the " Orthodox " Church. In this' case there would be
absolutely no means of determining which communion had re-
tained the tradition of the apostles in its integrity, except by the
exercise of every man's individual private judgment. But then
what becomes of the infallibility of the church?
The two cases in point to which I would call the attention of
my readers are those of the Novatians and the Donatists. Both
of these schisms furnish us with very remarkable parallels, not
with what the Anglican Church is in reality, but with what its
devotees claim for it to be. And the lesson that we learn from
the history of these two sects is this : that taking Anglicanism
in its fairest form, admitting the validity of its hopelessly dis-
credited orders; conceding to it an orthodoxy in matters relating
to the sacraments which, as a matter of fact, it does not possess ;
clothing it with that internal unity which never was and never
can be one of its attributes, and so far giving free play to our
imagination as to suppose that every Anglican clergyman is a
Machonachie and every Anglican church a St. Alban's ; in fact,
allowing ourselves to be lulled into that sensuous and delightful
dream in which the nineteenth-century Ritualist passes his days
and nights I say that if the Church of England were all this,
were she everything that her Puseys and her Littledales claim
that she is, she would still be nothing but a miserable band of
schismatics, a limb cut off, a dead branch, a ship without rudder
or steersman. I am so profoundly convinced that it is the non-
apprehension of this fact which retains many a conscientious
Anglican in his present position that it is my earnest wish, know-
ing the wide circulation of THE CATHOLIC WORLD, to make some
endeavors through means of its pages to open their eyes to the
reality of their situation.
Two widespread schisms troubled the early church, Nova-
tianism and Donatism ; the former of these, arising from a dis-
58 INFALLIBILITY AND PRIVATE JUDGMENT. [Oct.,
puted papal election, lasted for three centuries and had its rami-
fications throughout the whole Roman Empire, East and West.
The peculiar error of this sect was a denial of the possibility
of absolution being given to those who after baptism had com-
mitted the mortal sin of apostasy. The schism of the Donatists,
on the other hand, was chiefly, although not altogether, confined
to Africa. It had its origin in the refusal of certain bishops,
chief of whom was Donatus of Carthage, to receive back into
Catholic communion those who, though subsequently peni-
tent, had during persecution surrendered the Holy Scrip-
tures to the heathen, on which account they received the name
traditores.
Now, in the case of both of these schisms the most remarkable
point for our present consideration is the fact that although
their position was considered so hopelessly untenable and dan-
gerous in itself that the great saints Cyprian and Augustine re-
spectively felt it their bounden duty to spare no pains both to
denounce their errors and to endeavor to reclaim them ; although
both in their own time and ever since they have been universally
regarded as schismatics cut off from Catholic communion, never-
theless the simple fact remains that, from the high Anglican point
of view, their position was immeasurably superior to that which
the Established Church of England has at any time enjoyed,
both as regards their acknowledged doctrinal orthodoxy, the
undisputed validity of their orders and, as a consequence, the
reality of their sacraments, and, last but not least in the eyes of a
Ritualist, the close similarity of their ceremonial with that of the
Catholic Church and their freedom from state control. It must
be remembered once for all and we cannot too strongly, in our
controversy with Anglicans, insist upon this point that neither
the Novatians of the third nor the Donatists of the fourth and
fifth centuries were heretics in the strict sense of the word.*
They denied no article of ths Creed nor any dogma which had
been formally defined as of faith. Their respective errors were
in their inception purely disciplinary, whatever erroneous opin-
ions may logically be deduced from them ; the great flaw in their
position being, as we shall presently see, in the eyes of St. Cy-
prian and St. Augustine, that by disuniting themselves from the
see of Peter they had cut themselves off from Catholic unity and
from the promises and privileges attached thereto. Space will
not permit me to enter into a detailed account of either of these
Although, of course, there is a sense, as St. Augustine tells us, in which every schismatic
\% a heretic.
1883.] INFALLIBILITY AND PRIVATE JUDGMENT. 59
schisms, the outlines of which, at all events, are generally known.
I simply desire, in this connection, to call attention to the fol-
lowing facts. I have already pointed out that could that ideal
church which Anglicans of the Ritualistic school pass their time
in dreaming about be really reduced to an accomplished fact in
the case of their own church a consummation which, judging
from the past history of Protestant Episcopalianism and our
knowledge of the English character, is, even with the assistance
of the " Order of Corporate Reunion," simply inconceivable
their claim to be recognized by the rest of Christendom as a
" branch " of the Catholic Church would be just as hopeless as
ever ; they would even then, although having attained to every
advantage which, in accordance with their theory, heart could
desire, be in no better a situation than those ancient schismatics of
whom we are speaking, whom the voice of the whole church
condemned as being outside of Catholic unity, and whom these
very Anglicans themselves would never dream of regarding as
Catholics.
For instance, the plea that every bishop is independent in his
own diocese, and every metropolitan in his own province, by
which it is maintained that the provinces of Canterbury and
York were acting wholly within their rights in casting off the
usurped authority of the Roman See in the reign of Queen
Elizabeth * this plea is entirely demolished by the history of the
Novatians. Take as an example the well-known case of Mar-
cianus. This prelate was bishop of the metropolitan see ot
Aries. He had made open cause with the Novatians, on which
account St. Cyprian, Bishop of Carthage and primate of the
church in Africa, wrote an epistle to the then reigning pontiff,
St. Stephen, calling upon him to send apostolic letters deposing
Marcianus from his bishopric. " Wherefore it behooves you," he
says, " to write a very copious letter to our fellow-bishops ap-
pointed in Gaul, not to suffer any longer that Marcianus should
insult our assembly. Let letters be directed by you [a te] into the
province, and to the people of Aries, by which [guibus i.e., the pope's
letters] Marcianus being deposed, another may be substituted in
his place." f Now, surely we have here a very peculiar commen-
tary upon the Anglican theory of, church government. It is
quite a favorite device with the more advanced members of that
* Which, by the way, they never did, for the -see of Canterbury was vacant, and the arch-
bishop of York, with all his episcopal brethren, save one, of both provinces, was violently de-
posed for refusing to do this very thing.
t Ante-Nicene Library : Tlie Writings of Cyprian > vol. i. ep. Ixvi. p. 232.
60 INFALLIBILITY AND PRIVATE JUDGMENT. [Oct.,
communion to bring forward St. Cyprian as a model bishop, who
believed that the diocese was the "ecclesiastical unit " and that
every bishop was entirely independent in his own see. They
quote St. Cyprian's speech to his fellow-bishops at the Council of
Carthage, to which I need not further refer, as the readers of
THE CATHOLIC WORLD will remember an admirable explanation
of the holy bishop's conduct on that occasion in the issue for
June, 1882. It is upon this ground, and this only, that those
among them who have not discarded the idea of a visible church
altogether uphold the right of the English metropolitans \vith
their suffragans to repudiate the jurisdiction of the Roman pon-
tiff. Now, what I would wish to inquire is this: If the pope
possessed in the third century the power which St. Cvprian at-
tributes to him of deposing from his see a metropolitan bishop bv his
mere letters-apostolic, although that bishop was perfectly ortho-
dox in creed, the undoubted possessor of valid orders and valid
sacraments, and in canonical possession of his see, simply for
uniting himself to a body which repudiated the authority of the
pope, upon what possible grounds can Anglicans establish them-
selves, whose orders and sacraments have ever been unrecognized
throughout the whole of Christendom, who do not even pretend
to hold the same doctrines regarding the sacraments either as
the Roman Church or as the Greek schismatics, and who have
synodically recognized the Presbyterian Church of Scotland, a
body absolutely without orders and sacraments, and steeped in
the most abominable Tieresies of Calvinism, as a " branch " of
the Catholic Church upon what possible grounds, 1 ask, can
such a society claim an advantage over the Novatians, who
were saddled with none of these drawbacks, and who, with
the exception of a point of discipline, and in their separation
from the see of Peter, differed in nothing from Catholics them-
selves ?
I am aware that a reply is ready in the shape of a reminder
that Novatianism was a schism in Rome itself the intrusion of
one bishop into the diocese of another, and not a mere declara-
tion on the part of the bishop of Aries of independence from the
Bishop of Rome, which, according to Anglican ideas, would have
been entirely justifiable. But even here the parallel between the
two sects is closer than many may imagine. There is an amus-
ing passage in the letters of the late Father Faber where he
tells us of the arrival at Rome, during one of his visits there, of
an Anglican prelate rejoicing in the title of bishop of Gibraltar.
The jurisdiction, however, of this awful potentate (who omi-
1883.] INFALLIBILITY AND PRIVATE JUDGMENT. 61
nously enough bore, I believe, the patronymic of Harris) * was by
no means confined to that impregnable rock ; indeed, it extended
almost all round the shores of the Mediterranean Sea, includ-
ing the patriarchates of Rome, Alexandria, and Constantinople,
modestly leaving the two remaining patriarchal jurisdictions to
the " bishop of the Church of England in Jerusalem," now hap-
pily defunct.f On the arrival of this prelate in Rome the High-
Church and Low-Church parties (as usual) got to loggerheads as
to whether a cross should be carried before him on his entrance
into the Anglican chapel to administer the rite of confirmation,
and the dispute grew so loud that it reached the ears of the
Sovereign Pontiff, Gregory XVI., himself. Some of the cardi-
nals, scandalized that a handful of heretics should disturb the
serenity of the Holy City, urged the pope that he should take
some measures to call Mr. Harris, or whatever his name was, to
a sense of his own insignificance. But they failed in making the
good old man angry ; in fact, he was hugely amused, and is said
to have observed with a chuckle, " 1 was not previously aware
that Rome was in the diocese of Gibraltar" !
But the point in connection with all this to which I desire to
call attention is as follows : If it was lawful for Dr. Harris to
claim and exercise episcopal jurisdiction in Rome itself, and for
the archbishop of Canterbury to hold communion with him and
not with the pope, without (from the Anglican point of view, of
course) incurring the guilt of schism, why was it not equally
open to Marcianus to unite himself to the communion of Nova-
tian and to repudiate that of Pope Stephen ? The only differ-
ence that I am able to detect is this : that while Novatian only
claimed ordinary jurisdiction in the Roman diocese, the authority
granted by her majesty to Mr. Harris extended over three patri-
archates including hundreds of dioceses. In point of fact, Nova-
tian was the more modest of the two !
I have left myself but little space for touching upon the sub-
ject of the Donatist schism, but inasmuch as this is in some
respects the more remarkable of the two, since a closer parallel
can be drawn between it and the facts no less than the ideal of
Anglicanism, I must not altogether pass it by.
Whatever may have been the opinions of the later and more
fanatical Donatists, it cannot be denied that their schism had in
*On consideration I think that this was another and later bishop of Gibraltar. But there
was a Bishop Harris.
I 1 refer, of course, to the bishopric, not to the estimable gentleman who lately filled it, of
whom I know nothing.
I
62 INFALLIBILITY AND PRIVA TE JUDGMENT. [Oct.,
its inception taken up a position precisely similar to that claimed
by Anglicans who sit restively under the Royal Supremacy.
The corruptions of Rome, say the latter, are our justification ;
and inasmuch as the aberrations of that church from the strait
path were such as to imperil our own salvation, if, indeed, they
did not constitute her, as our own theologians for full a hun-
dred and fifty years strenuously maintained, the Babylon of the
Apocalypse, it was our duty so far to renounce communion with
her as to repudiate her supreme jurisdiction and set out on an
independent course of our own. Corruption, too, in the case of
the Donatists, was their plea for breaking away from the unity
of the church ; and although the precise grounds of schism were
not in both cases the same, nevertheless the principle was iden-
tical, and many of the facts on either side alike to an extraordi-
nary degree. The Reformed religion in England, as manifested
in the Established Church, in reality dates from the accession of
Queen Elizabeth. The Church of England bears upon its brow
the impress of her character, as, indeed, it was the creation of her
mind. Its vagueness as to doctrine, its clumsy attempts at com-
promise, its empty ritualism, its aristocratic ido?, its thorough
and essential erastianism, all bear witness to the influence of her
moulding hand ; and such as she made it it has, in spite of ex-
ternal changes, ever remained. The same sort of influence, that
of a powerful and unprincipled woman, had its share in the for-
mation of the Donatist schism. Lucilla, a wealthy woman, whose
spirit of self-will had been offended by her having been rebuked
by the bishop of Carthage for the superstitious veneration of
certain unauthenticated relics, threw herself heart and soul into
the movement, encouraging the schismatical clergy with money
and protection. Nor does the parallel between the African
schism and the English defection end here. Just as the prime
motive power which prompted the nobles of England to second
Henry VIII. in his designs was the greed of plunder, so, although
on a much smaller scale, were the schismatical clergy in Car-
thage influenced by the desire to keep in their possession certain
treasures which had been placed in their hands for safe-keeping
in times of persecution. But these points of similarity were, of
course, merely accidental ; let us pass on to those which can be
brought nearer home.
It is the common theory of High-Church Anglicans that the
possession of valid orders and sacraments, together with the sin-
cere profession of the Constantinopolitan Creed, is all that is
necessary in order to establish a claim to the name of Catholic.
1883.] INFALLIBILITY AND PRIVATE JUDGMENT. 63
They assert that, being in possession of these advantages, it is not
their fault if they are not in visible communion with the rest of
Christendom, but that the blame lies with the Holy See, which,
having usurped to itself an authority unknown to the early
church, is in itself the efficient cause of the schism, and actually
going so far as to call it, with a recent French writer,* " the
schismatical papacy." Now, the words which St. Augustine
addresses to the Donatists are equally forcible with regard to the
position taken up by Anglicans of the Puseyite school. The
holy doctor tells them, in the plainest and most emphatic terms,
that neither orders, nor sacraments, nor the profession of an
orthodox creed, nor all three together, suffice to make them Catho-
lics, if they are outside the visible unity of the church ; and he en-
tirely destroys the quibble about " corruptions " as a justification
for separation by the simple argument that if corruption had so
far destroyed the Catholic Church that it became a duty to
separate from it, then Donatus had no source from whence to get
his orders and his sacraments ; but if it had not been so destroyed,
then to separate from it was the sin of schism. He admits, it will
be observed, all that they -claim on their own behalf. " You
are with us," says he, " in baptism, in the Creed, in the other
sacraments of the Lord ; but in the spirit of unity, in the
bond of peace, in fine, in the Catholic Church itself, you are not
with us." f
But even here the difficulty was not ended. The Donatists
were an exceedingly numerous sect, numbering their bishoprics
in Africa alone by hundreds. They claimed to be the Catholic
Church of the country, precisely as do high Anglicans, and even
asserted that they were in some kind of communion with the rest
of the church. Here Was a clear local case of that division of
which I have spoken in an earlier portion of this article two con-
flicting bodies both claiming to be the true and only representa-
tive of Christ's church within their borders. By what test is it
to be decided whether of the two claims is valid ? Whatever
hazy " views " Anglicans may have upon this subject, the Fathers
of that day never doubted that the true and only criterion of/
Catholic communion was visible union with the see of Rome. St.
Optatus of Milevis, the great champion of Catholicity against
Donatism, is most clear and distinct upon this point. It is in
union with the Apostolic See that the fulness of Catholic privi-
lege consists. " Therefore," he says, " of the above-named gifts,
the chair is, as we have said, first, which we have proved to be
* The apostate priest Guettee. t Ep. xciii. vel xlviii. Ad Vincent. Rogat.
64 CHANTELLE. [Oct.,
ours through Peter.""'* And later on in the same treatise he repeats
this expression, " through the chair of Peter, which is ours, through
it {per ipsani\ the remaining advantages are with us." f Nor is St.
Augustine himself behindhand in asserting this principle. In a
hymn which he addressed to the schismatics occur the well-
known words :
" Come, brethren, if you wish to be inserted in the vine ;
It is a grief when we see you lie thus cut off.
Number the priests/row the chair of Peter itself,
And in that line of Fathers see who has succeeded to whom.
That is the rock which the proud gates of hell do not conquer."
From all this it is plainly manifest that in the opinion of these
holy Fathers, the spokesmen of the Catholic Church in their time,
the Anglican Church could not, even did it possess the utmost
advantages which its votaries claim for it, command a better
position than the Donatists of old. In our next article we shall
see the bearing of all this upon the subject of infallibility and
private judgment.
CHANTELLE.
" Salut a toi, beau pays de Chantelle !
Cloitre, chateau, donjon, vieille tourelle !
J'ainie tes rocs et ta Double limpide,
Et tes moulins qui blanchissent ses eaux ;
Et ce sentier tortueux et rapide
Tout ombrage de noyers et d'ormeaux."
THE traveller in the northern part of Auvergne comes across
a limpid, sparkling stream called the Double, whose windings it
is pleasant to follow in the sweet spring-time, as when we first
set foot on its banks. It has its source in the little fountain of
St Eloi, near Montaigut-en-Combrailles, among the shady hills of
Echassieres. Beside this bubbling spring stands, on a pedestal
of granite, a colossal statue of St. Eloi, the patron of smiths and
all workers in metals, extending his hand as if in benediction
over the water at his feet. The stream issuing from this foun-
O
tain goes winding off between two lines of high cliffs difficult to
cross, and worn into deeply-indented masses that often look like
the battlements and towers of some feudal hold. One of these
* Contra Donatis.'as, cap. vi. f Ibidem, cap. ix.
1883.] CHANTELLE. 65
is the Roc de la Busc, with bold peaks, which has the aspect
of a citadel, with bastions and outworks over which have been
trained espaliers, grapevines, honeysuckles, and other climbing
plants, with a beautiful garden in the midst. But in the wilder
parts of the valley flocks of sheep and asses browse along the
steep, dangerous sides of the cliffs, which are shaded, at least on
the northern side, by fine walnut-trees. The valley, thus shel-
tered, is so warm that vegetation is earlier here than in the sur-
rounding country. And in the spring, when the vines begin to
put forth and everything is fresh, it is a genuine rendezvous
for nightingales, larks, blackbirds, linnets, goldfinches, wrens, and
other birds. And there are blue-winged dragon-flies, that love
the flowers, and the bergeronette that follows the herd, lighting
on their horns and feet. The murmur of the countless insects,
the singing of the birds, the plaintive cries of the animals, the
rippling of the swift current, the freshness of the verdure, the
utter seclusion, make this narrow valley a delightful retreat.
And the stream contains a great variety of fish to attract the
sportsman. The cliffs, too, are full of recesses and caves, as if to
tempt the lover of solitude and the contemplative life. And, in
fact, as late as the middle of last century many pious hermits
dwelt in these caves along the banks and on the summit of the
rockers. Among these was Jean d'Artoul, who belonged to one
of the most distinguished families of this region. He lived in
his peaceful hermitage of St. Jean to the advanced age of ninety,
and, when no longer able to go in quest of alms, accepted aid
from his own family, who seem to have been so generous that
robbers were tempted to his cave ; for we read of the archbishop
that, after summoning them for three weeks in succession to
appear and confess their guilt, he proceeded to excommunicate
them for depriving the aged hermit of his means of subsistence.
In the lower part of the valley, where it widens, are tan-
neries, tileries, grist-mills, and factories of various kinds. In the
space of a single league there are fifteen of these industrial es-
tablishments. One of the mills is called the Moulin-Dieu, because
it formerly belonged to the hospital at Chantelle a beautiful
instance of giving the highest of names to what was consecrated
to the poor, so especially beloved of God. The hospital itself,
founded and endowed in 1240 by Archambaud IX., Sire of Bour-
bon, is styled in the charter, Domni Dei, sen pauperum de Cantella.
In this mill of God were ground the one hundred bushels of
barley and the one hundred and eleven bushels of wheat annu-
ally given to the hospital by the Prince de Conde.
VOL. xxxvnr. 5
66 CHANTELLE. [Oct.,
The Double is a dangerous, capricious river, with all its at-
tractions, for the rains often swell it to an enormous size, giving
it a furious current and causing it to break through its embank-
ments and carry off the mills. And sometimes it dries up to a
mere silvery thread. The water is very pure and possesses re-
markable bleaching powers. As the people say, it is extrenicment
savonneuse. Hence it is a favorite resort of peasant women, who
come here to wash their clothes, which they spread on the odor-
ous bushes and plants to dry. One of their favorite places is be-
yond the blackened ruins of Motte-a- Bourbon, where, on the top
of a peak that rises from the very edge of the torrent, is a rock
worn by the elements into the shape of a statue that looks like a
Madonna, called by the peasants the " Bonne Vierge de la Mere
Madeleine " from the name of the owner of the soil. The washer-
women, before they begin their work, never fail to look up at
this statue and make the sign of the cross.
Following the Bouble as it flows along its bed of granite from
one sparkling cascade to another, we pass Cluzor with its pic-
turesque monastery and several manor-houses, among which is
Deux-Aigues, where Sir John Chandos held imprisoned a short
time the mother of Louis le Bon of Bourbon. Then the stream
rushes past the fortress of Montel, that stands on a height over-
looking the fair valley of Bost, and the tower of Vignere, and
comes breathless and foaming with impetuous haste to the town
of Chantelle, after which it slackens its speed, as if weary, and
descends softly into the plain, passing in its course the chateau
de Chareil, noteworthy for its frescoes and carved chimney-
pieces, and Cintrat, a hermitage of the Premonstrants, built in
the woods, and finally empties into the Sioule near the pretty
town of St. Fountain.
In this varied panorama nothing attracts the eye so strongly
as Chantelle, an old fortified town of ancient Bourbonnais, stand-
ing on a mountain or plateau of granite surrounded by gentle
hills that form a verdant zone. Its lofty position, its embattled
walls, the majestic towers of its formidable castle, and the turrets
of its old priory give it a most picturesque and feudal aspect.
The spot where it stands affords such natural means of defence
that Caesar himself established a castrum here and made it the
centre of several Roman roads, remarkable for their solidity,
leading to Lyons, Clermont, Autun, Limoges, etc. It is only
within a few years the old- milliary stones that marked the legal
distances were removed. Here, as everywhere they set their
foot, the Romans left an ineffaceable impress. Roman blood
1883.] CHANTELLE. 67
mingles in the veins of the people. There are still many Latin
words in use, even among the peasants. The shepherd urges on
his dog with the cry of -velox, and says fore (from foras) instead
of " begone." The housewife calls a chair a selle (sella), and her
water-pitcher a pote, from potare. The very children play at
games called rapio and capio te. The cock, so dear to ancient
Gaul on account of its consecration to Jupiter, is called at Chan-
telle by the name oifan, from the Celtic word for Jove, the wor-
ship of whom the Romans introduced here, as shown by a statue
of him recently found in a spot still known as the Champ du Tem-
ple. And the river Double, that flows beneath its walls, was ori-
ginally called Jouble, from lovis bulla.
Chantelle, however, seems to have been one of the first places
evangelized in the province, and had in the earliest ages its
church, baptistery, and band of neophytes. St. Antoninus, a
disciple of the great St. Austremoine, was its first apostle. The
church here was of so much importance in the fifth century that
St. Sidonius Apollinaris, Bishop of Clermont, came here more
than once, and showed by his writings how much he loved this
region for its primitive piety. His first visit was on his way
from Bourges, where he had been to install the archbishop, Sim-
plicius. While at Chantelle he stopped at the house of Ger-
manicus, a man of standing, quite advanced in years, but with the
true French regard for his personal appearance. The spiritucl
bishop, in a letter to his friend Vectius full of the perfume of an-
cient times, describes his host as a man of excellent health and
still fresh notwithstanding his twelve lustres, lithe of limb, brisk
in his movements, with a firm hand, vigorous lungs, and teeth as
white as milk. And to give himself a more youthful appearance
he wore such garments as would add slenderness to his figure,
well-adjusted buskins, his beard closely trimmed, and his hair
arranged in the shape of a wheel or crown. The bishop seems
to have groaned somewhat over this evidence of vanity and
worldliness, and recommended Germanicus not to attach too
much importance to these exterior advantages, but rather to
clothe himself with all Christian virtues and thus restore the
youthful innocence of his soul. It was not to exercise his wit the
accomplished bishop wrote to Vectius, but to enlist his aid in
drawing Germanicus to more serious things, the former being
their mutual friend and living in the vicinity of Chantelle.
This Vectius was an illustrious personage of the race of
Vectius Epagathus, one of the early martyrs of Lyons, whose
memory is still celebrated in that city. Losing his wife while
68 CHANTELLE. [Oct.
still young 1 , he retired with his only daughter to his estates near
Chantelle, where, surrounded by his vassals, he attended to the
cultivation of his domains and led a life of exalted piety and
patriarchal simplicity not to be found in our day. Here he was
visited by St. Sidonius, who gives an interesting description of
his manner of life. His household was admirably regulated.
He educated his daughter with special care, endeavoring to
make up for the affection of the mother she had lost. He exer-
cised great hospitality towards strangers, and treated his vassals
as a kind administrator rather than master, never speaking to
them in a haughty, threatening tone ; and they in return were
honest, industrious, and devoted to his interests. His sobriety
was remarkable. He never ate meat, even the game he brought
home from the chase. He read daily the sacred books, especially
during his meals, and often chanted the Psalms devoutly. And
he spent much time in serious meditation as he paced the well-
trimmed alleys of his garden or the sombre paths of the forest.
But austere as were his private habits, Vectius did not disregard
the exigencies of social life, and he retained the manners of a
genuine Roman patrician, as he was by descent. His address
was noble and dignified, and his conversation grave and elevated
in tone. His dress, too, was invariably rich and scrupulously
clean, and he had a special regard to his girdle cultus in singulis.
His .favorite exercise was the chase, and he allowed no one to
surpass him in the training of horses, dogs, and falcons.
But to return to Chantelle. The most ancient church here
is under the invocation of St. Vincent the Martyr, and stands on
the banks of the Bouble. Its foundation dates from the earliest
ages. Beside it, in the tenth century, Airald, a nobleman of un-
common piety, consentiente nxore med, as he says with the con-
sent of his wife, Rothilde, Viscountess of Limoges and sovereign
lady of Chantelle founded a monastery, moved thereto by the
thought of the judgments of God, of whom mercy and pardon
were implored against the last great day. The charter was wit-
nessed, among others, by Count Guy of Bourbon and St. Odo,
abbot of Cluny.
The place where this convent was built is exceedingly roman-
tic. It stands on a bold promontory of granite, surrounded on
one side by tall cliffs, and looking off on the other over a land-
scape of commingled beauty and wildness. At its base is the
torrent once sacred to Jove, hastening impetuously away, some-
times to disappear in the dark woods where the Druids once held
their rites, and then coming forth with a deep, solemn murmur
1883.] CHANTELLE. 69
to display its winding-, silvery current. In the distance are the
plains of Bourbonnais, bounded by the mountains of Forez.
The church of St. Vincent was rebuilt a century or two later,
and is still the pride of Chantelle. It is of the Romano-Byzan-
tine style peculiar to Auvergne, and in the form of a Latin cross,
with a lantern at the intersection of the nave and transepts, and
its head turned duly to the east. There were once five belfries
with melodious bells that rang in chime the boast of the whole
country around. These were destroyed by the Huguenots, who
also sadly defaced the church, after their wont. But where in
France do we not come upon the traces of these heavy-footed
sectaries, who went through the fair garden of the church, re-
morselessly trampling down the flowers ? . . . The great bourdon,
a modern bell, now removed to the parish church, is called by
the peasants the Taureau de St. Vincent, and the vine-dressers
do not fear hail, thunder, or lightning when they hear its roar.
The interior of the church is striking. The sides of the broad
nave extend upward and meet in one grand arch like two hands
joined in prayer. The capitals of the pillars are covered with
flowers, birds, and fantastic animals, with man as the centre of
creation. The choir, which is at the east end, inclines to the
right like the head of the expiring Saviour. Five painted win-
dows admit a rich light. Here are the remains of an ancient
zodiac, and ten griffins are depicted as drinking from curious
antique vases, emblematic of the Eucharistic communion. In the
right transept is the altar of the Cinq Plaies, and in the other the
Chapelle des Rois for the special use of princes, with beautiful
flamboyant tracery of the fifteenth century. Here are to be seen
our first mother plucking the fatal apple, and that ennobler of
our fallen nature, the second Eve, with the glorious Assumption
crowning the whole. And on the walls is pictured a long pro-
cession of canons, with the dean at their head, coming to offer
the keys of the church to Our Lady. Everywhere in the church
are the remains of paintings and carvings, not always in the
highest style of art, but always expressive of the mysticism and
piety of the ages of faith.
Around the high altar are three chapels. The middle one, at
the very apsis of the church, is the chapel of the Saintes Re-
liques, where once stood twenty-two beautiful shrines full of
relics, mostly brought from the East by Archambaud VI., Sire of
Bourbon, when he returned from the holy wars. These have
fortunately been preserved, and the great festival of the Holy
Relics, celebrated for the first time in the church of St. Vincent
70 ClIANTELLE. [Oct.,
more than seven hundred years ago, is still kept up. It takes
place the Sunday before Pentecost, at the most beautiful season
of the year, when all nature seems to be exhaling the perfume of
flowers and fresh vegetation. In former times the shrines were
taken down from their niches on the eve of the festival, the bells
ringing out a joyful chime through the valley and deep gorges,
that was echoed by hundreds of cliffs till lost in the mountains
of Forez. Vespers were sung, there was a salvo of artillery, and
then came a joyful peal of trumpets by way of prelude to the
f//e. In the morning the outer walls of the ducal palace were
hung with tapestry, and the castle and public edifices were gay
with flags, chief among which floated from the highest tower of
the chateau the banner which Archambaud VI. of Bourbon had
planted with his own hands in a breach he had made in the walls
of Laodicea. A procession was formed between long files of
soldiers from the garrison. First came the pilgrims of St. James,
staff in hand, and mantles adorned with scallop-shells, singing
hymns learned at Compostella. Drums were beating. In the
distance the slow and solemn voice of the priests could be heard
intoning the supplicatory :
" O bone Jesu, Salvator mundi !
Exaudi preces populi tui ! "
The choristers every now and then took up a versicle of the
grand litany, to which the vast crowd responded : Ora pro nobis !
There were the Templars, in rich armor, with their mystic
ensigns, and poor hermits from the cliffs along the Double, with
shaven heads, long beards, sandalled feet, and their brown robes
confined by a cord. The monks and sisters of different orders
came out of their retreats. The prior of St. Vincent, clothed
with the insignia of his office, presided. Behind him was the
Duke of Bourbon with his family and court, attended by the
magistrates of the country, and followed by a company of cav-
alry. Amid these were borne the twenty-two rich feretories, or
shrines, all of wrought metal, or wood artistically carved or
painted, given by the sires of Bourbon and other nobles. These
were borne by venerable old men chosen from the notabilities of
Chantelle, clothed in floating white robes confined at the waist
by a scarlet cord. They wore a white cap embroidered with
flowers, but their feet were bare, like those of St. Louis when he
received the sacred Crown of Thorns. This long procession
went around the ramparts of the town, and through the prin-
cipal streets and squares, which were filled with kneeling people
1883.] CHANTELLE. 71
weeping and praying. But the most touching part of the scene
was in the Grande Rue, where were gathered all the infirm, who
eagerly passed beneath the shrines, pressing against them their
bandages and flannels with pious faith. The soldiers, too,
touched them with their swords, and the crowd with their rosa-
ries and medals. The Revolution interrupted these solemnities,
but they were resumed in 1840, and are still celebrated with
great splendor, attracting a prodigious crowd. A few years ago
forty mountaineers from the Pyrenees took part in the proces-
sion in the costume of ancient minstrels. They had been to the
Holy Land in fulfilment of a vow, and bore a banner blessed at
the Holy Sepulchre. These pious troubadours sang a Mass
called the Messe solennelle de Jerusalem, with various airs learned
in Syria and Constantinople.
One of the great memories of Chantelle is that of Anne of
Beaujeu, daughter of Louis XL, who married Duke Pierre de
Bourbon. Brantome says she possessed rare beauty and an
energy beyond her sex. When she came to take possession of
her duchy she was so struck with the picturesque site of the
castle of Chantelle, with its immense view across Bourbonnais,
Forez, and La Marche, and the deep ravine through which
comes pouring down the impetuous Bouble, that she resolved
to make it her residence as soon as freed from the regency.
Here she ended her days, gathering around her brave knights
and fair ladies, poets and troubadours, and learned men. She
established a school for the young nobles, did much to improve
the town, and showed a pious liberality to the churches and re-
ligious houses. She also converted the old Carlovingian castle
into a feudal hold of truly royal proportions and strength by
adding to its defences and building three massive towers named
St. Pierre for her husband, St. Anne for herself, and St. Susanne
for her daughter, whose birth had been predicted by St. Fran-
cis of Paul, and who married the Grand Constable of Bourbon.
On these towers she placed colossal statues of the saints whose
names they bore. It was under Anne of Beaujeu and the Grand
Constable that Chantelle became emphatically a fortified town.
All that military art could do at that time was done to add
to the natural defences of the place. This was the period of its
greatest glory. Here came all the young nobles of Bourbon-
nais to acquire knightly accomplishments, to joust, use a lance,
and obtain a knowledge of fencing, hunting, hawking, etc., as
well as mental training. Frangois de Beauquaire, lord of Puy-
guillon and bishop of Metz, an historian and one of the lights of
72 CHANTELLE. [Oct.,
the Council of Trent, was brought up at the castle of Chantelle
among the young nobles of the province, and was still there at
the defection of the Constable. His brother John was the friend
and almost constant companion of the duke, with whom he had
been educated.
In those days there were more than a hundred chateaux
in the vicinity of Chantelle, besides commanderies and rich ab-
beys, and in the town itself were many distinguished residents.
The names of the nobles who composed the court of the Duke
of Bourbon in the reign of Charles VII. are to be found, to-
gether with their armorial bearings, in an old MS. on parch-
ment preserved in the Bibliotheque Nationale at Paris. Among
them figures the name of Chatard, happily illustrated in the
hierarchy of our country. It was in the castle of Chantelle that
Louis le Bon, called a " moult bel ct gracieux chevalier qui aimait
fhonneur sur tout" founded the military order of Esperance, or
Notre Dame du Chardon. For this purpose he gathered here
in 1366 the very flower of the French chivalry, ready for any
knightly deed at the first sound of "Bourbon Notre-Dame!"
the old war-cry of the Sire Archambaud. Only twenty-six
knights, distinguished for their nobility and valor, were admitted
to the order at first. Among them was the peerless Du Guesc-
lin, whom Duke Louis loved with a " sainct amour.'" They
wore a cap of green velvet with bands of cramoisie, adorned
with pearls and the device Alien! that is, Be ready to serve
God and the country wherever honor is to be won. Their
baldric was of blue velvet embroidered with gold, and lined
with red satin. On it gleamed the inspiring word Espdrance /
It was fastened with a clasp of pure gold, on which was the
head of a thistle (chardon) enamelled in green. The founda-
tion of this order was celebrated by jousts, tournaments,
hunting parties, dances, the lays of minstrels and troubadours,
and Sumptuous repasts, which grande et joyeuse vie lasted for
days.
At that time arms were manufactured at the castle itself
noted for their efficiency, as the enemies of France often testi-
fied. Froissart tells how Louis le Bon brought forth all sorts of
engines of war from his arsenal at Chantelle to go to the rescue
of his mother, taken prisoner by the English, and used them to
such purpose as to terrify the bonne dame herself, who sent word
for him to desist, which he did out of filial respect.
It was at Chantelle the Grand Constable first took refuge
from Francis I. His downfall was owing to the vengeance of
1883.] CHANTELLE. 73
a disdained woman the queen-mother, Louise de Savoie, whose
hand he had twice refused. With him departed the glory of
Chantelle. The brilliant court was for ever dispersed, with the
exception of the noblesse de robe. The ducal lands were confiscat-
ed. The chateaux one by one fell to ruins. The town, deprived
of its ancient defenders, was taken by the Huguenots, who de-
spoiled the churches and convents and swept away its artistic
riches. But the natural beauties of the place could not be in-
jured, nor its grand old castle, which time alone can destroy; for
the stones themselves could be more easily broken than the ce-
ment that fastens them together. Of the twenty-seven towers
that defended the town several are still standing, two or three
hundred feet in circumference. The donjon is at the north end
of the town on a cliff in the form of a horseshoe, around which
sweeps the Double like a natural moat. A subterranean passage
beneath the stream once communicated with a castle on one of
the heights beyond, so. a sortie could be made to harass a besieg-
ing army, and perhaps drive it into the river.
In spite of its misfortunes Chantelle has preserved its mediae-
val aspect. At every step, particularly in the quarter of St.
Nicolas at the east end of the town, you see Gothic doorways
with their escutcheons, sharp spires and gables and high-pitched
roofs, carved balconies and projecting upper stories. Some of
the streets still have high-sounding, historic names, such as Rue
Pepin le Bref, Rue Anne de Beaujeu, etc. Among the houses
of the nobility still remaining, with their towers and coats of
arms, is that of Chauvigny de Blot, one of the most ancient
families in the country and allied with the Bourbons, established
at Chantelle as early as the twelfth century. The last of the
name to reside here was known as the Sire de Blot. He lived
in the eighteenth century and still kept up many of the customs
of ancient times. Every day at dinner, after the example of
moult anciens et preux seigneurs, he had his steed led through a
glazed door (still to be seen) into the dining-hall during the
dessert, and here served with a loaf of bread and a bottle of wine,
to which the noble animal did full justice. And the wine of
Chantelle is not to be disdained even by a horse. It is a drink
fit for kings. " Come with me to Bourbonnais," said Henry IV.
to his courtiers, "and we will have some of my good Vin de
Chantelle."
The Sire de Blot had not only the manners of the ancien re"-
gime, but the virtues and piety of a bygone age. He was re-
markably compassionate and charitable to the poor. It is related
74 CHANTELLE. [Oct.,
of him that walking out one day with his little daughter of five
or six years of age, they were accosted by a beggar, to whom the
child paid no attention. "My daughter," said he, "do you not
know that we should regard the poor as the very image of
Christ? Kiss the ground for not returning this good man's
salutation, and give him these alms." When the Sire de Blot
died his body was exposed for two days on a /*'/ de parade in a
chapelle ardente, and he had the obsequies of a prince.
The manners and customs of the people at Chantelle are as
quaint as their ancient town. On the wedding day the bride-
groom, before going to church, comes all dressed, with long rib-
bons streaming from his button-hole, to formally demand his
bride. " Seek her," says the father. But she has hidden, and
often has to be sought for a long time. On returning from
church a broom is put across the doorway, which the bride
thrusts away with her foot most energetically as a foresign of
her vigorous housewifery. Then a soup, hot with pepper, is
brought forth. The bride takes the first spoonful, her husband
the second. All the guests take their turn. This is to show that
everything in the married life is not quite palatable.
Once a year all the peasants go through the vineyards, fields,
and orchards in the evening, torch in hand, brandishing their
lights among the trees and vines with mysterious cries. It is a
curious sight to see all these lights moving to and fro in the
darkness like luminous insects in the air. This is always done
on a Sunday evening, and the day is known as the Dimanche des
brandons. It is perhaps the remnant of some old Druidical
custom.
On Whitmonday takes place the Procession des bit's, which is
terminated by a festivity akin to the Fete de la Rosiere annually
held at Nanterre. The cure" goes early with his parishioners in
procession to the chapel of Charboulat to say Mass, and afterwards
breakfasts on the green with the crowd. Charboulat is a little
village near Chantelle that grew up around a grange that once
belonged to the canons. Near by, in a clump of willows, is the
miraculous spring of St. Pierre, good for fevers, with a niche to
receive offerings. And at no great distance is the fountain of St.
Giez, still noted in diseases of the eye. After breakfast the proces-
sion makes the round of the parish and returns to Chantelle. At'
the entrance all the young men of the place, with fronds of grace-
ful ferns in their hats, come to meet it and present to. the priest
the queen of the festival a young maiden chosen for her virtues.
The cure" gives her his blessing, places a crown of ferns on her
1883.] CHANTELLE. 75
head, and makes her a short address. Then a cortege ot white-
robed maidens with the white banner of Mary, and fern-leaves in
their hands, surround the queen and lead her away, singing mer-
rily as they go. In the afternoon young and old collect a vast
quantity of ferns, which they burn at night in a great pile on the
public square. The queen sets fire to it, and the people dance
gaily around. The cure himself comes for a few moments to see
this joyous rural spectacle.
Only a few of the lowest class of people here seem to be
entitled to any family name. They are generally known by
some sobriquet, which has to be added to their Christian names
for want of a better perhaps derived from domestic things, as
La Bouteille, or Lapaille ; or some reminiscence of war, as Ma-
rengo and Dragoon ; or from their province, as Bourbonnais,
Picard, Auvergnat, etc. Even titles are given them Em-
pereur, Prince, Duke, and Baron. At baptism the names of
festivals are often given, such as Noel, Pasques, and Toussaint,
which frequently become patronymics. And there are strange
feminine names, like Esteniette, Pasquette, Lionette, Bastienne,
Benoiste, Ysabiau, etc.*
In every household curious prayers in rhyme are daily said,
called Les Or & Dieu (Orationes ad Deum). Among these devo-
tions is a kind of meditation on the Passion which has something
of the local picturesqueness. The Holy Virgin, going in pur-
suit of her Son, meets a pious woman, who gives her an account
of what 'she has seen : " They have taken our Lord. They led
him up the steep Calvary by a narrow way rough with stones.
Our Lord fell down. They raised him up again, but with blows
of whips and staves. Our Lord grew faint : he asked for drink.
They gave him a horrid draught mingled with the gall of toads
and serpents." Two of the lines tell us of
" La petite alouette qui est dans son nid,
Qui chante le nom de Jesus Christ."
These Or a Dieu end with the following assurance :
" O qui les sait, et qui les dit,
Mettra son ame en Paradis."
*We are indebted for many of these details to the Abbe Boudant's interesting Histoire de
Chantclle.
76 BANCROFT' s HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. [Oct.,
BANCROFT'S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.*
II. MARYLAND TOLERATION.
IN our last article, reviewing Mr. Bancroft's History of the
United States, we took exception to the distinguished author's
views on two important subjects viz., his rejection firstly and'
his silence secondly in regard to the discovery of America by
the Northmen, and his greatly changed and apparently preju-
diced position in regard to Catholic toleration in Maryland and
we objected to the alterations which the author has seen fit to
make in the text of his last two editions, 1876 and 1883, showing
a great change in his opinions since the publication of the fifteen
preceding editions, embodying the result of nearly fifty years'
study, especially in regard to Catholic toleration in Maryland.
Having devoted that article to the consideration of the North-
men in America, we propose in the present article to review Mr.
Bancroft's altered positions in relation to Lord Baltimore and
religious toleration in colonial and Catholic Maryland. We
will first give in the following parallel columns the alterations
in relation to Lord Baltimore and Maryland made by Mr. Ban-
croft in the first volume of his history :
FIFTEEN OLD EDITIONS. EDITION OF 1883.
" In an age when religious contro- " In an age of increasing divisions
versy still continued to be active, among Protestants his mind sought
and when the increasing divisions relief from controversy in the bosom
among Protestants were spreading of the Roman Catholic Church ;
a general alarm, his [Lord Balti- and, professing his conversion with-
more's] mind sought relief from out forfeiting the king's favor, in
controversy in the bosom of the 1624 he disposed advantageously of
Roman Catholic Church ; and pre- his place, which had been granted
ferring the avowal of his opinions him for life, and obtained the title
to the emoluments of office, he re- of Lord Baltimore in the Irish
signed his place and openly pro- peerage."
fessed his conversion " (pp. 238, 239).
"The nature of the document "The conditions of the grant con-
itself [the charter of Maryland] and formed to the wishes, it may be to
concurrent opinion leave no room the suggestions, of the first Lord
to doubt that it was penned by the Baltimore himself, although it was
* History of the United States of America from the Discovery of the Continent. By
George Bancroft. The Author's Last Revision. Vols. i. and ii. New York : D. Appleton &
Co. 1883.
1883.] BANCROFTS HISTOR Y OF THE UNITED STA TES.
77
first Lord Baltimore himself, al-
though it was finally issued for the
benefit of his son " (p. 241).
"Christianity was by the charter
made the law of the land, but no
preference was given to any sect ;
and equality of religious rights, not
less than in civil freedom, was as-
sured " (p. 243).
" Yet the absolute authority was
conceded rather with reference to
the crown than the colonists ; for
the charter, unlike any patent which
had hitherto passed the Great Seal
of England, secured to the emi-
grants themselves an independent
share in the legislation of the pro-
vince, of which the statutes were to
be established with the advice and
approbation of the majority of the
freemen or their deputies " (p. 242).
"Calvert deserves to be ranked
among the most wise and benevo-
lent lawgivers of all ages. He was
the first in the history of the Chris-
tian world to seek for religious se-
curity and peace by the practice of
justice, and not by the exercise of
power; to plan the establishment of
popular institutions with the enjoy-
ment of liberty of conscience ; to
advance the career of civilization
by recognizing the rightful equality
of all Christian sects. The asylum
of papists was the spot, in a remote
corner of the world, on the banks of
rivers which as yet had hardly been
explored, the mild forbearance of a
proprietary adopted religious free-
dom as the basis of the state " (p. 244).
"At a vast expense he [the
second Lord Baltimore, Csecilius]
planted a colony, which for several
generations descended as a patri-
mony to his heirs " (p. 245).
" Lord Baltimore, who for some
finally issued for the benefit of his
son" (p. 157).
" Christianity, as professed by the
Church of England, was protected,
but the patronage and advowsons of
churches were vested in the pro-
prietary ; and, as there was not an
English statute on religion in which
America was specially named, si-
lence left room for the settlement of
religious affairs by the colony " (p.
158).
(Omitted.)
" Sir George Calvert deserves to
be ranked among the wisest and
most benevolent lawgivers, for he
connected his hopes of aggrandize-
ment of his family with the estab-
lishment of popular institutions ;
and, being a 'papist, wanted not
charity toward Protestants ' " (p.
" He planted a colony, which for
several generations descended as a
lucrative patrimony to his heirs "
(P- 159).
"Lord Baltimore was unwilling
BANCROFJ'S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. [Oct.,
unknown reason abandoned his
purpose of conducting the emigrants
in person, appointed his brother to
act as his lieutenant ; and on Fri-
day, the 22d of November [1633],
with a small but favoring gale,
Leonard Galvert and about two
hundred people, most of them
Roman Catholic gentlemen and
their servants, in the Ark and Dove,
a ship of large burden and a pin-
nace, set sail for the northern bank
of the Potomac " (p. 246).
"Mutual promises of friendship
and peace were made [with the In-
dians], so that upon the 27th day
of March the Catholics took quiet
possession of the little place, and
religious liberty obtained a home,
its only home in the wide world, at
the humble village which bore the
name of St. Mary's " (p. 247).
"A cross was planted on an
island, and the country claimed for
Christ and England" (p. 246).
"No sufferings were endured, no
fears of want excited ; the founda-
tion of the colony of Maryland was
peacefully and happily laid. Within
six months it had advanced more
than Virginia had done in as many
years. The proprietary continued
with great liberality to provide
everything that was necessary for
its comfort and protection, and
spared no costs to promote its in-
to take upon himself the sole risk
of colonizing his province; others
joined with him in the adventure;
and, all difficulties being overcome,
his two brothers, of whom Leonard
Calvert was appointed his lieu-
tenant, ' with very near twenty
other gentlemen of very good
fashion, two or three hundred labor-
ing men well provided in all things,'
and Father White with one or two
more Jesuit missionaries, embark-
ed themselves for the voyage in the
good ship Ark, of three hundred
tons and upward, and a pinnace
called the Dove, of about fifty tons "
(p. 159).
" Upon the 27th the emigrants,
of whom by far the greater number
were Protestants, took quiet pos-
session of the land which the gov-
ernor bought " (p. 161).
"This [the Mass] being ended, he
[Father White] and his assistants
took upon their shoulders the great
cross which they had hewn from a
tree ; and, going in procession to
the place which had been designated
for it, the governor and other Catho-
lics, Protestants as well participating
in the ceremony, erected it as a
trophy to Christ the Saviour, while
the litany of the holy cross was
chanted humbly on their bended
knees " (p. 161).
" No sufferings were endured, no
fears of want arose ; the foundation
of Maryland was peacefully and
happily laid, and in six months it
advanced more than Virginia had
done in as many years. The pro-
prietary continued with great libe-
rality to provide everything need-
ed for its comfort and protection,
expending twenty thousand pounds
sterling, and his associates as many
1883.] BANCROFT" s HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 79
terests, expending in the two first
years upwards of forty thousand
pounds sterling. But far more
memorable was the character of the
Maryland institutions. Every other
country in the world had persecut-
ing laws. ' I will not,' such was the
oath for the governor of Maryland
' I will not by myself or any other,
directly or indirectly, molest any
person professing to believe in
Jesus Christ, for or in respect of re-
ligion.' Under the mild institutions
and munificence of Baltimore the
dreary wilderness soon bloomed
with the swarming life and activity
of prosperous settlements ; the Ro-
man Catholics, who were oppressed
by the laws of England, were sure
to find a peaceful asylum in the
quiet harbors of the Chesapeake,
and there, too, Protestants were shel-
tered against Protestant intoler-
ance " (p. 248).
" Such were the beautiful aus-
pices under which the province
of Maryland started into being ; its
prosperity and its peace seemed
assured ; the interests of its people
and its proprietary were united, and
more. But far more memorable was
the character of its institutions.
One of the largest wigwams was
consecrated for religious service by
the Jesuits, who could therefore say
that the first chapel in Maryland
was built by the red men. Of the
Protestants, though they seem as
yet to have been without a minister,
the rights were not abridged. This
enjoyment of liberty of conscience
did not spring from any act of co-
lonial legislation nor from any
general or formal edict of the gov-
ernor, nor from any oath as yet im-
posed by instructions of the pro-
prietary. English statutes were not
held to bind the colonies, unless
they especially named them; the
clause which in the charter of Vir-
ginia excluded from that colony
' all persons suspected to affect the
superstitions of the Church of
Rome' found no place in the char-
ter of Maryland; and, while alle-
giance was held to be due, there
was no requirement of the oath of
supremacy. Toleration grew up in
the province as the custom of the
land. Through the benignity of the
administration no person professing
to believe in the divinity of Jesus
Christ was permitted to be molest-
ed on account of religion. Roman
Catholics, who were oppressed by
the laws of England, were sure to
find an asylum on the north bank
of the Potomac ; and there, too, Pro-
testants were sheltered against Pro-
testant intolerance. From the first
men of foreign birth enjoyed equal
advantages with those of the En-
glish and Irish nations " (pp. 161,
162).
"The prosperity and peace of
Maryland seemed assured. But no
sooner had the allegiance of Clay-
borne's settlement been claimed,"
etc. (p. 162).
8o
BANCROFT'S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. [Oct.,
for some years its internal peace
and harmony were undisturbed.
Its history is the history of bene-
volence, gratitude, and toleration.
No domestic factions disturbed its
harmony. Everything breathed
peace but Clayborne " (p. 248).
" The controversy between the
king and the parliament advanced ;
the overthrow of the monarchy
seemed about to confer unlimited
power in England upon the em-
bittered enemies of the Romish
Church ; and, as if with a foresight
of impending danger and an ear-
nest desire to stay its approach,
Roman Catholics of Maryland, with
the earnest concurrence of their
governor and of the proprietary,
determined to place upon their sta-
tute-book an act for the religious
freedom which had ever been sacred
on their soil. . . . Thus did the early
star of religious freedom appear as
the harbinger of day," etc.
"But the design of the law of
Maryland was undoubtedly to pro-
tect freedom of conscience; and
some years after it had been con-
firmed the apologist of Lord Balti-
more could assert that his govern-
ment, in conformity with his strict
and repeated injunctions, had never
given disturbance to any person in
Maryland for matter of religion ;
that the colonists enjoyed freedom
of conscience, not less than freedom
of person and estate, as amply as
ever any people in any place of the
world. The disfranchised friends
of prelacy from Massachusetts and
the Puritans from Virginia were
welcomed to equal liberty of con-
science and political rights in the
Roman Catholic province of Mary-
land " (pp. 255, 257).
" For his [Lord Baltimore's] own
security he bound his Protes-
tant lieutenant, or chief governor,
by the most stringent oath to
maintain his rights and dominion as
absolute lord and proprietary of the
province of Maryland; and the oath,
which was devised in 1648, and not
before, and is preserved in the ar-
chives of Maryland, went on in
these words : ' I do further swear
that I will not by myself, nor any
other person, directly trouble, mo-
lest, or discountenance any person
whatsoever in the said province
professing to believe in Jesus
Christ, and, in particular, no Ro-
man Catholic, for or in respect of
his or her religion, nor his or her
free exercise thereof within the
said province,' " etc.
"The design of the law of Mary-
land was undoubtedly to protect
freedom of conscience; and, some
years after it had been confirmed,
the apologist of Lord Baltimore
could assert that his government,
in conformity with his strict and
repeated injunctions, had never
given disturbance to any person in
Maryland for matter of religion ;
that the colonists enjoyed freedom
of conscience, not less than freedom
of person and estate. The disfran-
chised friends of prelacy from
Massachusetts and the exiled Pu-
ritans from Virginia were welcom-
ed to equal liberty of conscience
and political rights by the Roman
Catholic proprietary of Maryland ;
and the usage of the province
from its foundation was confirmed
by its statute. The attractive in-
1883.] BANCROFT'S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 81
fluence of this liberality for the pro-
vince appeared immediately," etc.
(pp. 168, 169).
" Maryland at that day [1642] In the mixed population of
was unsurpassed for happiness and Maryland, where the administration
liberty. Conscience was without was in the hands of Catholics and
restraint ; a mild and liberal proprie- the very great majority of the peo-
tary conceded every measure which p l e were Protestants, there was no
the welfare of the colony required ; unity of sentiment out of which a
domestic union, a happy concert domestic constitution could have
between all the branches of govern- harmoniously risen " (p. 166).
ment, an increasing emigration, a
productive commerce, a fertile soil,
which Heaven had richly favored
with rivers and deep bays, united to
perfect the scene of colonial felicity
and contentment " (pp. 252, 253).
Several distinct questions are raised, either directly or in.
directly, by the extracts we have made from Mr. Bancroft's ear-
lier and later editions of his history :
As to the motives which actuated the first and second Lords
Baltimore, George and Caecilius, father and son. fr Was Maryland
sought out and founded as an asylum for Catholics from Pro-
testant persecution in England ? The effect of the Maryland
charter upon religious toleration. Was religious toleration in
Maryland co-existent with the origin and first planting of the
colony, 1633, as the policy and, at the command of Lord Cascilius
Baltimore, the common law of Maryland, or did it have its origin
in the Act or Statute of Toleration in 1649? Was the Religious
Toleration Act in Maryland the work of Catholics or Protes-
tants? Was Maryland a Catholic or a Protestant colony? Who
was the author of the Act or Statute of Toleration?
We think injustice has been done by Mr. Bancroft to both
George, the first Lord Baltimore, and to Csecilius, the second
Lord Baltimore, in respect to the motives which actuated them
in founding the colony of Maryland an injustice made all the
more marked and noticeable by the changes which the historian
has been pleased to make on this subject in his two last editions,
and by the contrasts presented in our parallel columns giving
extracts from the fifteen earlier editions and from the editions of
1876 and 1883. Mr. Bancroft has thus certainly retracted in the
last two editions much of the good he had^previously written
and published in relation to the characters and motives of these
two illustrious men. Let us consider this subject in the true and
impartial light of history.
VOL. XXXVIII. 6
82 BANCROFT'S HISTOR Y OF THE UNITED STA TES. [Oct.,
Mr. Bancroft intimates that George Calvert lost and suffered
nothing by abandoning Protestantism and embracing Catho-
licity. His remarks on this point are that Lord Baltimore's
" mind sought relief from controversy in the bosom of the
Roman Catholic Church, and, professing his conversion without
forfeiting the king's favor, in 1624 he disposed advantageously
of his place, which had been granted to him for life, and ob-
tained the title of Lord Baltimore in the Irish peerage." It is
thus clearly intimated that Lord Baltimore not only lost nothing
by his conversion, but even made his change of faith the occasion
of great temporal gain.
None acquainted with the persecutions and penalties endured
in England at that time by Catholics could believe there was
nothing to lose by abandoning the dominant religious party to
join the down-trodden minority, by leaving the persecutors to
join the persecuted ; or that any one could find relief for his
mind from controversy by uniting himself with the very people
whose religious tenets were then made the subject of incessant
attack and misrepresentation, whose religion was the very
ground of the controversy then raging. It is difficult for us in
America, in the nineteenth century, to realize the deplorable con-
dition of Catholics in England at the period in question. It
would be unjust for us to judge those times by the standard of
our own times and country.
James I. ascended the English throne when Europe was in
the midst of that great religious war which lasted for more than
a century. With a shrewdness for which few of his contem-
poraries gave him credit, he consulted entirely his own personal
interests in selecting his course amid the contending religious
factions of the day. The Established Church had strong hold
upon the king, though its supporters always had reason to doubt
his true loyalty to it. He managed to cause the Catholics to
regard his accession to the throne as auspicious to 'them, for he
"had before endeavored to enlist them in his favor by holding
out hopes of relief from the cruel laws then in force against
them." The Puritans hoped to gain him to their cause, be-
cause he had been educated in the Kirk of Scotland and had
professed that faith, and they hoped he would reform the Church
of England according to their standard. But neither the Catho-
lics nor the Puritfns could accept him as the spiritual head of
their churches, while this servility was freely-offered to him by the
prelates, clergy, and people of the Establishment. This, together
with the political and religious power it carried with it, gained
1883.] BANCROFT'S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 83
the selfish and vacillating 1 monarch to the Church of England.
The following account of the sequence as it affected Catholics
is from the pen of a Protestant historian of Maryland, Mr.
Scharf :
" Having thus chosen his faith, he began to persecute the others,
though his persecution seems at first to have been inspired rather bj'
avarice and policy than bigotry. On February 22, 1604, he required all
priests to depart the realm before the igth of March, under pain of having
the sanguinary laws of Elizabeth put in force against them ; many of them
were shipped off. In that year and the next one priest and five laymen
were executed for their religion. To the dismay of those Catholics who
had relied upon assurances of the king's lenity, the legal fine for recusancy,
twenty pounds per lunar month, was again exacted, and not only for the
time to come but for the -whole period of the suspension. This atrocious
exaction, by crowding thirteen payments into one, reduced many families
to beggary. To satisfy the wants of his needy countrymen, whose impor-
tunities were incessant, he transferred to them the claims on his more
opulent recusants, with authority to proceed against them by law in his
name, unless the sufferers should submit to compound by granting an an-
nuity for life or the immediate payment of a large sum.
"The prisons had been crowded with priests, yet from 1607 to 1618 only
sixteen had been put to death for the exercise of their functions. From
the fines of lay Catholics the king derived a net income of thirty-six
thousand pounds per annum, equivalent to more than twice that sum in
our day. 'When the king,' says Dr. Lingard, 'in 1616, preparatory to the
Spanish match, granted liberty to the Catholics confined under the penal
laws, four thousand prisoners obtained their discharge.' . . . Hated and
persecuted by Puritan, Independent, and Churchman, the Catholics of Eng-
land now drained the bitter chalice of persecution. They were deprived
even of incidental protection ; for to pardon a single Catholic was to give
mortal offence to a Puritan, who was conciliated even when persecuted.
Yet they were guilty of no treasonable designs ; nor had the plots of a few
'fanatics tainted the body of the English Catholics. Lord Montagu, un-
der the stern reign of Elizabeth, had borne fearless and unquestioned tes-
timony to their loyalty. 'They dispute not, they preach not, they destroy
not the queen,' he exclaims in his powerful appeal to the Lords. They had
seen their proudest hopes wither on the scaffold of Mary of Scotland, and
gave vent to no' open murmur. In that memorable year, when Europe
watched in fearful suspense to see the result of that great cast in the game
of human politics, ... in that agony of the Protestant faith and En-
glish name, they stood the trial of their spirits without swerving from their
allegiance. 'They flew from every county to the standard of the .lord-lieu-
tenant ; and the venerable Lord Montagu brought a troop of horses to
the queen at Tilbury, commanded by himself, his son and grandson.' But
neither uncomplaining submission, nor courage, nor patriotism that, supe-
rior to the ' scavenger's daughter ' and the dungeon, to insult and wan-
ton spoliation, had rushed to the shore when the terrible Armada came on,
could soften the cruelty that demanded their lives and the avarice that
lusted for their fortunes. There was not one generous pulse to stay the
84 BANCROFT' 's HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. [Oct.,
hand that crushed them ; and the work of death and confiscation went on
more mercilessly than before.
"Archbishop Whitgift's Court of High Commission, clothed with
almost unlimited powers, studied to entrap the unwary dissenter, and em-
ployed every artifice to hush for ever the uncouth voice of liberty of con-
science. The cruelty of this tribunal must have been excessive, since
Strype and Burleigh, employing terms by which they meant to express the
height of fiendish malice, stamped it as worse than the Spanish Inquisition.
. . . As the oath of supremacy denied the spiritual supremacy of the pope,
the Catholic found that perjury or apostasy were conditions precedent to
his enjoyment of civil privileges. . . . There was a wide difference between
persecuting the Catholic and persecuting the Independent. In the first
case it was unprovoked oppression ; in the last partly defensive. The
Catholic, as we have seen, guilty of no political offence, could not expiate
his sin by any political virtue. A dctp-rooted antipathy sealed his doom,
though his behavior as a citizen -was unquestioned. . . . Irritated to the acut-
est suffering by the unremitting sufferings to which they were exposed,
. . . the Catholics of England and Ireland . . . joyously contemplated the
possibility of escape from a thraldom so oppressive. . . . To. all imagina-
tion pictured a far-off landivhere, amid the grandeur of nature, they might
pursue their ivay undisturbed, and regulate matters, both spiritual and tem-
poral, according to their faith and conscience ; and many had long turned their
eyes to the vast forests and boundless fields of the New World, whither Provi-
dence was directing them, to sow the seed that was to ripen into a mighty
people. ... To George Calvert, the first Baron of Baltimore, and his son
Caecilius Calvert, belongs the glory of providing a shelter from Anglican
intolerance not only for their brethren in the faith, but for the oppressed
of every Christian denomination."
The Catholics of England, who remained true to their faith,
their conscience, and their God under such an ordeal of perse-
cution as this, deserve and have received the admiration and
praise of all Christendom. But what shall we say of one who
in such times, following the convictions of his conscience, aban-
doned the society of the ruling party in the state, jeopard-
ed life, fortune, and reputation, and laid aside the honors and
emoluments of office, to join the unfortunate and the persecuted,
and to walk in that narrow and thorny path, described in the
sacred volume, in which the Saviour had led the way ? It
seems rather ungenerous in the historian to dismiss this sublime
act of heroism and self-denial with the few words, " professing
his conversion without forfeiting the king's favor." The king,
having thrown* his whole personal and royal or official power
with the Established Church and become the leader of the per-
secution, could not and dared not show favor to a personal
friend among the Catholics. The favor of King James did not
and could not save Lord Baltimore from the loss of his office as
1883.] BANCROFT s HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 85
secretary of state, nor that of Charles I. prevent him from re-
alizing the necessity of going into retirement in Ireland. The
Rev. E. D. Neill, a bitter critic of Lord Baltimore, in his Founders
of Maryland writes :
" In 1625 he announced his conversion to the Church of Rome, and
when Charles I. came to the throne the oath of allegiance being offered
him" (this, we think, the author has mistaken for the oath of supremacy)
"as one of the Privy Council, he hesitated, and was relieved of duties at
court and went to his estate in Ireland " (p. 41).
Mr. Scharf, a Protestant, thus notices the conversion of Lord
Baltimore in his History of Maryland :
" Thus we see that while high in favor at the court of James and Charles,
holding the station of secretary of state, and respected and trusted above
all others, he resigned an office of great importance and large emoluments,
and with it his brilliant hopes of higher political distinction, in obedience to
the dictates of his conscience, and voluntarily associated his fortunes with a
church in the minority, laboring under disabilities, and the object of popular
odium. Few recorded changes of faith bear more convincing marks of
sincerity."
That Lord Baltimore personally experienced the bitter cup
of persecution, in common with his fellow-Catholics, we have
many proofs. He had now already founded his colony in New-
foundland when we learn from a letter of April 9, 1625, that
"it is said the Lord Baltimore is now a professed papist; was
going to Newfoundland, and is stayed." And again we find that
King Charles admonished him to return from Virginia to En-
gland and abandon all attempts of settling in Virginia. For it is
laid down by Sir William Blackstone, in his Commentaries on
the Laws of England, under the title of " The Rights of Per-
sons," book i. chapter vii. section 265, that the king has power,
" whenever he sees proper, of confining his subjects to stay
within the realm, or of recalling them when beyond seas." Not
only this, but we find that the Rev. Erasmus Sturton, who had
been the resident Protestant minister at Ferryland, Lord Balti-
more's Newfoundland colony, made formal complaint against
his lordship to the authorities of England that, in violation of
law, Mass was publicly celebrated in Newfoundland. And when
he went to Virginia with his family and his entire colony from
Newfoundland he was treated with the utmost intolerance as a
papist; required to take an oath which would have been on his
part an act of open apostasy, which he refused, while willing to
take the oath of allegiance to his sovereign ; and that he was, on
account of his faith, actually driven from Virginia and forced to
36 BANCROFT'S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. [Oct.,
return to England, his family lost at sea, and his colony broken
up. Of his son Caecilius, the second Lord Baltimore, it is well
said in the charter of Maryland that he was treading in the
steps of his father; for not only did he continue his father's noble
work, but, like him, as we shall see, he suffered persecution from
the religious bigotry of the age, which, though foreseen and
staring him in the face, did not deter him from making the sac-
rifice for conscience' sake. Mr. Bancroft further states, " in 1624
he disposed advantageously of his place, which had been granted
him for life, and obtained the title of Lord Baltimore in the Irish
peerage." These few words contain many historical errors :
the only place he held for life was the clerkship to the crown,
and of the peace, and of the assizes and Nisi Prius, and this
office he resigned on April i, 1616, eight years before he became
a Catholic; the office he resigned on becoming a Catholic was
that of secretary of state, and this he did not and could not hold
for life ; the large grant of land in Ireland from the king was
made before 1620-21, and he was not raised to the peerage as
Lord Baltimore until one year after his conversion. So much
for the details of Mr. Bancroft's accuracy as an historian. How,
then, could any of these circumstances have influenced Lord
Baltimore's motives, as intimated by Mr. Bancroft in the passages
quoted above ?
The religious and pious motives which actuated both the first
and second Lords Baltimore have scarcely been handled with
justice in the history before us. While they receive a measured
amount of praise, the impression is now studiously sought to be
made that they were actuated by love of gain and worldly profit
rather than by any zeal for religion or devotion to the cause of
liberty of conscience.
We think both were actuated by the highest and purest re-
ligious motives. Now, we find a beautiful incident in the life of
George, the first Lord Baltimore, which shows that even during
the last part of his Protestant years, while perhaps his mind was
tending towards the Catholic faith, he was deeply imbued with
religious sentiments. In 1623, the year before his conversion to
the Catholic faith, George Calvert obtained from King James I.
a grant of the territory at Ferryland, in Newfoundland, for an
English colony. The name which he selected for this new
colony is a touching tribute to an ancient English tradition trac-
ing the foundation of Christianity back to the apostolic age.
In Somersetshire was situated the ancient district of Glastonbury,
in which, according to tradition, St. Joseph of Arimathea had
1883.] BANCROFT'S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 87
landed and first planted the Christian faith in Britain. This dis-
trict was anciently called Avalon,* and this name was selected
by George Calvert for his new colony in America, thus showing
that there was something more than red tape and formula in
attributing to him in the charter of Avalon the motive of
" being excited with a Laudable and pious Zeal to enlarge
the extents of the Christian world," and in the language of the
charter of Maryland, prepared in his name and after his death
issued in the name of his son Caecilius, " treading in the steps of
his "father, being animated with a laudable and pious zeal for ex-
tending the Christian religion." George Calvert's zeal for re-
ligion is further manifested in his carrying with him two semi-
nary priests to his colony of Avalon on his first voyage thither
in 1626-7, and also another, making three in all, in his second
voyage in 1628; and in the courage he manifested in following
his religious convictions by refusing to take the oath of supre-
macy tendered to him by the Protestants of Virginia at a time
when he was anxious to conciliate the king rather than offend
him. " His public spirit consulted not his private profit, but the
enlargement of Christianity and the king's dominions," says Ful-
ler, an English historian, who was a contemporary of Lord Balti-
more. His religious sentiments, and what he suffered for his
faith and for his efforts to found an asylum for his Catholic
countrymen in America, are clearly referred to by himself in a
letter of condolence addressed by him to his friend Wentworth,
Earl of Strafford, who had just lost his wife, dated October u,
1631 : " There are few, perhaps, can judge of it better than I, who
have been myself a long time a man of sorrows. But all things,
my lord, in this world pass away ; statutum est wife, children,
honor, wealth, friends, and what else is dear to flesh and blood ;
they are but lent us till .God please to call for them back again,
that we may not esteem anything our own or set our hearts upon
anything but him alone, who only remains for ever. I beseech
his almighty goodness to grant that your lordship may, for his
sake, bear this great cross with meekness and patience, whose
only Son, our dear Lord and Saviour, bore a greater for you ; and
to consider that these humiliations, though they are very bitter,
yet are they sovereign medicines, ministered unto us by our
heavenly Physician to cure the sickness of our souls, if the fault
be not ours."
* It is singular and apparently undignified in Mr. Bancroft, differing from other authors, to
trace this name to a poetic fiction, for he states that this colony was " named Avalon after the
fabled isle from which King Arthur was to return alive."
88 'BANCROFT' s HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. [Oct.,
His zeal for the marriage of King James' son to the Infanta
of Spain can be explained upon no other theory than his desire
to ameliorate the condition of his own church and of his fellow-
Catholics. This projected marriage was finally broken off ; but
the project was accompanied not only by great promises on the
part of the king to relax the severity of the persecution against
Catholics, but also with many acts of amnesty and pardon ; for we
are told by Dr. Lingard in his History of England, vol. vii. p. 96:
"When the king in 1616, preparatory to the Spanish match,
granted liberty to the Catholics confined under the penal laws,
lour thousand prisoners obtained their discharge." And by the
same authority we are informed that King James promised the
king of Spain in 1620 that he would relax the laws against Ca-
tholics ; that in July, 1620, in order to reconcile the pope to the
Catholic marriage, the promised relaxation actually took place ;
and that in 1623 the king bound himself by the word of a king
that the English Catholics should no longer suffer restraint,
provided they confined the exercise of their worship to private
houses." Lord Baltimore was the principal promoter of this
measure, fraught with so many actual results of relief to his
church and her children, and with so many others promised but
not granted. He drew upon himself, for his zeal in this regard,
the odium and abuse of his Protestant countrymen, and Mr.
Bancroft himself states that " as a statesman he was taunted
with being 'an Hispaniolized papist.' ' Mr. Bancroft also admits
that the oath of supremacy was purposely tendered to him by
the Protestants of Virginia in order to exclude him from that
province, and that he suffered this wrong solely on account of
his religion a wrong that resulted in a long train of disasters
to him : threats and insults at the hands of the brutal Tindall, the
breaking up of his colony seeking an asylum in Virginia from
the inhospitable climate of Newfoundland, the loss of his wife
and all his younger children at sea, and his own recall to En-
gland. And yet Mr. Bancroft, as we have above stated, clearly
intimates that Lord Baltimore lost but little and gained much by
his conversion to the Catholic Church. We treasure, however,
all the good Mr. Bancroft has written of our hero, especially
since he has become so guarded in his measure of praise in the
two editions we are noticing, and hence it is with satisfaction
we repeat from his pages that, " being a papist, he wanted not
charity toward Protestants."
Mr. Scharf thus alludes to the religious motives of George
Calvert in answer to the charge that he was indifferent about
1 883.] BANCROFT' s HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 89
religion: " We have seen him embracing and making open pro-
fession of a faith that was in the minority and subject to disabili-
ties and persecution. This does not look like indifferentism."
Of Csecilius Calve.rt, the second Lord Baltimore, it has been
well said by the concurrent voice of historians, including Mr.
Bancroft, that he inherited not only the title and estates of his
father, but also his intentions and his spirit. With such men as
George and Caecilius Calvert the language of the charter, de-
claring their purpose to be to enlarge the boundaries of Chris-
tendom, were not mere words of form and legal verbosity.
There is now extant a Dcclaratio, or announcement or pro-
spectus, as it would be called in modern phraseology by the pro-
jectors of colonization projects attributed to Lord Baltimore,
Ccecilius Calvert, himself, the Latin MS. of which was found by
Father McSherry, S.J/, in 1832 among the archives of the Damns
Professa of the Society of Jesus at Rome, at the same time that
he discovered the MS. of Father White's Narrative of the Voyage
to Maryland. It is believed to have been prepared by Lord
Baltimore, or under his direction, with the view of inducing
colonists in England to join his expedition to Maryland, and also
of influencing the provincial of the Jesuits to accede to his
request to send some missionaries of the society with the colony.
Translations of this Declaratio and of Father White's Narrative
were published together by the Maryland Historical Society in
1874. At the end of the Declaratij is appended a note in Latin,
of which the following is a translation: " Here ends the account
of Cecil Calvert, Baron of Baltimore, which he himself faithfully
compiled from the reports scattered through England by tra-
vellers who had sought their fortunes in the New World." The
contents show that this document was issued immediately after
the issue of the charter, towards the last of 1632. From it we
quote :
" Therefore the most illustrious baron has already determined to lead a
colony into those parts. First and especially, in order that he may carry
thither and to the neighboring places, whither it has been ascertained that
no knowledge of the true God has as yet penetrated, the light of the Gos-
pel and the truth."
And again we quote from the same document as follows :
"The first and most important design of the most illustrious baron,
which ought to be the aim of the rest who go in the same ship, is not to
think so* much of planting fruits and trees as of sowing the seeds of reli-
gion and piety surely a des-ign worthy of Christians, worthy of angels,
90 BANCROFT" s HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. [Oct.,
worthy of Englishmen* The English nation, renowned for so many an-
cient victories, never undertook anything more noble than this. Behold,
the lands are white for the harvest, prepared for receiving the seed of the
Gospel into their fruitful bosom. They themselves are everywhere send-
ing out messengers to seek after fit men to instruct the inhabitants in
saving doctrine and to regenerate them with the sacred water. There are
also men here in the city [London], at this very time, who declare that they
have seen ambassadors who were sent by their kings, for this same pur-
pose, to Jamestown in Virginia, and infants brought to New England to
be washed in the saving waters. Who, then, can doubt that by such glo-
rious work as this many thousands of souls will be brought to Christ ? I
call the work of aiding and saving souls glorious, for it was the work
of Christ, the King of Glory. For the rest, since all men have not such
enthusiastic souls and noble minds as to think of nothing but divine
things and to consider but heavenly things, because most men are more in
love, as it were, with pleasures, honors, and riches [than with the glory of
Christ], it was ordained by some hidden influence, or rather by the mani-
fest [and] wonderful wisdom of God, that this one enterprise should offer
to men every kind of inducement and reward."
So far as the religious motives of the second Lord Baltimore
are involved and these have been more questioned than even
those of his father the first and prominent events and circum-
stances attending the foundation of Maryland clear this question
up most favorably. His first step was to secure religious men
and missionaries to attend to the spiritual wants of the colonists
and to labor for the conversion of the Indians to Christianity.
Father Blount, provincial of the English Jesuits, was his chief
adviser at the beginning and fitting out of the colony. Both he
and Father Blount were connected by family ties through the
Howards and Arundels; and a recent able and valuable docu-
ment prepared by General Bradley T. Johnson, and published
by the Maryland Historical Society, The Foundation of Mary-
land, states that Lord Baltimore was assisted by the counsel
of Father Blount and by all the power of the Society of Jesus.
The popular sentiment of Protestants in England was most hos-
tile to his enterprise, and for the avowed reason of its Catholic
and religious character ; and no effort was left untried by his
enemies to prevent the Ark and Dove, with their heroic leaders,
the colonists, and missionaries of the Catholic faith, from depart-
ing from England for their asylum in the Land of Mary. So
truly Catholic and religious was the enterprise that it was cur-
rently reported in England that his vessels were to carry over
nuns to Spain and soldiers to serve the king of Spain. The
allegiance of the colonists to the king of England was violently
+Angelis et Anglis.
1883.] BANCROFT* s HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 91
and fraudulently questioned upon the sole ground of their being
papists and yielding spiritual allegiance to the pope. The voy-
age to Maryland, as shown by Father White*s Narrative, was
a religious and devotional pilgrimage to the very shrine they
were going to erect in the forests to the Virgin Mother, and the
prayers of the Missal and the Catholic litanies resounded o'er
the sea. Truly did they chant on their floating chapel, A solis
ortu, usque ad occasum, laudabile nomen Domini. "No sooner do
they touch the shores," writes the Protestant historian Scharf,
" than they engage in solemn thanksgiving with all the forms of
Roman Catholic worship ; an altar and a cross are erected, lita-
nies sung, and Mass celebrated. Next they name capes and
islands, bays, rivers, and their new city, after saints ; showing not
only the religious feeling that inspired them, but their eagerness
to enjoy their new freedom. These facts, and a host of others in
the early history of the colony, show the motives and intentions
of the founders and first settlers in a light so clear that misty
speculations and a priori inferences vanish before it."
The Rev. E. D. Neill, who is no apologist for Lord Baltimore,
but his severest critic, writes also on this subject as follows:
" Deeply interested in the propagation of religion under the forms Balti-
more approved, he despatched with the colonists Fathers Andrew White
and John Altham, alias Gravener, of the Society of Jesus, with John
Knowles and Thomas Gervase as assistants, two of whom appear on the
catalogue of Jesuits of Clerkenwell College, that was in 1627 broken up."
The same author, though evidently out of sympathy with the
event, likens the religious ceremonies of occupation on the banks
of the St. Mary's in 1633 to those described by the poet Alexan-
der Smith in Edwin of Deira, commemorative of the first plant-
ing of Christianity in Great Britain :
" In the bright
Fringe of the living sea, that came and went,
Tapping its planks, a great ship sideways lay ;
And o'er the sands a grave procession passed,
Melodious with many a chanting voice.
Nor spear nor buckler had these foreign men ;
Each wore a snowy robe, that downward flowed ;
Fair in the front a silver cross they bore,
A painted Saviour floated in the wind ;
The chanting voices, as they rose and fell,
Hallowed the rude sea air."
With such facts before him, and with such a sublime picture
realized in the truth of history on the banks of the St. Mary's
92 BANCROFT'S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. [Oct.,
River in 1633, it seems ungracious in Mr. Bancroft to attribute
to Lord Baltimore the motive of personal or family aggrandize-
ment, though, as he admitted, this motive was entertained by one
of the wisest and most benevolent of law-givers, who united it
with the establishment of popular institutions. Selfishness seems
an inconsistent motive to attribute to such a character, especially
to one who encountered in his person, his family, and his church
the bitterest experiences of religious persecution, and yet, though
a " papist, wanted not charity toward Protestants."
It is quite certain from unanswerable evidences that both
George and Cascilius Calvert, the first and second Lords Balti-
more, in their colonizing enterprises at Avalon and Maryland,
practised unbounded liberality toward their colonists, and that
they greatly expended and impaired their fortunes in those
noble efforts to extend the benign influence of the cross of Christ
and the rule of the English sceptre. Lord Baltimore the first
refers, in a letter to his friend Wentworth, May 21, 1627, to the
great expenses and outlays he had put himself to in building up
his colony of Avalon ; and Mr. Bancroft acknowledges " how
lavishly he expended his estate in advancing the interests of his
settlement." In the unfortunate attempt to return his wife and
younger children to England from Virginia, where he had been
compelled to leave them when he was recalled to England by the
king, and all were lost together with the bark on which they had
sailed, it is related, on the authority of the Ayscoup MS. in the
British Museum, that his lordship's personal property, with "a
great deal of plate and other goods of great value," were lost
with the wreck. Caecilius, the second Lord Baltimore, received
the inheritance depleted by the expenses and losses sustained by
his father in the efforts to make the Avalon colonization a suc-
cess, and by 'his preparations for that of Maryland. The delays
thrown in the way of the sailing of the colony from England, and
the compulsory return of the ships from Gravesend after they
had set sail, entailed great additional expense; Mr. Hawley, his
agent and probable partner, having to board a number of the
men and women of the expedition with the people of the neigh-
borhood in consequence of these delays and the impossibility of
keeping so many people on the ships so long inactive; and
though this expense only amounted to sixty pounds, Mr. Hawley
was unable to pay and was thrown into the Fleet as a prisoner,
and the creditors petitioned to the Privy Council for relief and
asked that Lord Baltimore might be compelled to pay the bill.
In 1641, after the colony had been planted eight years, so great
1883.] BANCROFT" s HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 93
had been the drain upon his resources to sustain the colony that
he was actually a poor man, as shown in Neill's Founders of Mary-
land, and was actually forced " to depend upon his father-in-law,
Earl Arundel, for bread to support his family." With these
facts within his reach, Mr. Bancroft, vol. i. p. 159, states that
" Lord Baltimore was unwilling to take upon himself the sole risk
of colonizing his province ; others joined with him in the adven-
ture." Would it not have been more just, as well as more his-
torical, to have stated that the efforts of the two first Lords Balti-
more to lound English colonies in Avalon and Maryland, and the
little return they received therefrom inconsequence of their gene-
rous methods of dealing with their colonists, had rendered them
pecuniarily unable to undertake the founding of the colony of
Maryland without the aid of partners gr friends who joined them
in the business adventure?
In every work of philanthropy and benevolence there is a busi-
ness or financial side of the work. In that period of English his-
tory it was a most common aspiration of the nobility to take part
in American colonization, but there were none besides George
Calvert and his son Caecilius who made the cause of religion, as
we have shown, and the desire to provide an asylum for the per-
secuted members of their own or of a despoiled church, as we ex-
pect to show in another article, the chief objects of their labors.
There were none that practised such benevolence toward their
followers and associates; none that extended such justice and
charity to the Indians in their dealings with them ; none that
thought so little or derived so little of profit from their enter-
prises. It was these facts that elicited such encomiums upon the
Calverts from their contemporaries, and from historians to the
present day, most of whom are Protestants. The Rev. E. D.
Neill, a sectarian minister, has vainly endeavored to check this
just and enlightened current of historic truth in his Founders of
Maryland, 'lerra Marice, English Colonisation in America. It was
Mr. Gladstone who, smarting from his defeat by the Catholic
bishops on the Irish University Bill, turned against the church
he had imagined he was serving, and, in The Vatican Decrees
in their Bearing on Civil Allegiance and Rome and the Nc^vest
Fashions in Religion, endeavored to sustain this ungenerous effort
of an American sectarian. It was Mr. Bancroft who, coming
from his Berlin mission affected apparently with Bismarckism
and turned by the atmosphere of the Falk laws and the German
persecution which he had been breathing, in his Centennial
Edition retracted so much of good that he had written 'of the
94 BANCROFT'S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. [Oct.,
Catholic founders of Maryland, and repeated the retraction in
the author's Last Revision of 1883. What reason can Mr. Ban-
croft give for omitting from his two last editions that beautiful
passage adorning the pages of fifteen previous editions, on page
247? " Mutual promises of friendship and peace were made [with
the Indians], so that upon the 2;th day of March the Catholics
took quiet possession of the little place, and religious liberty
obtained a home, its only home in the wide world, at the humble
village that bore the name of St. Mary's."
There were one or two instances in the history of Avalon and
of Maryland in which either George or Cascilius Calvert mani-
fested a determination to prevent abuses, waste, or peculation on
the part of their agents or others in the business management of
those colonies. Both of them owed this to themselves, to the
colonies, and to the very business necessities and proprieties of
life. They were also determined that their own fortunes should
not become wrecked in their efforts to build up the fortunes of
others. To have done otherwise would have proved them-
selves to be imbecile and unfit to lead such enterprises. What
would have become of Avalon the first year if George Calvert
had allowed himself to become a bankrupt ? What would have
become of Maryland, even before the Ark and Dove finally sailed
from Gravesend, had Caecilius Calvert become then, what he
certainly became in 1641, an impoverished and dependent patron
of a hazardous and costly work of public enterprise and bene-
volence? As George Calvert himself stated in one of the Straf-
ford letters, he would have proved himself a fool if he had done
otherwise, or, as he himself expresses it, " if the business be now
lost for want of a little pains and care."
These circumstances, which would, and no doubt do, com-
mend themselves to the approval and praise of all fair-minded
men, to all men of business education, and to historians, have
given occasion to Mr. Neill to assert, in his tract, Maryland not a
Roman Catholic Colony, that " the colony was not founded from a
religious but from a pecuniary motive." Mr. Bancroft, too, has
been induced by these circumstances to attribute to Lord Balti-
more the aggrandizement of his family as a motive inducing him
to assume the thankless, difficult, and, so far as his private for-
tunes were affected thereby, the impoverishing task of founding
the colon}' of Maryland. That the proprietaries of Avalon and
Maryland required the practice of business integrity from their
representatives, agents, and colonists adds to the completeness
and symmetry of their characters. Indeed, it is a characteristic
1883.] BANCROFT'S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES, 95
mark of generous and noble minds bent upon vast and munificent
enterprises to be exact in their methods of business, and such
exactness is quite necessary to their success in building up their
private fortunes and thus providing the means for their benevo-
lent undertakings. Instances of this kind are not wanting in our
own time and country (we wish we could select the names from
among the wealthy Catholics of the land), and we will refer only
to two of the most liberal of public benefactors, Mr. George
Peabody and Mr. William W. Corcoran. These are names re-
nowned for works of goodness, charity, munificence names of
which every American, every member of our race, may be proud ;
and yet strictness in their own business integrity, and rigid ex-
actness in their requirements of all with whom they had dealings,
were strong and admirable traits in their characters. We admire
and commend the Lords Baltimore for the very cause on account
of which Messrs. Neill and Bancroft have either detracted from
their merits or diminished their praise.
From one of the passages quoted above from Mr. Bancroft
we infer that he attributes to Caecilius Calvert an unwilling-
ness not only to incur the entire risk of the financial enterprise,
but also to accompany in person and share the dangers and pri-
vations of the ocean and the wilderness. In his earlier editions
Mr. Bancroft says that " Lord Baltimore, who for some unknown
reason abandoned his purpose of conducting the emigrants in
person, appointed his brother to act as his lieutenant." In the
editions of 1876 and 1883 Mr. Bancroft classifies this fact with
that of his unwillingness to incur the entire pecuniary risk. To
us the reasons for this act are quite apparent. Lord Baltimore
in 1632, in the Declaratio already referred to, had publicly an-
nounced his intention of accompanying the expedition to Mary-
land, and had fixed September of that year for sailing with his
colony. But we have already seen the difficulties attending
the fitting out of the expedition, some of which proceeded from
financial causes and others from the malice of his personal and
sectarian enemies. Had he gone to Maryland his enemies or
opponents in England would have possibly, even probably, suc-
ceeded in destroying his work entirely. , In addition to these
the opposition made from Virginia in England to his planting
a colony on the Chesapeake, the machinations and violence of
Clayborne and Ingle, as well as opposition from other sources,
required his presence in England to meet the storm raised
against him. He could evidently serve Maryland more power-
full}- by remaining in England than by going to St. Mary's. The
96 BANCROFT'S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. [Oct.,
turbulent and revolutionary times that followed in England soon
after the issue of his charter and the departure of the colony
for the banks of the St. Mary's, which extended their baneful in-
fluence to the colonies, and with extraordinary violence to Mary-
land especially, rendered his presence in England most neces-
sary and imperative. The important part he is believed to have
taken in those unhappy- events in the endeavor to secure pro-
tection, and existence itself, for Catholics in England, and their
worship of God according to their consciences, required his
presence in England, while the best and most loyal efforts of his
faithful lieutenants in Maryland, with his aid in the mother-
country, were barely able to keep the colony on the banks of the
St. Mary's from extirpation. The view we have taken is sup-
ported by the Records of the English Province of the Society of Jesus,
by Brother Henry Foley, S.J., series v. vi. vii. viii., in which
we read, " It had been Lord Cecil Baltimore's intention at first
to lead his expedition himself; but deeming it more judicious to
look after the interests of the colony in England, he gave the
command to his brother Leonard, whom he commissioned lieu-
tenant-governor."
The following tribute to the character and life of Csecilius
Calvert, which is most pertinent to our theme, is from the pen
of that accomplished and just Protestant gentleman, General
Bradley T. Johnson, in the paper entitled The Foundation of
Maryland, recently published by the Marykmd Historical So-
ciety :
"The life of Cecil was spent in struggles to found and maintain the
institutions of liberty in Maryland. From June 20, 1632, until his death
[November 30, 1675], more than forty-three years, he had passed through
the most eventful epoch of English history. He saw parliamentary insti-
tutions overthrown and the whole power of government usurped by the
king. He saw the monarchy destroyed and all governmental functions
absorbed by Parliament. He witnessed the expulsion of the Parliament
again, and liberty and law prostrate under the dominion of the sword ; and
then he lived to see the ancient balance of the constitution restored, with
king, Lords, and Commons re-established, after an interregnum of nearly
twenty years, and right and justice once again trampled upon in the frenzy
of a political and religious- reaction. Under all these extraordinary con-
vulsions of society and revolutions of government he succeeded in plant-
ing and preserving in Maryland the rights of legislation by the freemen, of
habeas corpus, trial by jury, of parliamentary taxation, of security against
martial law, and of liberty of conscience.
"While the king was collecting aids and subsidies in England by the
processes of the Star Chamber, no taxes or fees could be levied in Mary-
land save by the vote of the General Assembly. While the right of per-
1883.] BANCROFT'S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 97
sonal liberty was denied in England by the Long Parliament, the Writ of
Right protected the humblest citizen in Maryland.
" While the New Model lived at free quarters in England, no soldier
could be billeted on the homes of the people here. While the Churchmen
were fining and whipping Roman Catholics and Puritans, and while the
Puritans were fining Churchmen and whipping Quakers, and denouncing
death against all who refused to accept their creed as laid down in their
Ordinance of 1648, all alike, Churchmen, Roman Catholics, Puritans, Pres-
byterians, and Quakers, found safety, toleration, and protection in Mary-
land.
"From 1634 until 1680 no man was ever molested in Maryland on ac-
count of his religious opinions, except in the short intervals of Ingle's oc-
cupation, the sway of the Protector's commissioners, and Kendall's brief
usurpation.
"The man who could have thus founded a state in such institutions, in
such times, and have safely preserved them through such revolutions, is
entitled to be ranked with those who have been great benefactors of man-
kind."
More than a century's experience of the blessings of civil
and religious liberty under our own free institutions should en-
dear, by association of ideas, the name of Calvert to every Ame-
rican. That he was a Catholic should not prejudice his name
with Protestants. His faith connects his principles and his
education with the best ages of English history, when Alfred and
other Catholic kings laid the foundation of those liberties and of
that jurisprudence which are now the pride and security of the
English-speaking countries of the world in the nineteenth cen-
tury.
VOL. xxxviii. 7
f)8 A K MINE. [Oct.,
ARMINE.
CHAPTER XXII.
" I WONDER," said D'Antignac one morning 1 , " how our poor
little Armine comes on."
" I have thought of her often lately," said He"lene, who was
moving about the room putting things in order so quietly and
deftly that it was only by the results any one would have per-
ceived what she was about. " I should like to hear something
Of her."
" Gaston writes that her father is most energetic in stimulat-
ing opposition to him," said D'Antignac; "so I suppose we shall
not hear from her till the election 'is over."
" Why should we hear from her then ? "
" I did not mean that we should exactly hear from her, but
rather that we should see her, for Duchesne will no doubt re-
turn to Paris."
" I suppose so," said Mile. d'Antignac. " I hope it is not
sinful," she added after a moment, during which she had taken
down a small statuette from its bracket, dusted and replaced
it, " but I cannot help thinking what a good thing it would be
if M. Duchesne should be blown up, metaphorically at least,
by some of his revolutionary schemes, and Armine could be
free."
" It would be a desolate freedom, I am afraid," said D'An-
tfgnac. " As far as I know, her father is her only relative, and
she is certainly very much attached to him."
" But she could order her life as it pleased her then, and
not be transported from one part of Europe to another by every
political wind."
"Order her life as it pleased her !" repeated D'Antignac in
a musing tone. " There are few of us who are able to do that,
and fewer still who, if we had the power, would find it easy to
do. To please ourselves is, perhaps, as difficult a task as could
be set us in this world, and to know what is best for us simply
impossible. The safe path, therefore, is the path of God's pro-
vidence. It is the A B C of religion that the graces which we
o o
receive and the merits we may obtain in the state and circum-
stances of life to which it has pleased him to call us are greater
1883.] ARMINE. 99
than we could obtain by leaving that path, even for one of ap-
parently higher perfection."
" Yes," said Helene, " I know that, and I was not wishing
Armine to leave the path which is so rough, I am sure, to her
feet ; I was only wishing that she might be released from the
necessity of following it. But, after all, such wishes are very
foolish, a part of the littleness that besets us in our poor human
horizon." Then, with a start, " There is the door-bell ! I hope
Cesco will not think of admitting any one."
" It is too early for visitors," said D'Antignac.
But this proved to be a mistake, for a moment later Cesco
opened the door and said : " Mile. Duchesne begs to know if
she may come in."
"Armine!" cried H61ene. "Yes, certainly. My dear child,"
she went on eagerly, advancing to meet the girl who appeared
in the door, " this is a most unexpected pleasure."
" Almost as unexpected to me as to you, dear Mile. d'An-
tignac," said Armine, kissing her in the pretty foreign fashion
on both cheeks. " I am so glad to see you again ! And M.
d'Antignac how is he ? "
" He will tell you himself," said Helene, leading her for-
ward.
D'Antignac raised himself the only exertion of which he
was capable unaided to a sitting posture, and held out his
hands, saying :
" ' On parle de soleil, et en void les rayons ' / We were just
talking of you and wishing for news of you."
" Were you, indeed? " said Armine. " How good of you to
think of me ! O M. d'Antignac, how I have longed for a
word from you ! "
" You shall have as many now as you like," he answered,
smiling. " But the first must be to say that Brittany has not
done you much good. You are looking paler and thinner than
when you went away."
"Am I? It -is likely," she said. "No, Brittany did me no
good. I wish 1 could have stayed in Paris."
" We have wished so, too," said H61ene kindly. " When
did you return ? "
" Last night," she answered. " You might be sure that it
was lately ; that this is the first place to which I have come. I
longed to come earlier, but feared to disturb you. I felt, until
I entered your door, as if I could hardly be certain of seeing
vou."
TOO ARMINE. [Oct.,
" But why ? " asked Mile. d'Antignac, smiling a little. " You
surely did not think us likely to have vanished in a fort-
night?"
" Oh ! no," the girl answered ; " but I did not know that my
father might not forbid my coming, and, though I should have
disobeyed him in order to see you again, 1 was glad not to
have been forced to do so."
The brother and sister exchanged a glance. Then the for-
mer said : " What has happened ? Why should you fear that he
would forbid your coming?"
" Because he has already done so by implication," she an-
swered ; "and although he left the matter there for the time
being, I do not think it will end there. Some change has come
over him. He, who was so kind, so tolerant, has become no,
I will not say unkind : he is never that when he remembers
himself but certainly very intolerant. As I have often told
you, if he knew that I did not think with him he ignored the
difference ; but the time has come when he ignores it no lon-
ger. It angers him, and he seems to have conceived the re-
solution to make me believe all that he believes and hope what
he hopes."
" And do you know why he has so suddenly conceived this
resolution?" asked D'Antignac.
She shook her head. " No," she answered. " There is only
one thing which suggests an explanation, but that is incredible."
" The thing which seems incredible is often the thing which
is true," said D'Antignac.
She did not answer for a moment. Then she said : " I scarce-
ly believe you will think so when you hear what this is ; but
it is easily told."
Nevertheless she paused again, and the blood rose in her
clear, pale cheeks, though her glance did not waver or turn
from him as she went on :
" One day my father told me that he wanted me to go with
him to Marigny that is, to the village and, though I tried to
avoid it, I had no good excuse for refusing. So we went, and
what I feared came about. I met the vicomte, and he spoke
to me. I am sure that only his kindness made him do so, and
he simply said a few courteous words; but my father saw us
together and was very angry. I never saw him so angry be-
fore, and for the first time in my life he spoke to me as if he
suspected me of something wrong. He asked where I had met
M. de Marigny, and I told him. Then he said he understood
1883.] ARMINE. 101
why I had no sympathy with him ; that he would tolerate no
acquaintance with M. de Marigny, and that I should go no
more where I was likely to meet him. This terrified me, but
I hoped that he spoke in haste and would forget it, especially
when I told him that I had met M. de Marigny only twice in
all the time that I have been coming here. But from that day
he is changed. He has said nothing more of the meeting with
the vicomte ; but he dwells bitterly on what he never seemed
to think of before my want of sympathy with his objects in
life-; and only last night he told me again that he intended to
withdraw me entirely from influences ' that have been so per-
nicious.' I knew what that meant, and my heart died within
me. It means that I shall come here no more. I trembled lest
he should plainly say, ' Do not go again.' He did not say it
then, but I know that he will, or else he will send me from
Paris. He has spoken of that. In any case I see nothing but
separation from you."
Her eyes filled with tears ; her voice trembled and broke
down. The bitterness of the separation seemed already press-
ing upon her. Mile. d'Antignac rose impulsively, and, going
over, placed her arm around her. " My poor Armine," she said,
" life is indeed hard for you ! But be patient ; let us hope your
father's anger will pass, and that he will prove more reason-
able than to do what you fear."
"It is not merely anger," said Armine. "If it were it
would pass ; indeed, it would be already passed. He does not
seem angry now ; he seems only to feel a deep sense of injury
that I am so alienafed from him in sympathy, and to fancy
that I am a piece of wax to be moulded by whatever influence
is nearest me."
Meanwhile D'Antignac, lying back on his pillows, said
nothing; but his grave, dark eyes, which were fastened on the
girl, were as full of tenderness as of penetrating thoughtful-
ness. There was infinite comfort in this gaze, Armine felt
when she met it, as she looked at him and went on :
" Now you see why I said that the only apparent reason
for the change in my father is one which seems incredible. It
dates apparently from the day when he saw me speak to M.
de Marigny ; and although that might have angered him as
I felt that it would it is impossible to conceive that it could
change his whole conduct toward me, that it could make of
importance what never appeared to be worth a thought to
him before."
102 ARATINE. [Oct.,
" You remember what I said a few minutes ago," D'An-
tignac answered. " What seems to us incredible is often the
thing which is true. I fear there can be no doubt that your
father's change of feeling and conduct does spring from that
occurrence, simple and trivial as it looks."
"But it is impossible! I cannot believe it!" said the girl.
" My father is a man of sense. He must have realized, when
he came to think, that the meeting was nothing a mere acci-
dent. And what is M. de Marigny to him but a political op-
ponent? "
D'Antignac did not reply, " M. de Marigny is much
more to him than a political opponent," but after a pause he
said : " We cannot possibly tell all the motives that ma}' influ-
ence your father. He may have been gradually rousing to a
sense of the differences that divide you, and the final realiza-
tion probably came when he saw ) r ou in friendly intercourse
with a man against whom he was just then peculiarly embit-
tered, as most men are against their political opponents
when that thing most fatal to charity, a heated contest, is
going on. You are certainly aware that it requires very little
flame to kindle a large fire."
There was silence again for a moment. Armine sat with
her eyes growing momently more sorrowful. Presently, with
a deep sigh, she said : " I dreaded to go to Marigny ! I felt in-
stinctively that harm would come of it. But I did not dream
of anything so bad as this the prospect of being separated
from you."
" I am sorry from the bottom of my fieart that you ever
met Gaston de Marigny here," said Helene, who was still
standing beside her, with one hand resting on her shoulder.
"I am sorry, too," said D'Antignac; "but regret is quite
unavailing, and in a certain sense unnecessary, since we had
nothing whatever to do with bringing either him or Armine
here on the occasions when they met. It was a natural acci-
dent, rising from our acquaintance with both."
" Oh ! " said Armine quickly, '" do not think that I blame
any one. It was only a natural accident, but how could you
think what I could never have believed that my father
would object to such a meeting? I should not have imagined
that M. de Marigny was more to him than a name; and if
any one had suggested that he would not wish me to meet
him on account of his politics, I would have said : ' You do
my father injustice. He is an enthusiast, but not a fanatic.
1883.] ARMINE. 103
Because he wishes to abolish the order to which a man be-
longs he would not refuse to meet that man in social life.'
But it seems I was wrong," she added, her voice falling from
the proud tone which it had involuntarily taken, as she uttered
the last words.
" No, my dear Armine," said D'Antignac, " you were not
wrong. Your father, no doubt, would have felt in that way of
any other man than the Vicomte de Marigny. But there are
reasons reasons which go beyond the present generation
for his disliking the vicomte personally ; and this dislike was
naturally intensified by the political contest. As for his in-
jured sense of your lack of sympathy well, it is hard for a
man to find contradiction and want of belief in those nearest
to him, especially those (like wife and daughter) who, he
thinks, should instinctively look up to and receive their ideas
from him. Remember that always with regard to the differ-
ences of opinion between you, and say little. It is quite true
that the law, ' Honor thy father,' rests on no authority com-
manding his respect, but it commands yours, and must be
obeyed."
" I do not think," said Armine, " that my father himself
would say that I have ever failed to obey it."
" I am sure that you have not," D'Antignac answered.
" But you must not begin to do so. You said a little while
ago that even if he had forbidden you in distinct terms to
come to us you would nevertheless have come. That was
not right. Only when a duty to God conflicts with the com-
mand of a parent may the last be set at naught. Now, there
was no duty involved in your coming here."
"Yes," said the girl impetuously, " there was. For have I
not learned here that there is such a thing as duty ; that it is
not a mere term, signifying nothing, which every man may use
to suit himself? And where should 1 go to learn what is that
duty, if I did not come here? You are my conscience, M. d'An-
tignac. Surely you must know that."
" If I am," said D'Antignac in a voice of gravity, but also
of exceeding gentleness, " there is the more reason that I
should speak plainly, and that I should say then it is well that,
at any cost of pain to either of us, our association should be
broken off, for a time at least. It is well that you should learn,
in a spiritual sense, to stand alone; and that, for such guidance
as we all need, you should go to one better fitted than I to give
it. I have been to you all that it is necessary or fitting that I
104 ARMINE. [Oct.,
should be. It is not fitting that I should direct your conscience,
or that you should find in me a substitute for the aids of that
religion which you hesitate to embrace, and with regard to
which I am bound to remind you that God's commands are not
to be set aside for any fear of man. ' I am come not to send
peace upon earth, but a sword,' said our Lord ; and that sword
has pierced many hearts before yours."
As he spoke his tones growing gentler yet more impressive
with every word the girl gazed at him like one who hangs
upon the lips of an oracle, with the whole being absorbed in
the act of listening. When he ceased there was a silence which
seemed long, until she said in a low voice :
" One's own heart does not matter. But to pierce another's
that is hard."
"Do you think that is not included in the saying ?" asked
D'Antignac. " To a sensitive soul the pain which it costs to
inflict pain is greater than any that can be inflicted. But there-
in lies the cross. And the hearts which are pierced how do
we know what waters may not flow from them at last ? Yet
even if they remain closed to the end let us beware how we
put the love, any more than the fear, of man between us and
the command of God."
Armine bent her face into her hands. " It seems to me that
you are hard upon me very hard, M. d'Antignac," she said.
" You tell me that I must obey my father and come to you no
more. Yet you also tell me that I must do that which will be
in his eyes the worst offence which I could commit, which will
make him regard me as a traitor and an enemy."
"Have I seemed hard to you, my poor Armine?" D'An-
tignac asked with the same infinite gentleness. " Well, it is sim-
ply this: I have spoken to you as to one who is strong enough
to do what is right. I grant you that courage is needed; but
what then? Souls as tender, frames as weak as yours have
possessed it. And when you called me your conscience you
put a responsibility upon me. After that I could not be si-
lent."
" Do you think that I wish you to be silent?" Armine
asked. " Oh ! no ; I am glad that you have spoken, though
what you put before me is very hard, and I may not have the
courage and strength it demands. Will you despise me if I
prove not to have them?"
" No, I shall not despise you, but I shall think that you make
a great mistake," D'Antignac answered. " You will weigh in a
1883.] ARMINE. 105
balance obeying God or paining- your father ; and to avoid the
last you will neglect the first. But do you ever think that you
may be frustrating God's intentions towards you in some man-
ner which concerns not only yourself but others? In the great
economy of grace we cannot tell how one soul may act upon
another, or what it is intended to supply. You may be intended
to make reparation by your faith for your father's war against
religion ; by your courage in confessing, for his bitterness in
denying; to atone by prayers for blasphemies, and by good
works for evil deeds. At least we know that such reparation is
possible."
" Is it ? " said the girl. A sudden light came into her face.
It was evident that D'Antignac had touched a chord which
responded like an electric flash. " If I thought that," she went
on in a low tone " if I believed it possible that / could ever
make reparation for the things of which you speak I think it
would cost me little effort to face any opposition."
" It is entirely possible that you should make it, and it may
be the special work which God demands of you," D'Antignac
replied. " But on such a point I speak with diffidence. Again
I say, you must go to one better able to direct you."
1 " Ah ! I shall never find one better able," she said with a
little cry. " But if I must leave you if you bid me not come
back to you I will go to whomever you wish."
"Do you mean that you will go to a priest?" he asked,
regarding her searchingly ; for up to this time she had always
shrunk from such a decisive step.
" Yes, if you think that I should that I ought," she an-
swered like one in despair.
" I am sure that you should, and I think that you ought ;
that the time has come when you must act," he replied. " I
will give you a note to a priest whom I know well, who is at
once ardent and wise ; who will know what is best for you, yet
who will not press you. He is for the present attached to
Notre Dame des Victoires, where you will find him when you
wish to deliver what I shall give you. Helene, will you hand
me my writing-desk?"
" O M. d'Antignac, pray do not write now ! " cried Armine
before Helene could move. " You must be tired, for I have
made you talk so much ! I will come back lor the note. It will
give me the happiness of thinking that I may come back!"
" But if your father forbids you to come ? " asked D'An-
tignac,
106 ARMINE. [Oct.,
" Then I can send Madelon. But I do not feel it possible
that I can be exiled from this room, which has been my haven
of peace, my refuge of safety, for so long ! "
" Nevertheless," said D'Antignac gravely, " you may be
so exiled. And if your father does forbid you to return I do
not wish you to have the temptation of thinking, 'I will go for
the note,' nor yet do I wish to run the risk of any accident
in its reaching you. It need not belong; a few lines will be
enough merely to introduce you. I will write another letter
explaining your circumstances. He"lene, my desk."
H61ene was ready with the desk a very light and con-
venient affair, which could be easily placed before him and he
wrote a few lines, which he enclosed, addressed, and gave to
Armine. Then he lay back on his pillows with an air of
weariness, while Helene quickly removed the desk and brought
him a dose of medicine.
Armine waited until he had taken this, and then said in a
low voice : " I think I had better go now.'.'
Yet it was pathetic to see the struggle she had to nerve
herself to the point of departure even after she rose to her
feet. She looked around, and her eyes filled with tears that
threatened to overflow. But controlling herself with a strong
effort, she went to the side of the couch and said hastily:
"Adieu, M. d'Antignac! Thank you a thousand times for
all your kindness. I will come back when I can."
" We shall look and pray for thy coming, ma sceur" said
D'Antignac tenderly, as he took the hand she offered in both
his own. " God grant that it may be soon ; but, whether soon
or late, may he go with thee and strengthen and bless thee
for ever ! "
A minute later, when Armine with tears bade farewell to
Mile. d'Antignac in the ante-chamber, her last words were:
"I feel like one thrust out of Paradise!"
CHAPTER XXIII.
"AND where now, mademoiselle?" asked Madelon when
she joined Armine at the foot of the staircase and they issued
together from the porte-cochere.
Armine did not answer for a moment. Indeed it had been
her evident hesitation in turning homeward which impelled
Madelon to ask the question. They stood in the shadow of the
archway for an instant; then the girl said:
1883. ARMINE. 107
" Do you remember, Madelon, when we used to live in the
Rue de Vaugirard, how I loved the Luxembourg Garden? I
have not been there in such a long time, and I feel just now
as if I should like to see it again. Let us go there. At this
time of day there will be few people about, and I can find one
of my old haunts to be quiet in, while you go to see your
cousin, who lives near by."
"You are very good, mademoiselle," said Madelon, "and
I should like to see my cousin, who has not been well of late;
but to leave you alone in a public place that is not pos-
sible."
" Well, we will go and walk through the garden, and after-
wards, perhaps, I will go with you to your cousin's," said Ar-
mine, who knew that she generally had her own way in the end.
So they turned from the river, passed through the quarter
of the Faubourg St. Germain with its stately hotels of the old
nobility, and, presently reaching the boulevard of the same
name, found themselves near the old abbey church of St.
Germain des Pr6s.
Of the hurrying multitude that pours by this ancient and
most interesting sanctuary there are probably few who give a
thought to the panorama of French history which it has power
to unroll to the mind's eye. Yet it stands as a witness and
relic of that Christian civilization which has made France.
Here, in the dawn of the light which was to wax so brilliant,
Childebert, son of Clovis, founded the monastery and church
in which his body rested for many centuries. To the student
of mediaeval history the fame of that great monastery, with its
splendid domain and seignorial rights, is very familiar ; but
even such a student, looking at its surroundings to-day, must
find it difficult to draw the picture of " that abbatial palace
where the bishops of Paris deemed themselves fortunate to be
entertained for a night ; that refectory to which the architect
had given the air, the beauty, and the splendid window of a
cathedral ; that elegant chapel of the Virgin, that noble dormi-
tory, those spacious gardens, that portcullis, that drawbridge,
that girdle of battlen>ents cut out to the eye upon the green-
sward of the surrounding fields, those courts where men-at-
arms glistened among copes of gold the whole collected and
grouped around three lofty spires with circular arches, firmly
seated upon a Gothic choir, forming a magnificent object
against the horizon." *
* Victor Hugo.
io8 ARMINE. [Oct.,
So the ages of faith saw St. Germain des Pie's, and so,
with certain changes, it remained until the sacrilegious hand
of the Revolution fell upon it, suppressing, confiscating, and
(with a fine sense of the fitness of things!) converting the
abbot's palace into a saltpetre manufactory, where an explo-
sion occurred which destroyed the matchless refectorv and
valuable library. Afterward the work of destruction went on
with celerity ; for an age which is powerless to construct
knows well how to destroy. Streets of houses without an
architectural idea have been opened through the noble build-
ings, of which hardly a trace now remains to delight the an-
tiquary. Not even the chapel of Notre Dame, built by Pierre
de Montreuil in the thirteenth century, and famed as one of
the most exquisite pieces of architecture of an age which covered
Europe with glorious cathedrals and erected, by the hands of
the same architect, the Sainte Chapelle, has been spared. The
ancient church alone stands as it was rebuilt by the Abbot
Morardus in the tenth century, after the Normans had de-
stroyed the older church looking upon a new and strange
world: a world from which all sense of the beautiful, as of the
elevated, seems to have departed ; a world intent only on sor-
did gain or ignoble pleasure ; a world that in severing itself
from the deep roots of the past destroys its hope of a future,
and where the light which Clovis and Childebert kindled wanes
more and more dim. Around these old walls the glowing, pic-
turesque life of the middle ages, with its genius, its passion,
and its ardent faith, bringing heaven down to earth, has swept,
and passed, to give place to a narrow, dull, material lite, which
refuses to look up to where glory still shines in the clouds, but,
with a strange infatuation without parallel in the history of
mankind, seeks the secret, the motive, the end of existence in
the dust beneath its feet.
But under this antique porch, with its square-buttressed
tower, all the great past of France seems to meet those who
still hold that past worthy of honor. An innumerable host,
stretching back through the ages, of kings, cardinals, prelates,
scholars, and saints, have crossed this threshold and passed
under the lofty arches of the nave to adore upon the altar
the same Sacramental Presence before which Clovis bent his
pagan knee and rose up the first of Christian kings. Armine,
when she saw before her the venerable, well-known walls, said
to Madelon : " Ah ! there is St. Germain des Pre"s. Let us go
n for a few minutes." And when they entered the subdued
1883.] A RMINE. 1 09
light of the beautiful interior, rich with splendid color, proved
grateful to eyes fresh from dazzling sunlight striking on
asphalt pavements. All was steeped in quiet the ineffable
quiet which broods in the sanctuary as in no other spot of
earth; a quiet in which it seems as if by listening intently one
might almost hear the rustling of angel-wings around the
tabernacle where dwells our hidden Lord. A -few figures
were kneeling here and there. In the nave stood a man with
the appearance of an artist, studying intently those, frescoes
of Flandrin, to which no higher praise can be given than that
in their beauty and devotional feeling they are worthy to be
placed above those Roman arches which date back to the
time of the Abbot Morardus.
Armine passed with her companion up the nave and knelt
before the high altar. At that altar past and present met, as
they meet in eternity before Him who is unchanging, " yester-
day, to-day, and for ever." On a line with her as she knelt
was, on one side, the chapel containing the marble figure of
Casimir, king of Poland, who died abbot of the monastery,
kneeling on his tomb and offering up his crown to God ; on
the other the chapel of St. Marguerite, adjoining which is
the chapel in which James, Duke of Douglas, lies, his sculp-
tured figure reclining on his tomb. Armine saw these things
almost without seeing them ; but they entered into and made
part of what she was feeling. The king who had surrendered
all things to follow Christ, though dead yet spoke to her, as
did the soldier of a warlike age whose dust lay in the quiet
keeping of that church which he had not followed his ur-
happy country in forsaking. But deeper and more penetrat-
ing than these was the voice which from the still depths of
the tabernacle seemed saying to her soul: " He that loveth
father or mother more than me is not worthy of me." To
. these grave and terrible words what voice of earth can add
weight? From them what appeal is there when the moment
of final choice comes? When Armine rose at length to leave
the church where these words had been, as it were, spoken
to .her, she felt as if hesitation were no longer possible, as if
she had now only to nerve herself to action.
. Again in the streets, they walked toward the Luxembourg
and soon entered the garden by the Rue de Vaugirard. As
Armine had said, it was not an hour when loiterers abound
in its pleasant shades, and most of the seats under the spread
ing chestnuts were unoccupied. The girl gazed around her
no ARMINE. [Oct.,
lovingly. How well she knew the long arcades, the spacious,
stately terraces with their statues and great flights of steps
descending to the parterre gay with flowers and the rainbow
spray of flashing fountains! It had been the dreaming-place
of her early youth, when from the study of history she had
come here to see its figures move before her imagination
princes and courtiers and great ladies with manners and bear-
ing of infinite grace. The marble queens of France who look
serenely, .and perhaps a little disdainfully, from their pedestals
at the bourgeois thron'g that ebbs and flows through scenes fit
only for a court were like old friends to her, and she knew
every nook musical with the voice of water.
Toward one of these nooks she made her way, turning to
the left and following a path that led to a spot where art
had endeavored to imitate nature, where a fountain burst out
of rock and fell into a great brimming basin edged with ferns,
the boughs of trees arched overhead, forming a shade deep,
green, and delicious. Under this shade, by the side of the
fountain, a seat was placed ; and here Armine sat down.
"Now, my good Madelon," she said persuadingly, "you
see what a quiet place this is. No one is at all likely to
trouble me by coming here; so you can with a clear con-
science leave me for a little while, and go to see your cousin,
who I know lives very near."
" Oh ! yes, mademoiselle ; only a step away in the Rue
Soufflot," said Madelon, and then stopped. She was much
tempted, being not often able to see this cousin, who kept a
small shop in the neighborhood ; but her sense of responsi-
bility was strong. She did not really fear harm or insult for
Armine if left alone, but her pride would have been wounded
if the girl had been seen unattended by any one who knew
her. There was apparently little prospect of such a thing
here, however, so she finally consented to go, promising to
return very soon, and exacting from Armine a promise that
she would not stir until that return.
Armine had no desire to do so. The quiet was delightful
to her, and as she listened to Madelon's receding steps she
drew a deep sigh of relief and pleasure. For to those who
are able to enjoy it there is nothing more refreshing to soul
and body than solitude. It is like an invigorating bath to
the mind tired of society, of the trivialities which make up
most conversation, of the effort necessary to preserve that ap-
pearance of interest essential to good breeding, and also to
1883.] ARMINE. in
the mind fatigued in the less common way by too much
stimulation. Armine did not live enough in society to be
conscious of either form of weariness ; but all meditative na-
tures spend their happiest hours alone. Poets, artists of all
kinds, thinkers, and saints belong to this class. " The light
that never was on sea or land " shines for them at such times
and peoples solitude with glorious images. Armine, with her
sad heart and troubled mind, would have been amazed to be
told that she was of the stuff of which these dreamers are
made ; but no one who looked at her with an appreciative
regard could doubt it. As she sat now by the brimming
basin, in the softly flickering shade, with her clear, deep, wist-
ful eyes, she looked like the ideal of one to whom such glory
might .be revealed.
This, at least, -was the thought of a young man, who flattered
himself that he was very appreciative, when he suddenly came
in sight of her. She did not hear his fcotstep, and for a
moment he paused regarding the charming picture which she
made. Then he came forward, and with a start she looked up
and recognized him.
"Mile. Duchesne," he said, "this is a delightful surprise!
I did not know that you were in Paris."
" I have not been in Paris much more than twelve hours,
M. Egerton," she answered. " We returned my father and
I last night from Brittany."
" And it is my good fortune to meet you to-day ! " said
Egerton. " I am certainly very much indebted to the chance
which has brought me here."
" It seems rather a singular chance," said Armine, "for I
remember that you were one of the last of our acquaintances
whom I saw before I left Paris. And now you are one of
the first whom I meet on my return ! You seem likely to be
met in very unlikely places, monsieur."
" But the Garden of the Luxembourg is not an unlikely
place," he said. " Any one might be here."
" Not any one who lives on the other side of the Seine,"
she answered. " In the Champs Elys6es, now, I should have
thought it natural to meet you ; but here you are out of your
orbit."
"As much as I was in the Madeleine?" he asked, smiling.
" But there is this difference : I was drawn into the Madeleine
by the contagion of your example, while no such contagion
drew me here, for I had no idea of seeing you."
112 A ft MINE. [Oct.,
"Of course not; how could you have had?" she said
quickly.
" Yet, all the same, it is remarkable," he went on. " That
I should come over here to see a friend, who proved not to be
at home who never is at home, by the bye; then that 1 should
stroll into the Luxembourg to look at the pictures, and that
finally I should wander down to this quiet spot and find you
if it is only a bit of accidental good fortune, I can only say
that it reconciles me to some accidents which are not fortu-
nate. And now, mademoiselle, am I intruding upon you?
Shall I go away ? Or will you permit me to sit down
and talk to you for a little while?"
His manner was so frank and so respectful that Armine
hesitated for a moment before replying. She was aware that,
according to French usage, such a tete-a tete -was inadmissible;
but Egerton was a foreigner, belonging to a nation with differ-
ent social rules. She had an instinctive sense that she might
trust him not to presume in any way upon her permission,
if she gave it; and, more than that, she felt a revival of her
interest in him, and a sense as if this meeting was not due
merely to chance. So she answered :
" You do not intrude, for I have no right to monopolize
this place. It is simply an old haunt of mine, where I insisted
that Madelon should leave me while she went to pay a visit
near by. I did not think it probable that any one would dis-
turb my solitude. That does not mean, however, that you need
go away, if you care to stay."
" Of that there can be no doubt," he replied. And, having
remained standing up to this time, he now sat down on the
bench near her.
" It is a beautiful place," he said, glancing around, " and
you looked, when I saw you first, as if you were indeed at
home in it. Yet, according to the rule which you' laid down
awhile ago, you should be out of your orbit here as much as I."
"Oh! no," she said, smiling a little, "for five or six years
ago we lived very near here, and the garden is as familiar
to me as possible. That is why I spoke of this spot as an old
haunt of mine. While Madelon would gossip with her friends
on the terrace, 1 used to come down here and dream."
"It seems made for dreaming," said Egerton. "And that
you came here for such a purpose explains why I thought, as
I first caught sight of you, that you looked like a sibyl seek-
ing inspiration."
1883.] ARMINE. 113
" Did you think that?" she said, with a glance of involun-
tary surprise. " Well, I am not a sibyl, but when you saw me
I was seeking inspiration. Only it was a different inspiration
from that which you probably mean."
" I don't know," he answered. " The inspiration which I
mean dealt with the deepest questions of life ; and there can
be no deep question in life which does not reach beyond it.
Now, the sibyls looked into the dread secrets of that which
lies beyond, and spoke with the voice of the gods. I can--
not tell, of course," he added after a moment's pause,
"what form of inspiration you were seeking; but to say
that you looked like a sibyl means more much more than
to say that you looked like a muse."
"It is very extravagant to say that I looked like either,"
she observed quietly. " But the inspiration which I was seek-
ing was on a question stretching beyond this life. For you are
right in saying that there can be no great question which ends
here."
" And yet," he said slowly, " I wonder if you know what
it is to be assailed constant!)' with the doubt whether all things
do not end here whether whatever seems to go beyond is not
merely a vain dream or a baseless hope?"
She looked at him for an instant without replying ; then she
said :
" Yes, I have known what it is not only to be assailed by
such a doubt, but to live in it. The belief that all things do
end here is the belief in which I was educated ; but I found it
as difficult to believe that as you find it to believe in another
life. My mind revolted against a creed so narrow and so
blind, and I felt, what I read long after on an inspired page,
' If in this life only we have hope, we are of all men most
miserable.' "
"Miserable yes," he said. "But what then? A man can-
not believe a doctrine simply because it would be comfortable
and consoling. And to a man of this generation, who breathes
the air of his generation and keeps pace with its mental ad-
vance, faith has become well-nigh impossible. I grant that the
most of us had not much to begin with a few shreds of Chris-
tian hope and belief which were handed down to us after hav-
ing been subjected to various eliminating processes, and had
little to distinguish them from barest rationalism. When put
to. the test of logic could such faith as that stand ? Ignorance
is its only safeguard ; and however much ignorance may be
VOL. xxxviii. 8
1 14 ARMINE. [Oct.,
bliss, one hardly cares to indulge it in connection with this
momentous subject. So one goes on, opening one's mind to
conclusions and opinions of the time, and when at last an hour
comes with some need for faith one puts out one's hand to
seize a wreath of mist, a vapor unsubstantial as a dream."
"And is that what you feel? Is that your position?" asked
Armine, her eyes full of interest.
" That is undoubtedly my position," he answered. " I am
blamed by my friends for having no earnestness of convictions,
no depth of feeling on any subject. Men like D'Antignac on
one side, and your father on the other, regard me with scorn
and impatience ; yet to believe with the one I find as impos-
sible as to feel with the other without belief."
" I am sure," said Armine, " you are wrong when you speak
of M. d'Antignac as regarding you with ' scorn and impatience.'
I do not think it would be possible for him to regard any one
with such a feeling as that certainly not one of whom I have
heard him speak as kindly as of yourself. And if you find it
impossible to believe what he does, that is probably because
you do not know why he believes. Even in my slight expe-
rience I have found that men are chiefly sceptical because they
are ignorant."
Egerton smiled. " The world generally regards the con-
verse of the proposition as true," he said. " And yet, in a mea-
sure, you are right: many men who turn to scepticism are pro-
foundly ignorant of the claims of religion upon their reason.
They grasp eagerly the wider freedom which unbelief offers,
and the faith they demolish is a thing of straw set up by them-
selves. But I do not belong to this class. Unbelief has no
charms for me. I have tested all that it offers to compensate
for what it takes away, and I have found all hollow and un-
satisfying. How can it be otherwise ? For when men tell us
that we have no souls to save and no God to serve, they drag
down our whole conception of life, its meaning and its duty.
What does a man who denies God mean by talking to me of
duty ? Have not I as good a right as he to my conception
of it which maybe that of the most consummate selfishness?
As for the welfare of humanity, why should I care what be-
comes of a few units in the infinite mass of succeeding genera-
tions, which crawl here for a little while in wretchedness and
then go down to nothingness? No; if the day comes when the
last gleam of blue sky the last hope of immortality is lost to
me, Schopenhauer will be my prophet, and I shall believe that
1 883.] ARMINE. 115
if a man can be said to have a duty it will be that of aiding as
far as possible in the extinction of this misery-cursed human-
ity."
In the earnestness of his feeling he had almost forgotten
to whom he spoke, but the girl who listened had understand-
ing as well as sympathy for him. Over the ground where he
was wandering her feet had already passed, and from where
she stood, at the gate of the city builded upon a rock, she felt
like stretching out a hand of succor to this wanderer in a world
of shadows. But before she could decide what was best to
say he spoke again :
" You must forgive me for the egotism into which I have
been betrayed. I only intended, when I began speaking of
myself, to make you understand what I mean in saying that if
you have gained any inspiration, if you possess any sibylline se-
cret bearing upon such a state, pray give me the benefit of it."
" I will most willingly," she said. " But in order to do so I
think I will ask you first to endure a little egotism from me"
" I can ask nothing better," he answered eagerly.
But for a minute she was silent, and as she sat with her
hands clasped together in her lap, and her eyes fastened on the
brimming, flashing water in the gray, fern-clad basin, it seemed
to Egerton that she was looking into the past as well as into
the future, and her words, when she began to speak, proved
that he was right.
" Perhaps you will think it strange," she said, " but as long
ago as when I used to sit here hardly more than a child
or only passing out of childhood such thoughts as you have
described were present with me. It was singular, was it not,
that I did not accept my father's opinions? But I could not.
I suppose I had a questioning mind at least I always found
myself asking, 'Why? Why?' to the mystery of existence, to
the riddle of history, to the crime and the infinite sorrow of
life. These are dark problems, and I might not probably I
should not have felt all their darkness and weight, if I had not
heard the evils of the world talked of so constantly and their
remedies so passionately advocated. But those remedies how
could I believe in them ? How could revolutions unravel the
mystery of life, or the establishment of communes end its sor-
row ? There was an unreal sound in the cries I heard, though
I did not know then that the brotherhood of mankind has no
meaning unless it rests on the fatherhood of God. But when
men insisted that the human race only needs to be freed from
1 16 ARMINE. [Oct.,
' superstition ' and restraint to become great and good, I looked
back over history and out on the world around us, and won-
dered where they found any warrant or ground for such a
hope."
" There is none! " said Egerton quickly ; for had not he, too,
heard the same cries and asked the same questions of history
and of life ? " But it seems almost incredible that you should
have reached such conclusions alone and unassisted ! "
" Why should it seem incredible? " she asked. "It seemed
to me that the thing which taxed credulity was the existence
of the world without God, and the belief that for all the mani-
fold and terrible injustice of life there should be no redress, no
compensation, no merit to be gained in suffering, no punish-
ment for crime."
" It is an awful existence in which we find ourselves, if all
those hopes are blotted out of it," he said. " But, as I remark-
ed a moment ago, we can't shut our eyes to things because they
are unpleasant."
" But you can shut them to other things," she said quietly,
" because from them, as you think, the advancing thought of
the world has turned away. So a man might close his eyes
and refuse to believe that the sun shone at midday."
" Am I such a man?" he-said. " I think not. I think I am
willing to open my eyes. But you surely during the time of
which you speak you had some religious faith ? "
She shook her head. " Not the least," she answered. " My
mother had died early in my life, and the books upon which I
was educated painted Christianity as the last and worst of the
superstitions of mankind, a mere survival of ignorant myths.
Yet, notwithstanding this, the idea of religion little as I knew
of it had an attraction for me, as I presume it must have for
every one who does not entirely stifle the spiritual side of nature."
" Yes," said Egerton, " I fancy that even the most hard-
ened materialist must feel at times the longing and the im-
pulse toward faith. But we are trained to distrust both that
impulse and the attraction of which you speak."
" I know," she answered, " that we are trained to test
everything by the scales and the crucible. Yet what is
stronger proof than this universal need of the existence of that
for which our natures so strongly crave? Let those who
answer by talking of an inherited impulse tell us what other
deeply-implanted instinct of man, found in all races, extending
through all ages, has proved to be founded on a delusion."
1883.] ARMINE. 117
The energy of her speech and the clearness of her thought
moved Egerton's surprise more and more. Notwithstanding
his interest in drawing her out, he had not expected to receive
anything of value ; but now he owned that the sibyl had a
message for him.
" But you did not reach a final conclusion alone ? " he
asked presently.
" No," she replied ; " I had a helping-hand. Is there not
always a helping-hand for those who need and will take it?
Mine was the hand of M. d'Antignac. I was attracted to him
first by his suffering and the heroic patience with which that
suffering was borne. Then I began to ask what was the
secret of the wonderful calm in which he lived, that atmos-
phere you know it of peace that no storm can ruffle. The
beauty of his faith thus dawned upon me first ; the glory and
majesty afterwards. When I began to speak to him of the
difficulties and perplexities with which I was struggling, then
and not until then he led me into the temple of faith and
showed me how all creation finds meaning and harmony
there." She paused an instant, and there was almost a rapt
look in her eyes as she went on. " It was like a vision of
the new Jerusalem," she said, " of a world reconciled to God.
It was no longer a thing of chance and chaos, a mad pande-
monium of crime and suffering: there was a motive and
meaning to all. If men suffered, it was that through suffer-
ing they should rise to heights where suffering alone could
lead them ; and if they sinned, it was because God gave to
the being he created free-will, in order that his service might
be voluntary and possess merit. There is no merit in the
service of a slave. Good and evil are placed before us, and
God disdains to lay a fetter on our choice. But it is a
choice for all eternity."
" How can you know that ? " said Egerton.
" There is only one way by which we can know that or
anything else," she answered. "By the voice of the church
which is ' the pillar and ground,' the teacher and guide of
truth."
" And you are, then, absolutely a Catholic ? " said Egerton
after a pause of some length.
She hesitated an instant, then said : " I have long been one
in belief, but I have never openly confessed the faith, on
account of my father, fearing his grief even more than his
anger. It is terrible to wound one whom we love ; and that
will wound him very deeply. But it seems as if the time has
n8 ARMINE. [Oct.,
come when I may no longer be a coward when I must act
and bear the consequences. I told you that I was seeking in-
spiration here. It was the inspiration necessary for such a step."
"But is it essential that you should take it?" asked Eger-
ton, startled ; for he felt instinctively how terrible Duchesne's
anger was likely to be.
" There is no compulsion but that of my own conscience,"
she answered. " That has been weak enough heretofore ; but
now She rose suddenly, for she saw Madelon coming down
the path toward them. " I must go," she said ; " and I fear
that, after all, I have not been able to give you any help."
" On the contrary," he replied quickly, " you have said
many words which I shall not soon forget. But this is not
adieu ; may I not come to see you ? "
" You know that my father is always glad to see you,"
she answered gravely ; " but I fear his influence for you."
" You are very kind to fear for me," he said ; " but, with
all his power and magnetism, M. Duchesne has never been
able, and I am quite sure never will be able, to rouse me to
enthusiasm in his cause. I admire his devotion to that cause;
but it is as you remarked a little while ago one must believe
in the fatherhood of God before one can acknowledge the
brotherhood of man."
CHAPTER XXIV.
LEFT alone after Armine had walked away with Madelon
Egerton sank back on the seat and began in his accus-
tomed fashion to consider the interview just past. Character-
istically, his mind dwelt most on the personality of Armine,
which had been revealed to him in a clearer light than ever
before. It was like a pathetic picture the idea of the girl,
at an age when most girls are free from care or thought, sit-
ting by this fountain in the garden of the old palace, ponder-
ing the deep problems and weighing the fierce war-cries of
the tumultuous age in which her lot was cast. Egerton had
known, in a degree at least, how heavy the weight of the
time can be to a soul which is unable to satisfy itself with
the mere surface of life, with the pursuit of gain or of plea-
sure ; but what was his realization of this compared to that
of Armine? In her very childhood she had struggled with
giants those giants called Ideas, which had drenched France
with blood and convulsed all Europe and she had come vic-
torious from the struggle. He could not forget the rapt look
1883.] ARMINE. 119
of her eyes when she said, " It was like a vision of the new
Jerusalem of a world reconciled with God." The look had
struck him even more than the words, for it indicated an as-
surance beyond the power of expression. Nor could he think
it a mere exaggeration of sentiment. The memory came back
to him of a day when he had stood under the mighty arches
of Notre Dame and listened to a voice which while he lis-
tened reconciled for him, too, this crime-darkened, suffering-
steeped world with the gracious purpose of its Creator. He
remembered how eloquently that voice had justified the ways
of God with man, and made it clear that those who in their
madness constitute themselves the critics and judges of God
display in their arraignments an ignorance equal to that of a
child who should fretfully declaim against the heat of the
sun that ripens the wide harvests of the earth.
Since that day it had more and more dawned upon him
that if an answer to the riddles of life was to be found at
all it must be sought in that Catholic theology which modern
philosophers ignore, while they seek in systems without a base
what such systems can never give, and then fling them aside,
crying: "We have tested this thing called revealed religion,
and found it without a single reason for its existence worth the
attention of a philosophical mind." A multitude follow their
lead as blindly as another multitude followed, three hundred
years ago, those who substituted human opinion for the voice
of God and led the human mind into a quagmire of error
where it has struggled ever. since. And among this multitude
Egerton might have remained but for yes, he said to himself
with something like a start of surprise, but for the voice of
Armine. If he had made a long mental journey since the day
when he stood before the great portal of Notre Dame, and
thought complacently, yet with some strange yearning toward
the repose of faith, that a man must belong to his age, it was
to her voice that he owed the first impulse on that journey.
How well he recalled the evening when he met her first, and
when, amid the passionate utterances of the apostle of destruc-
tion, her simple words had made so deep an impression and
sent him to D'Antignac as a questioner rather than merely as
a friend !
Yes, it was to Armine he owed whatever light had come to
him ; and that being so, was it more than chance which had
led his feet here to-day? " It is strange," he thought. '"The
ways are many* have I not seen that somewhere? A So-
cialist meeting was to me the vestibule to Notre Dame. And
120 ARMINE. [Oct.,
now, coming in very idleness to seek Winter, who first roused
my curiosity with regard to Duchesne, I find a sibyl with a
message. Shall I ever heed it ? God only knows. And yet
if there be a God there can certainly be no duty higher than
the duty of acknowledging him."
He rose, and, leaving the fountain, walked slowly along the
al!6e which led to the broad terrace with its stately flights of
steps descending to the parterre before the palace. Again he
thought- of Armine in her childhood and girlhood, of the poetic
face and the clear, searching eyes, as she had wandered here,
alone amid the bourgeois crowd, bearing already the penalty of
isolation which all must bear whose mind or spirit elevates
them above the multitude that surrounds them. What was
to be the fate of this delicate creature strong in mind, but
sensitive as a mimosa in feeling whom fate had placed where
mind and heart were set so cruelly at variance ? He felt his
interest in her growing almost insistent in its demands, as if
urging him to put out his hand to help her. But was it in his
power to help ? He knew that it was not ; but he determined
that at least he would know how it fared with her in the
struggle, and that he would not lose the position in which her
confidence and sympathy had placed him.
While thinking in this manner he had been walking to-
ward one of the gates of the garden, and he now passed
through into the Boulevard St. Michel, having before him the
narrow streets and the steep hill of the Quartier Latin, when
a hand fell on his shoulder, and, as once before in the same
neighborhood, he was accosted by the man whom he had
crossed the Seine to seek.
"So here you are!" said Winter. " I thought I should find
you."
" How did you know that I was to be found ? " asked Eger-
ton, turning.
"Oh! the concierge, chez woi, told me that'ww monsieur bien
distingut* had been inquiring for me. So, judging it to be you,
and judging also that, having nothing to occupy your time,
you would be likely to stroll into the Luxembourg Garden
that is the benefit of having a palace for near neighbor I de-
cided to take a turn in search of you. Et voilb ! "
He uttered the last words in a tone of satisfaction which
Egerton felt unable to echo. His meeting with Armine had
thrown him so entirely out of accord with Winter that it was
only by an effort he could recall himself to the plane of the
latter or remember why he had sought him. He had too
1883.] ARMINE. 121
much of the social faculty to suffer this to be apparent, how-
ever, and when Winter presently inquired concerning his im-
mediate intentions he said :
" I was on my way home ; but, now that we have met, the
best thing- to do would be to breakfast together. I presume
that you know a good cafe in the neighborhood."
" I know half a dozen where you can get a better breakfast
than in your gilded haunts on the Boulevard des Italiens,"
said Winter. " If you want to fare well in foreign towns you
should avoid all places where strangers congregate. Their
presence has always two effects to increase prices and to
deteriorate quality."
" Unhappily true," said Egerton ; "so I put myself in
your hands. Take, me where our degrading influence is un-
known."
Winter laughed, but proceeded to guide him to one of those
cafes where students, artists, and journalists congregate, where
the foreigner, unless he belongs to the Bohemian ranks, is un-
known, and where one finds few mirrors and little gilding, but
good service and distinctively French cooking.
The two men sat down at a small table, and, after they had
ordered breakfast, Egerton looked around. " It strikes me," he
said, "that I have been here before. Is not this the cafe where
you found the man who so obligingly went with me to the
meeting in Montmartre where I first saw Duchesne?"
" The same," Winter answered. " It is a great resort of
Leroux's. I should not be surprised if he dropped in at any
moment. If he did he might give us news of Duchesne, who
has been out of Paris lately "
" He is back in Paris now, however," said Egerton involun-
tarily.
"Indeed! Have you seen him?" inquired Winter.
" No," replied Egerton, slightly vexed with his own thought-
lessness and determined not to mention Armine ; " I have only
heard of his arrival."
The other looked at him with some surprise and a little
curiosity.
" You seem well informed," he said. " Only yesterday I
heard a man, whom I should have supposed likely to know
more than you, regret his absence."
" Yesterday he was absent," said Egerton, " but he arrived
in Paris last night."
"You are sure of it?"
" I am perfectly sure."
122 ARM IN E. [Oct.,
"Well," said Winter, with a slight shrug, "it seems that you
have become a Socialist in earnest, since you are admitted to
the confidence of the chiefs of the party. Up to this time I
have never believed in your conversion. 'He is only playing
with that, as he has played with other things,' I said to Leroux
when he told me how you were impressed by Duchesne ; ' he
has no stability in him.' '
" You are very kind," said Egerton. " There is nothing
so refreshing as the good opinion of a friend candidly ex-
pressed."
" There is no worth in a friend who is not candid," said
Winter. " And you must confess that up to this time stability
has not been your most striking characteristic."
" I have laid no claim to it," said Egerton. " I have thought
more of finding truth if truth were to be found than of pre-
serving a character for consistency ; which, after all, often sim-
ply means that a man is not accessible to new ideas."
" If you have been in search of truth I retract all my criti-
cisms," said Winter, "for my opinion has been that you were
simply in search of novelty. Eh bien, you have discovered
what you sought, then, in the principles of Socialism as ex-
pounded by Duchesne?"
" By no means," Egerton answered. " Principles which
would reconstruct the world on a basis of communal tyranny
are not to my fancy. That part of Socialism which -dwells upon
the wrongs and the miseries of the poor is true ; but when it
comes to a question of remedies it is impossible to follow men
who, if they had the power, would proclaim to-morrow a cru-
sade of wholesale robbery."
" Who by one violent revolution would set right the wrongs
of centuries and demolish social conditions which nothing short
of revolution can overturn," said Winter. " It is natural that
you do not welcome such a prospect, since you are one of the
class to be dispossessed ; but it proves that I was right in be-
lieving that you were only amusing yourself with Socialism, as
with other things."
Now, Egerton was amiable almost to a fault, but the scarcely
veiled contempt of the other's tone was too much even for
his amiability. He looked up with a spark of fire in his glance
as he said:
" You are entirely Tnistaken. I have not been amusing my-
self with Socialism. It is rather a grim subject for amusement.
But I was attracted by the ideal which it presented ; and in
order to judge it fairly I heard its claims presented and its
1883.] ARMINE. 123
aims declared not by outsiders but by its warmest supporters
and advocates. Consequently I have a right to say that I have
weighed Socialism in the balance and found it wanting. It may
convulse the world and destroy society I grant you it has
power enough for that ; but it has no power to construct
another society. The basis on which it rests is too unsound."
" Do you mean," said Winter, "the basis of the equal rights
of man ? "
" Yes," answered Egertorr, " the basis of the equal rights of
man. For how can you prove that man has any rights? It is
an assertion without a shadow of proof. In the pagan world
there was but one recognized right that of force. The Chris-
tianity which you despise, in declaring that man has an im-
mortal soul, gave him the charter of all the rights he possesses.
But in destroying and denying Christianity you throw your-
selves back upon Nature ; and neither you nor any other man
can prove that naturally that is, according to the nature re-
vealed to us by positive science man has any rights above
those of the horse and dog."
There was a moment's silence after this bold challenge
a challenge which no positivist can answer, and which was
perhaps for the first time presented to Winter. It evidently
startled him a little, and probably he was not sorry for conver-
sation to be interrupted by breakfast, which the garc.on just
then placed on the table before them. But as he poured out a
glass of red wine a minute later he recovered himself sufficiently
to say, with the sneer which always comes readily in default of
argument :
" Oh ! if you have gone back to the fables of religion there
is nothing more to be said. It is very natural in that case
that you should turn your back on the rights of man."
" It would be so far from natural," said Egerton, " that I re-
peat and insist upon the assertion that it is religion which first
introduced into the world the doctrine that man had any
rights at all ; and without religion that. is, without some form of
theistic belief, however vague you cannot prove the existence
of a single right to which he may logically lay claim. All the
high-sounding declarations of the French Revolution merely
asserted in a political sense what the Catholic Church had for
eighteen centuries asserted in a spiritual sense that all men are
equal before God. But obliterate the idea of God, and where
is your equality ? Science absolutely denies it, Nature as has
been well said abhors it, all experience disproves it. And since
neither Nature nor science gives man his charter of equal
124 A R MINE. [Oct.,
rights, where do you find it? Only in Catholic theology. Your
leaders have stolen it thence, but the fire of heaven in their
hands can only kindle conflagration on earth."
" By Jove ! " said Winter, with a stare. " Well as I thought
I knew you, this is a change for which I was hardly prepared !
From liberalism to Catholic theology, from positive science
to the dogmas of the church, would prove a very long step for
any one but yourself. You seem to have taken it, however,
with wonderful agility; and but for the fact that your con-
versions never last long, I should expect to hear of you soon
as 'received* at the Madeleine."
" You could hear nothing better of me, if I had the neces-
sary faith," said Egerton quietly. " But because 1 point out
a simple fact a fact easily verified by history it does not fol-
low that I must accept that on which the claims of the church
rest. Yet the man is intellectually blind who denies that they
are mighty claims," he went on after a moment ; "and between
that church as she stands, with all her glorious past behind her,
pointing to the great fabric of Christian civilization as her
work, and clothed in that mantle of infallibility without which
she would have no right to speak for what is a fallible church
but a human society a little more absurd than any other, in-
asmuch as it attempts to teach great truths of which avowedly
it has no certainty ? and liberalism with its creed of human
progress, which the future alone can prove, the choice is to be
n\ade. These two forces divide the world. One or the other
must win the victory the kingdom of God or what your new
thinkers call the kingdom of man."
Winter looked up with the defiance which is the charac-
teristic attitude of his school. " The human mind has out-
grown the fables of the church of which you speak," he said.
" The kingdom of God which it invented has passed away, and
the kingdom of man has come."
"Has it?" said Egerton. "Then God help but how if
there is no God ? Can we call upon matter to help man thus
left at the mercy of the blind forces of nature and the blinder
passions of his fellow-man, for whom justice, mercy, and right
must soon become mere idle words signifying nothing, since
deriving authority from nothing? But let me tell you this:
that as I am never so hear being a Catholic as when I talk
to a positivist, so there will be nothing so likely to drive men
to the kingdom of God as the founding of your kingdom of
man."
TO BE CONTINUED.
1883.] WHEN VISIONS PASS. 125
WHEN VISIONS PASS.
A BOY beside my mother's knee,
I dreamed myself a name
That girt the land on wings of fame
And crossed the throbbing sea.
Ah, simple dream !
Than scenes of elfin-land more fair
The child passed by, the youth came on,
Yet roses warmed the air.
A student bending o'er the page
Where dwells the brilliant past,
Mine was the light illumed the vast,
The wondrous coming age.
Ah, luring dream !
That taught my youthful mind to dare
The days stole by and manhood came,
Yet found my brow still bare.
A man endowed with pride alone,
I sought to pierce the skies,
To grasp what far beyond me lies
And know as I am known.
Ah, wild, wild dream !
That urged but failed to lead me there
The night has passed, the morning dawns
And finds me here at prayer.
Gone with the song for ever mute,
The lily's bloom that died,
Still as the soothing tones that hide
Within a voiceless lute.
Ah, buried dreams!
My soul is filled with fragrance rare
Of that which knows no fading hues-
God's love and tender care.
126
THE TORPEDO STATION.
[Oct.,
THE TORPEDO STATION.
IN the Redwood Library at Newport is a deed of sale by
which are transferred to Benedict Arnold and John Green three
small islands in the bay viz., Nante Simunk, the Indian name
of Goat Island, now better known as the " Torpedo Station " ;
Weenat Sliasitt, or Coaster's Harbor, and a small island called
Dyer's Island for the sum of 6 los. To the deed are affixed
the following classic signatures :
Witness:
JOHN SANFORD
Awashans
his
marke
his marke
JAMES S
SWEET
his marke
MAY 22nd 1658.
This is the earliest historical mention of Goat Island, where
our present depot for the construction of defensive torpedoes
stands. At this date it was covered with a heavy growth of
timber, and, according to an early historian, the war-whoop of
Cachanaqueant, then chief sachem of the Narragansets, rang
through its forests ; but we know not against what enemy the
martial powers of the great sachem could have been directed,
unless against the goats which overran and gave their name to
his dominions, for the island, which is not more than a mile in
length, and perhaps only a quarter of a mile in width, could
hardly accommodate two hostile tribes. We can more easily
credit the piscatorial exploits related of the red men, for the
waters about the island still abound in fish.
i
In 1673 Benedict Arnold sold the island to Newport. Some
1883.] THE TORPEDO STATION. 127
twenty years after Queen Ann's fort was erected on it. In 1879,
when the stones of which it was built were transported to form
a sea-wall about the island, it was found to contain a curious
chamber, the use of which could not be accounted for in the
records of fortifications. It was oval, measuring about ten feet
in length and eight feet in width, open at the top, but with no
visible means of entry or exit. In a corner of the chamber lay an
earthen pot and a bottle of medicine. The fort was built chiefly
from the proceeds of general forfeitures, especially from plate
and money taken from the unfortunate pirates, with which no
locality is more closely associated than the harbor of Newport.
Cooper's " Red Rover " was not the only daring adventurer who
boldly took advantage of the " placid basin, outer harbor, con-
venient roadstead, and clear offing." Pirates were wont to lie
in wait for the rich planters of the South who fled from the
tropical heat of their own provinces to the salt breezes of the
New England shores. Newport, which was called the Garden
of America, was the favorite resort on the coast at that time,
and Cooper, in the novel to which we have alluded above, tells
us that " it was never more enticing and lovely. Its swelling
crests were still crowned with the wood of centuries, its little
vales were then covered with the living verdure of the north,
and its unpretending but neat and comfortable villas lay shel-
tered in groves and embedded in flowers." A low headstone on
the northern end of the " Station " marks the place of interment
of twenty-six pirates who were buried there in 1728. They had
attacked the British sloop-of-war Greyhound, mistaking her for a
merchantman. They fled on discovering their mistake, but the
Greyhound gave chase and captured them. After a summary
trial they were executed on Gravelly Point and buried on Goat
Island shore between high and low water mark.
There is a singular though well-authenticated pirate story
connected with Newport, in which the generosity of the husband
quite equals that of Enoch Arden. The hero, Governor Samuel
Cranston, was.a man noted for his strength of intellect and power
of administration. His public career was quite as remarkable
as the singular romance of l)is early manhood : he was thirty
successive times chosen to fill the highest office in the colony,
and in every crisis conducted public affairs with so much skill
that there was scarcely a dissentient voice against him, and- his
popularity survived political convulsions which deposed every
other official in the colony. In 1765, business being somewhat
dull, he started in an adventurous spirit on a voyage to Jamaica.
128 THE TORT EDO STATION. [Oct.,
The ship in which he took sail was attacked by pirates off the
Keys of Florida, and all on board were inhumanly massacred
with the exception of Mr. Cranston, who was spared and re-
tained for labor on the ship. After seven years of this servitude,
which comprised the most cruel suffering and privations of every
sort, he secured a boat, in which he gradually secreted provi-
sions, and, watching his opportunity, commit ted himself to the
mercy of the winds and waves, trusting in Providence. After
tossing about for many days, uncertain whither his frail bark
was drifting and watching with a sinking heart his diminishing
stores, he fell in with an English ship bound for Halifax. From
there he made his way to his home, where the first news he heard
was that his wife was on the eve of marriage with Mr. Russel, of
Boston. He entered the kitchen of his house and asked food
from the servant. After his hunger was appeased he inquired 'if
Mrs. Cranston was mistress of the house, and requested to see
her; he was told it was impossible. "I have a message from her
husband," said Mr. Cranston. " You cannot see her," answered
one of the servants ; " she is preparing for her marriage this even-
ing." " Go to your mistress," persisted Mr. Cranston, " and tell
her that I saw her husband to-day at noon crossing Howland's
Ferry." This startling intelligence interrupted the bride's toilet
for the moment, and Mr. Cranston was summoned to the library.
He briefly rehearsed the sufferings endured by her husband, she
listening with deepest sympathy and interest. At length Mr.
Cranston rose, and, standing before her, asked if she had ever
seen him before. He was dressed as a sailor, with a tarpaulin
hat partially drawn over his eyes. In answer to her puzzled
silence he pushed back his hat, and, pointing with a significant
glance to a scar on his forehead, asked if she had ever seen that
before. She screamed and fell on his neck, crying, " My hus-
band ! " Perhaps the scar to which he significantly drew her
attention, and her ready recognition of it, may explain his sub-
sequent generosity. However, when her paroxysm subsided
he retired, and, after dressing himself to befit his rank and station,
presented his arm to his wife and led her to the parlor, where
the groom and the officiating clergyman were waiting. He
then insisted upon the ceremony proceeding, and not only re-
signed her to Mr. Russel, but settled upon her the dowry due
heras his wife.
Extraordinary as this story may appear, it is gravely told
in a history of Newport now in the Redwood Library. Arnold,
in his History of RJiode Island, however, gives another and more
1883.] THE TORPEDO STATION. 129
probable version, which runs that Mr. Cranston, after making
himself known to his wife, went into the drawing-room and en-
tertained the wedding guests with an account of his adventures.
On the west end of the island was Fort Wolcott, constructed
by Major L'Enfant, the engineer of West Point, and named for
Oliver Wolcott, a brave man of the Revolutionary war, a mem-
ber of Congress, and a " Signer."
For many years previous to the fall of 1869 all that remained
of the military fortifications of the island was a rambling old
barrack occupied by an ancient ordnance sergeant and his family.
The sergeant was quite a well-known character in Newport ; he
was named Morrison, and prided himself on his kinship with
Burns' " peerless Highland Mary." He devoted himself to the
peaceful pursuit of raising turkeys of a famous breed, which
brought a good price when he was able to save them from ma-
rauders, who sometimes succeeded in landing despite his vigi-
lance. Admiral Porter tells a story of his going to the island
one stormy day in company with General Sherman, who was
dressed in a rough suit of citizen's clothes, and he himself in a
great pilot-coat. They had no sooner landed than they were
ordered off the premises by Morrison. " I have lost a good
many turkeys these dark nights," said the sergeant quite can-
didly, " and I would not be surprised if you were the fellows
who took them "; and, eyeing the two heroes suspiciously, added :
" I am not going to allow any more tramps on the island."
"What if we refused to go?" said the admiral, relishing the
joke. "Then, faith, I'll put the authorities on ye." "What
if we have 'more authority than the authorities?" answered
the admiral. "This is General Sherman." "And this," said the
general, " is Admiral Porter." " Oh ! I have lost my place," ex-
claimed the sergeant. " No, you haven't," said the general ; " I
like your zeal." The old fellow was quite fond of children, and
for many years the island was famous picnic-grounds for the
little ones, whp loved to hear his stories of the war of indepen-
dence and the old wife's tales of the pirates buried there how
on dark nights she could see a black gallows with all the bodies
dangling, and when the winds were high she could plainly hear
their bones rattle in the chains. T*& children could never Jbe
induced to remain on the island after nightfall.
In 1869, when Captain Mathews was sent to the "Station,"
the old sergeant was very loath to abandon his position, and it
was with much difficulty that he was persuaded to resign ; for
VOL. xxxvni. 9
130 THE TORPEDO STATION. [Oct.,
some time after the advent of the naval officers letters still came
to him from the department addressed " To the Commanding
Officer of Fort Wolcott." Finally a small house was hired for him
in Newport, which his daughter still occupied at a recent date.
Very different is the present aspect of the island from its
appearance in 1869 when Captain Mathews took command. The
old barracks have been metamorphized by a mansard roof, and
a broad piazza running the whole length of the front of the
building. One-half of the barracks makes a handsome residence
for the commanding officer, while the other is converted into
offices.
In the old fort is the chemical laboratory of the " Station."
Some of the explosives are kept in small magazines about the
island; the greater part of them, however, are deposited as a
matter of precaution in a casemate on Rose Island, where the
only habitation is a light-house. Nitro-glycerine and other ex-
plosives are manufactured at the "Station "in small buildings
on the west bank. In front of the fort stands the electrical
laboratory, which contains electrical instruments, batteries, and
machines. Further to the front is the " machine-shop " build-
ing, the lower part of which is devoted to machinery, one room
exclusively to the large dynamo-electric machines. The second
story contains a torpedo museum and torpedo fittings; the mu-
seum is used also as an instruction-room where officers are
taught the handling of torpedoes. Near the latter building is a
large store-house for torpedoes and their fittings ready to be put
on board ship. In a boat-house on the wharf are stored mov-
able torpedoes and steam-launches used in torpedo exercises.
To the right of the commandant's house are the officers' quar-
ters pretty cottages of uniform dimensions, with beautiful lawns
running to the water's edge, interspersed with bright flower-beds,
and kept with the neatness and good taste which usually dis-
tinguish naval stations. Over this portion of the island is an air
of domestic life and peaceful beauty quite incongruous with the
mysterious and devastating weapons manufactured there. One
of the principal curiosities of the " Station " is the torpedo salute
given to the President and other high officials. On these occa-
o
sions torpedoes are planteccfct certain distances in the water, and,
when exploded, send up a stream of water to a height measuring
one hundred feet. Sometimes arrangements are made by which
a lady may fire the salute, which is done by simply running the
fingers over a key-board.
1883.] THE TORPEDO STATION. 131
Notwithstanding the number of years torpedo warfare has
been in operation its results haye not fulfilled the anticipation
of scientists. The earliest and best-authenticated instance of
the use of torpedoes dates back as far as the sixteenth century,
when in 1584 some floating mines invented by Zambelli were
sent from Antwerp against a bridge across the Scheldt erected
by the Prince of Parma. The submarine warfare of that day
was at least effective, if not as scientific as ours; for the result
of this explosion and only one of the mines went off is thus
described in a lecture by Lieutenant Barber, of our navy :
" At the instant of the explosion the air was filled with stones, beams,
chains, and bullets ; the wooden castle on that part of the bridge near
which the mine exploded, together with its guns and soldiers, with part of
the boats of the bridge, were all thrown into the air, while houses were
toppled down and people within three hundred yards of the scene were
killed by the concussion of the atmosphere. The earth trembled for
leagues around, and some of the great tombstones were found a mile away
from the river."
David Bushnell, of Connecticut, was the first to introduce
torpedo warfare on our side of the water. One of his earliest
attempts was the famous " Battle of the Kegs," when he cast
adrift from Bordentown in 1777 a number of floating torpedoes
in the shape of kegs for the purpose of annoying the British ship-
ping at Philadelphia. The effect of his experiment, however,
proved more amusing to the Americans than disastrous to the
British. For the latter, fearing the rapid formation of the ice,
had warped in their ships to the wharves, thus escaping Mr.
Bushnell's unfriendly designs. The kegs were charged with
gunpowder, and were to fire and explode by a spring-lock on
touching the bottom of a vessel. One which was taken up by
the crew of a barge exploded, killing four of the men and wound-
ing the rest. The alarm of the explosion set the whole city in
commotion. Soldiers and sailors lined the wharves. House-
keepers and children hurried to their homes for shelter. The
British ran to their places of muster ; horns, drums, trumpets
sounded everywhere to arms, while cavalry and horsemen added
to the din and noise by dashing to and fro in wild confusion.
The kegs themselves could not be seen only the buoys which
floated them were above water so imagination ran riot. They
were kegs filled with armed rebels : the points of their bayonets
had been seen sticking through the bung-holes; they were
filled with combustibles which would turn the Delaware into a
sheet of flame and envelop all the shipping ; they were magic
132 THE TORPEDO STATION. [Oct.,
machines, which would mount the wharves and roll in flames
into the city. The firing was incessant, and the best efforts of
officers and men were concentrated upon every visible floating
stick or chip. The story of the day has come down to us in
Francis Hopkinson's * humorous song entitled " The Battle of
the Kegs," of which the following is an extract :
" These kegs, I am told, the rebels hold,
Packed up like pickled herring,
And they've come down to attack the town
In this new way of ferrying.
" The soldiers flew, the sailors too,
And, scared almost to death, sir,
Wore out their shoes and spread the news,
And ran till out of breath, sir.
" 'Arise, arise ! ' Sir Erskine cries.
' The rebels, more's the pity,
Without a boat are all afloat,
And ranged before the city.'
" The royal band now ready stand
All ranged in dread array, sir,
With stomach stout, to see it out
And make a bloody day, sir.
" Such feats did they perform
Among those wicked kegs, sir,
That years to come, when they get home,
They'll make their boast and brag, sir."
No doubt the opposition this mode of warfare encountered
in its early stages from humanitarian principles militated against
its progress. England, who now ranks first in torpedo warfare,
condemned it on the occasion of the blowing-up of their line-
of-battle ship Plantagenet as " a villanous, invidious, improper, and
cowardly means of warfare." About the same time a writer in
the Navy Chronicle stigmatizes Fulton's invention as " revolt-
ing to every noble principle," and their projector as "a crafty,
murderous ruffian" The Earl of St. Vincent's criticism, however,
would lead us to suspect the disinterestedness of England's pro-
test. " Pitt," he indignantly exclaimed, " was the greatest fool
ever existed to encourage a mode of warfare which they who
command the sea did not want, and which, if successful, would
deprive them of it."
* \Ve are indebted to a son of Francis Hopkinson for our national air, ' ' Hail Columbia."
1883.] THE TORPEDO STATION. 133
The most widely known and generally adopted torpedo of
the present day bears an English name the Whitehead torpedo.
It was constructed from some crude ideas left among the draw-
ings and papers of ( an Austrian officer. To briefly describe it,
it is a vessel made of iron and steel, very nearly the shape of a
spindle of revolution, measuring in length nearly fourteen feet
and in diameter fourteen inches, and carries an explosive charge
of twenty pounds of dynamite. The invention has been suc-
cessfully kept a secret since its introduction into notice in 1868.
Several European governments have purchased the secret at
a high price, with or without the right to manufacture Austria
first, and conceding the right to manufacture to Mr. Whitehead
at the rate of six hundred dollars each for a small size and one
thousand dollars for larger. England, it is reported, paid fifteen
thousand pounds for the secret. Mr. Whitehead at different
times offered his invention to our government for twenty thou-
sand pounds, but it was not deemed advisable to purchase it.
Some years ago an offer was made to the Chief of the Bureau
of Ordnance by a former employee at Woolwich to sell the secret
and furnish the necessary drawings for a moderate sum ; the offer,
of course, was rejected.
There is no place more attractive to the summer residents
of Newport than the Torpedo Station, where the warmest day
is tempered by the salt breezes which sweep over its velvet
terraces. A comfortable little steam-launch. plies back and forth
to Newport every half-hour for the accommodation of the officers
and visitors. The view from the island is most extended and
rich in picturesque beauty. A vast sweep of blue waters bounds
the horizon on the north and south, interspersed with small
islands, each surmounted by a light-house. To the south, on one
of the " Dumplings," rises the circular stone tower built in the
administration of Adams. This is an exceedingly picturesque
relic. The parapet has crumbled and the bomb-proofs are
choked with 'rubbish. It is about one hundred feet from the
crown of the parapet to the water, and, though the elevation is in-
considerable, is one of the chief points of observation in Narra-
ganset. At night the scenic effect of the surrounding country
is very striking. On the north " Goat Island Light "
" Through the deep purple of the twilight air
Beams forth with sudden radiance of its light,
With strange, unearthly splendor in its glare."
134 NEW PUBLICATIONS. [Oct.,
On the southern extremity of an adjacent island " Beaver-Tail
Light"
"Starts into life, a dim, gigantic shape,
Holding its lantern o'er the restless surge."
And the waters on the south are bathed in the soft splendor
of " Lime Rock Light," the home of Ida Lewis, the " Grace
Darling " of America :
"The maiden gentle, yet at duty's call
Firm and unflinching as the light-house reared
On the island rock, her lonely dwelling-place." *
The bay is usually studded with craft of every description,
each carrying colored lights at the mast-head. Viewed from
the broad balcony of the commandant's quarters in the quiet
stillness of a summer night, with the mellow light of a harvest
moon over all, the scene is one of entrancing beauty ; and when
there is added the accompaniment of music from the well-trained
fort band, we could readily believe ourselves on the dreamy
shores of the Adriatic rather than on the coast of prosaic New
England.
NEW PUBLICATIONS.
THE WORKS OF ORESTES A. BROWNSON, collected and arranged by Henry
F. Brownson. Volume iv., containing the Writings on Religion and
Society prior to the author's Conversion. Detroit : Thorndike Nourse.
1883.
This volume of Dr. Brownson's works has for us more a biographical
and historical interest than any other. The letter which it contains to Dr.
Channing on " The Mediatorial Life of Jesus " in 1842 was the turning-point
of Dr. Brownson's conversion. The letter had no effect on Dr. Channing,
who appeared satisfied without further inquiry with his vie\vs of Chris-
tianity, and to make them the basis of his preaching and action. Not so
with Dr. Brownson ; his mind was more intellectual, and he sought after a
radical and philosophical basis for the Christian faith. The moment he
found this he found the Catholic Church, which is the only system of
Christianity which is satisfactory to the demands of reason and at the
same time embraces all the truths of revealed religion. Perhaps Dr.
Channing had an inkling where such philosophical speculations would
eventually lead, and he shrank from the consequences. But one would
rather believe, in his case, it was more from defect of mind than of will
which was in the way of his seeing the value of the truths which this let-
ter contains. Not many did see its value, and to the few who did it threw
* Wordsworth's epitaph on Grace Darling.
1883.]. NEW PUBLICATIONS. 135
a flood of fresh light upon Christianity, and became to them, as it was to its
author, the turning-point of their entrance into the fold of the Catholic
Church. This volume contains an engraved portrait of Dr. Brownson as
he appeared forty or more years ago.
THE LIFE OF ST. JOHN BAPTIST DE Rossi. Translated from the Italian
by Lady Herbert. Introduction, on Ecclesiastical Training and the
Sacerdotal Life, by the Bishop of Salford. London : Richardson.
1883. (For sale by the Catholic Publication Society Co.)
This life of a Roman ecclesiastic of the last century, who was canon-
ized in 1881 by Leo XIII., has a singular interest from the fact that the
Canon De Rossi is the first secular priest, not a bishop or a martyr, who
has been canonized in modern times. It is true that St. Philip Neri and
some others, belonging to institutes which have no religious vows, were,
strictly speaking, secular priests. Yet this last term in common usage
denotes only priests who are living and working in the ordinary way of the
ecclesiastical state. St. John De Rossi devoted the labors of more than
forty years in the priesthood, a considerable private fortune, and the reve-
nues of his canonry to the temporal and spiritual welfare of the poorest
and most neglected classes of the population of Rome and the adjacent
provinces. His example shows how much can be done among the same
classes of the population in all large cities, and the fact that he has been
canonized for his zeal in the humblest and most self-sacrificing labors of
the priesthood, and thus set before the secular clergy as a model, is an
encouragement to those who have a vocation to works of the same kind.
Bishop Vaughan's introduction speaks of the reasons why so few of
the secular clergy have been canonized, with a special view of vindicating
them from suspicions or aspersions which lessen their claim to be re-
spected and honored as a class. He afterwards proceeds with great
strength and earnestness to recommend the adoption of all suitable means
for the best training of ) r oung ecclesiastics. His remarks are worthy of
most serious attention and are most appropriate to the occasion which
called them forth the publication of a new Life of a saint who shed
lustre on the sacerdotal order by his apostolic virtues.
LIFE AND REVELATIONS OF SAINT MARGARET OF CORTONA. Written in
Latin by her confessor, Fr. Giunta Revegnati, of the Minor Order.
Translated by F. McDonogh Mahony. London : Burns & Gates. 1883.
As one of the readers of the lives of the saints we feel grateful to Fa-
ther Mahony, who has given to the public an interesting life of this re-
markable person. The student of spiritual life may learn from this vol-
ume how our Blessed Lord turns a soul which has gone far astray into
the roads of sin into the paths of virtue and of sanctity. St. Margaret of
Cortona was a second Magdalen. Her life is full of instruction, encour-
agement, and aid to all who would lead a Christian life or who seek the
paths of perfection. No one can read her biography without profit.
A MEMOIR OF THE LIFE AND DEATH OF THE REV. FATHER AUGUSTUS
HENRY LAW, S.J., formerly an Officer in the Royal Navy. Part iiL
London : Burns & Gates. 1883. (For sale by the Catholic Publication
Society Co.)
We are well pleased to find the Life of Father Law as a religious and
priest continued and completed by his own venerable father, the Hon.
136 NEW PUBLICATIONS. .[Oct.,
William Towry Law. It is chiefly told in the words of Father Law's letters
and diaries, and is thus all through more of an autobiography than a
memoir. The same bright, affectionate, and playful spirit which made the
letters of the school-boy and the young midshipman so winning and
attractive is preserved throughout his correspondence as a novice and a
priest. Father Law was ordained in 1864. In 1875 he was sent to the
Jesuit College at Grahamstown, in South Africa, where he remained until
April, 1879, when he was sent on the Zulu Mission. In September he was
at Gubuluwayo, which he left in May for Umzila's Kraal in Zululand in
company with Father Wehl and two lay brothers. At the end of August
the small caravan reached its destination after a fatiguing journey of three
hundred and fifty miles, having lost Father Wehl and abandoned their
wagon on the way. On November 25 Father Law died of fever and a
want of food almost amounting to starvation. His last letters and the last
entries in his journal breathe the same cheerful and undaunted spirit
which he had shown throughout his life, together with heroic faith and
charity. The story of his sufferings and death is very pathetic and closes
the narrative of the life of a lovely and noble character.
We have been told on good authority that Father Law was a lineal
descendant from George Law, the author of that celebrated book, the
Serious Call. Certainly he acted out from his youth to his grave among
the African heathen the high maxims of perfection contained in the work
of his illustrious ancestor.
It is to be hoped that the entire Memoir may be reprinted in this
country in one complete volume, and may have the wide circulation which
it deserves. The warm language of Cardinal Manning's letter expresses
the sentiments which every one must feel who has read this beautiful
Memoir.
CATHOLIC SERMONS. A series of sermons, on Faith and Morals, appearing
every week. Conducted by Rev. J. B. Bagshawe. Vols. ii. and iii.
London : Lane & Son. 1882. (New York : The Catholic Publication
Society Co.)
The first volume of these Sermons has already been noticed in these
pages, and all that was then said in its praise can with justice be repeated
in favor of the volumes now before us. Indeed, they merit the greater
commendation of successfully uniting simple and clear exposition of
Catholic doctrines with a pleasing and attractive style a merit rarely
found in sermons of a doctrinal character. The greatest -excellence of
these sermons is found in this : that with a lucid exposition of dogma,
besides making faith intelligent, they serve to make it practical by point-
ing out in readily-appreciated illustrations the influence the various arti-
cles of our belief should have on our conduct. Father Bagshawe in this
regard has very happily realized the truth laid down by Cardinal Manning
in his work on the Sacred Heart, " Dogma is the source of devotion." We,
therefore, cannot but regard these as a valuable addition to the stock of
published Catholic sermons.
SELECT SPECIMENS OF THE ENGLISH POETS, WITH BIOGRAPHICAL
NOTICES, ETC. Edited by Aubrey de Vere, Esq. i6mo, pp. xii.-joS.
London : Burns & Gates. 1883.
Anthologies of English poetry are numerous enough, but this one com-
mends itself by the fact that it is by a poet who is distinguished for lofty
1883.] NEW PUBLICATIONS. 137
ideals, grand and vivid imagination, as well as for exquisite taste and
acknowledged scholarship. One would have a right to expect from Mr. De
Vere just what is found in this little hand-book : an admirable selection of
short poems. It begins at Chaucer, with the Prologue to the Canterbury
Tales, and ends with a miscellaneous array which includes such names as
Tennyson, Longfellow, Allingham, Leigh Hunt, Henry Constable, Cardinal
Newman, Sheridan, Samuel Ferguson, Thomas Davis, Father Faber, as
well as others who are known by one or two poems of uncommon merit.
Except in the case of those brought together under the head of " Miscella-
neous," a biographical sketch and a short criticism of the style is prefixed
to each of the poets in the collection.
HISTORICAL PORTRAITS OF THE TUDOR DYNASTY AND THE REFORMATION
PERIOD. By S. Hubert Burke, author of The Men and Women of the
Reformation. Vol. iv. London : John Hodges. 1883. (New York : for
sale by the Catholic Publication Society Co.)
This volume ends the very interesting study which Mr. Burke has for
a number of years been making in London from the original records in
the State Paper Office there on the manners of the people and the methods
of the rulers in England during the period of the establishment of Pro-
testantism. " The history of those times," says Mr. Burke (p. 535), " ap-
pears like a dream in a chamber of horrors, yet all the incidents recorded
are proved to be correct from contemporary evidence and well-attested
State Papers." In the four volumes of this work the author has con-r
densed a moving narrative of great events and of horrible crimes, yet so
hedged about is this narrative with an almost overscrupulous anxiety not
to exaggerate that the reader must occasionally desire a little more feel-
ing. In fact, Mr. Burke does not need to asseverate his conscientious de-
sire to be just; for this desire is clearly apparent throughout his Historical
Portraits. Nowhere does he spare " bad Catholics," those selfish, haughty,
unfeeling, and unscrupulous Catholics who helped to make the success of
the " Reformation " possible.
Several chapters in this volume are taken up with Mary Stuart, and to
many readers, no doubt, these chapters will be among the most interest-
ing in the volume, although the subject has been so much discussed that
one might fairly expect to find nothing new here. But Mr. Burke has had
the advantage, in preparing these chapters dealing with the unfortunate
Queen of Scots, of access to hitherto unpublished manuscripts that were
not within the reach of previous writers. Very striking portraits indeed
are drawn of the rough, uncouth Scotch, and the more polished English,
villains who helped Elizabeth to bring about the poor lady's destruction
in furtherance o'f "Gospel religion " and their own personal ends.
One instance of many of the pliability and duplicity of some Catholics
in England during the " Reformation " is that of the Sydneys. " Sydney
and his father had been Catholics in early life. The Sydney family and
their relatives were noted for changing their religion whenever any
'worldly considerations' were likely to be favorable to such movements.
It was no wonder for Elizabeth to entertain grave doubts as to the genuine
Protestantism of many of those about her court. According to the De
Ouadra State Papers (Simancas), Sir Henry Sydney, Philip's father, was
negotiating with King Philip and Queen Elizabeth for the restoration of
138 NEW PUBLICATIONS. [Oct.,
Catholicity to England, whilst at the same time persecuting the English
Catholics " (p. 219). There can be little doubt that Elizabeth's Protestant-
ism was purely political. "The queen, who admired the court customs of
old times, maintained a fool and jester. Pace, styled the ' bitter fool,' was
very popular. He was employed by Knollys and Cecil to turn the Mass
into ridicule, for which he was sharply rebuked by his royal mistress.
Sixtus V. was also an object of satire on the part of the court jesters, but
rarely in the queen's presence, who, while she detested that pontiff, had
a certain respect for his office " (p. 59). In fact, "nearly the whole of her
servants were Catholics ; and many of them acted as her spies upon the
"Protestant party, in whose integrity she had little reliance, unless where
their interests were concerned, and in such cases she gave them little
credit for honesty."
But if Elizabeth's Protestantism was merely political it bore none the
less hard on those Catholics (and Protestant Dissenters, too) who were
courageous enough to avow their religious opinions. In contradiction of
the assertion that has been made that the only persons put to the rack in
Elizabeth's reign were the servants of the Duke of Norfolk, Mr. Burke holds
up the State Papers of the period, and he remarks that "the rolls of the
Tower teem with records of the cruelties that were inflicted in Elizabeth's
time" (p. 100). "On one occasion Elizabeth asked Lord Burleigh 'if some
more terrible mode of torture or death could be devised for those who
denied her supremacy or plotted against her life.' The astute minister
assured his royal mistress that the law was strong enough to have the re-
quired vengeance ; he would, however, see that the jailers did their duty
promptly " (p. 101). As all Catholics and Dissenters denied the queen's
supremacy in religion, the prospect for them was sufficiently appalling.
"At a later period of her life (1601) Elizabeth seemed to rejoice at be-
holding the mangled remains of her victims. Holding the French en-
voy (De Biron) by the hand, she pointed to a number of heads that were
planted on the walls of the Tower, and next conducted him to London
Bridge to witness a similar exhibition, and told him ' that it was thus they
punished traitors in England.' " All who refused the oath of supremacy,
consequently all Catholics, were traitors, then ! Chapter x., on "The Use
of the Torture," is a heartrending one, yet necessary to be written and to
be read in the cause of historical truth.
The defeat of the Spanish Armada has always been a subject of exulta-
tion with the English, yet how few English historians have told the truth
about this ill-fated fleet! This unsuccessful attempt to invade England
was, after all, but an attempt to administer merited punishment for the
havoc and cruelties wrought by the English pirates. Those conscience-
less scoundrels, among them Cobham, Cavendish, and Drake, sacrificed
everything in their search for booty while in Spanish waters. Mr. Froude
even admits this of the English cruisers in general : " English Protestants,
it was evident, regarded the property of papists as a lawful prize whenever
they could lay hands on it ; and Protestantism, stimulated by these in-
ducements to conversion, was especially strong in the seaport towns "
{History of England, vol. viii. p. 467). As Mr. Burke says, "almost every
circumstance connected with the Armada has been misrepresented for
sectarian and party reasons." But the Catholics of England contributed
1883.] NEW PUBLICATIONS. 139
more than their share of what they had not yet been plundered of towards
the defence of their country, yet "from the defeat of the Spanish Ar-
mada till the death of the queen, during the lapse of fourteen years, the
English Catholics groaned under the pressure of incessant persecution.
Sixty-one clergymen, forty-seven laymen, and two ladies suffered capital
punishment for some or other of the ' spiritual felonies and treasons,' which
had been lately created " (p. 534).
Mr. Burke's description of the doughty Shane (or, correctly, Seaghan)
O'Neill's visit to London is amusing. Seaghan was " a most powerful
man, beyond seven feet two inches in height, quite erect, with a large
head and face; his saffron mantle sweeping round him, his black hair
curling on his back and clipped short below the eyes, 'which gleamed
from under it with a gray lustre, frowning, fierce, and savage-like.' " Per-
haps the cockneys in their dread magnified the O'Neill's stature ; at all
events Seaghan, on his return to Ireland, in imitation of his English ad-
versaries, violated his treaties and oaths. Even after being treacher-
ously slain by some Scottish MacDonnells among whom he was, he must
still have looked grim to the inhabitants of Dublin Castle when his head
was set up on a pole there by the suggestion of the Protestant Archbishop
Loftus.
But it must not be supposed that Mr. Burke's volumes deal with
what is dreadful only. For those who have read to their heart's content
of the feuds, conspiracies, sacrileges, cruelties, wars, and ruin that accom-
panied and followed the " Reformation " movement everywhere, there will
be found in his pages interesting and novel discourses on the literature of
the period in its various forms, on courtship, marriage, the customs and
the amusements of the people, etc.
MEDIEVAL SERMON-BOOKS AND STORIES. By Professor T. F. Crane,
Ithaca, N. Y. (Read before the American Philosophical Society,
March 16, 1883.)
This lecture is intended, the author says, to direct attention to " the
great collections of stories made chiefly for the use of preachers, which,
besides giving a picture of the culture of the later middle ages, such as can
nowhere else be found, throw a flood of light upon the diffusion of popu-
lar tales." The exempla, or stories with a moral, which became a regular
part of the mediaeval popular sermon, were the source of many of the fa-
vorite folk-stories of Europe. Speaking of the use of fables in Europe in
serious instruction, Prof. Crane says that the first instance is the Dtrec-
torium humana vttce, a translation into Latin (1263-78) by John of Capua,
based on a Hebrew version by Rabbi Joel (1250). The Speculum Sapientia:,
attributed to Bishop Cyril in the thirteenth century, is a collection of
stories chiefly notable for the moral they bear. But the Dialogus Creatu-
rarum, composed not earlier than the middle of the fourteenth century, by
Nicolaus Pergamenus, " instead of the half-dozen fables in Cyril's work
which may be compared with those of other collections, . . . offers a rich
field for the student of comparative storiology, if we may coin a conve-
nient word." Next comes the famous Gesta Romanorum, in which the
moral aim of the story has almost or quite disappeared, the chief object
being rather to amuse than edify. But a new impulse was given to the col-
lection of exempla by the foundation of the two great mendicant preaching
J 4o NEW PUBLICATIONS. [Oct.,
orders, the Dominicans and Franciscans. Exempla or "examples," as \ve
are familiar with the word in Engrish Catholic literature were, according
to Prof. Crane, rare before the thirteenth century, the time of the great
scholar and preacher Jacques de Vitry, many of whose sermons contain
three or four of these stories with a moral. After Jacques de Vitry came
Johannes Herolt, and then fitienne de Bourbon, both Dominicans, this
last writer having compiled a volume known as the Liber de Donis, in
which the various topics for sermons to the people are arranged under
seven divisions, according to the seven gifts of the Holy Ghost.
This interesting lecture gives, in its text and numerous foot-notes, an
excellent bibliography of the subject, about which a somewhat extensive
literature has grown up.
LES SOCIE'TE'S SECRETES ET LA SOCIE'TE', ou Philosophic de 1'Histoire
Contemporaine. Par N. Deschamps. Tome troisieme. Notes et
Documents recueillis par M. Claudio Jannet. Avignon : Seguin freres ;
et Paris : Oudin freres. 1883.
In THE CATHOLIC WORLD for February, 1881, a review was made of the
first two volumes of this work, which had but recently been published
shortly after the death of its principal author, Father Deschamps. This
third volume, which M. Jannet has just given to the public, is a sort of ap-
pendix to the first two, though it also contains a great deal of new ma-
terial.
The evil work of secret societies has been deplored time and again, not
only by Catholics, for whom they are under the ban of the church, but by
honorable non-Catholics as well. Even in aid of the holiest cause the
machinations of secret societies are always, as they deserve to be, un-
successful. The fearful oppression to which the agricultural classes of
Europe have often been subjected has been provocative of harsh reprisals,
but there is not in history a record of a people who have been freed by the
action of secret societies from a tyrannical or an alien rule. On the con-
trary, no ingenuity can prevent duplicity and treachery from being the
certain accompaniments of secret-society attempts at liberation. Wher-
ever a people have freed themselves from a heavy yoke it has been either
by a spontaneous insurrection, the interference of a friendly power, or else
by peaceable and wise constitutional agitation.. Unfortunately, the ma-
jority of those who place themselves under the despotic rule of the secret
societies are ignorant of all history, except, perhaps, that fragment of it
which goads them on to use any means in their power.
But there are some inferences and some assertions which Father Des-
champs and M. Jannet have made that may, without any presumption, be
questioned. As was said in the former review of this work, Father Des-
champs and after him M. Jannet having been for many years intent on
this subject of the conspiracy of the secret societies against religion and
civil order, would naturally come to regard Freemasonry and its allies in
rather exaggerated proportions, and thus would be apt to attribute to this
one source whatever mischievous influence would be observed to be any-
where at work.
It is but fair to note that M. Jannet is, or was recently, the editor of
one of the organs of the Legitimist party in France, and that, through an
1883.] NEW PUBLICATIONS. 141
indomitable loyalty to his party, he is very apt to identify the cause of the
Bourbons with the cause of religion, treating any opposition to his party
as if it were something essentially impious and uncatholic. But it is where
English-speaking nations and their politics and policies are concerned that
M. Jannet seems to be most often at fault. Palmerston, it is notorious,
conspired in his time with almost every conspiracy against established
government on the Continent of Europe, and Gladstone also rushed en-
thusiastically to the help of the discontented Neapolitans. No doubt, the
general outbreak of 1848 was everywhere but in France and in Ireland
favored, and in many cases helped, by the English ministry and the En-
glish ambassadors, consuls, consular agents, etc., and by English private
persons ; yet to infer, as M. Jannet does, that these English ministers were
the puppets of a secret society must excite a smile in any intelligent En-
glishman, Irishman, or American, whether Catholic or non-Catholic. It
was not the principles of secret anti-Christian societies which actuated
English ministries in their propaganda of constitutional liberty in all
European countries but Ireland during the years from 1815 to 1870. Pal-
merston and Gladstone, and other Irish or English statesmen, may, in their
evenings of leisure, have put on a white apron and gone through the pan-
theistic mummery of the lodge, but the manufactures and commerce of
England, not the communistic or atheistic dreams of pseudo-philosophers,
are now, and have usually been, the "principles " of British diplomacy.
In like manner it is a mistake, and at the same time a fearful injustice,
especially from a zealous Catholic writer, to represent, as M. Jannet does,
the contest of the people of Ireland for the liberty enjoyed by almost
every other civilized people as the struggle of a secret cabal against the
wise administration of a virtuous government. It is well to translate a
passage :
" For a century the English government has maintained peace in Ireland only by recurring
from time to time to Coercion Acts that is to say, to measures such as are brought about in
France by a state of siege. The privilege of the habeas corpus is periodically suspended, thus
authorizing the administration to arrest citizens without having to bring them to trial ; public
meetings are arbitrarily prevented whenever the authorities think them dangerous ; seditious
journals are suppressed of late the circulation of foreign publications has been forbidden ; and
suspected foreigners are expelled by the police.
"Certainly these precautions are perfectly legitimate, and the English government would
fail in its duty if it did not take them " (tome iii. p. 534).
Holding an opinion like the above, which it is sufficient for the purpose to
characterize as strange, it is not at all to be wondered at that M. Jannet,
though generously admitting that the Irish people are a good people and
have been unjustly dealt with, yet should class constitutional agitation for
Irish rights with whatever he regards as villanous in Continental politics.
In spite, however, of the numerous mistakes with regard to " tenden-
cies " in the politics, and with regard to the politics themselves, of the
people of English-speaking countries, on which Frenchmen are usually
at fault, this third volume is a valuable addition to contemporary history.
M. Jannet has done a great service by assisting and completing the la-
bors on which Father Deschamps had spent many years of study. The
work here under notice is an encyclopaedia of information on the curious
subject of secret societies in general and of Freemasonry and its branches
142 NEW PUBLICATIONS. [Oct.,
in particular. No one who desires to have a clear idea of the history of
Europe during the last hundred and fifty years can afford to leave this
work unread. In its pages will be found the solution of many of the dark
and intricate knots in political intrigue in that time. The whole action
of the gigantic conspiracy against the Catholic Church, which has been
waged under the ever-changing forms of what is called Liberalism, is there
patiently, and for the most part skilfully, set forth.
IRISH LOCAL NAMES EXPLAINED. By P. W. Joyce, LL.D., M.R.I.A. New
Edition. Dublin : M. H. Gill & Son. 1883. (For sale by the Catholic
[Publication Society Co.)
In this little book Dr. Joyce has condensed a' good part of the Irish
local etymologies contained in his larger work in two volumes, The Origin
and History of Irish Names of Places. Some Gaelic enthusiasts seem to
regard Gaelic as the key with which to open all the locked-up trea-
sures of etymology. Nevertheless, as one of the most ancient languages,
and at the same time excessively rich in its grammatical forms, it is only
fair to expect that a knowledge of it will help over many hard places.
For instance, with this little book in one's hand, and a little philological
acumen, one might explain many geographical names on the Continent of
Europe in a much more satisfactory way than they have hitherto generally
been explained.
But it is wonderful to see what queer pranks have been played with
Irish local names in the endeavor to retain somewhat of the original sound
and at the same time to spell according to the English power of the letters.
For example, " Ballinasloe " is an English phonetic attempt, and not a
bad one either, at Bel at ha na sluaigheadh i.e., the ford-month of the hosts,
or gatherings; but that is not nearly so queer a corruption as " Estersnow,"
in the county of Roscommon, which somehow has been tortured out of
Disert Nuadhan, which means the desert, or hermitage, of St. Nuadha.
A WASHINGTON WINTER. By Madeleine Vinton Dahlgren. Boston :
James R. Osgood & Co. 1883.
A fascinating book hardly a story, rather a glance at the men, women,
and manners that go to make up what is called society in Washington.
There is a story, too, running through these pages, but it is a story rather
suggested than told, and, besides, the didactic purpose shows too strongly
everywhere not to obscure whatever plot and incident may have been
intended. The reader, on reaching the last page, will, if he is not a Wash-
ingtonian, feel glad that he has been spared the contact with such var-
nished villains as move with a decidedly natural gait through the social
whirl of one winter in the capital of the Union.
But, interesting and instructive as is a Washington Winter, one thing
is disagreeably prominent, which of late years has helped to weaken the
Americanism of too many of those who happen to have a grandfather.
All through her book the author's indignation is apparent at the effort of
parvenus to climb into "good society." There is an attempted contrast
between " vulgarians " and "gentlemen." It is curious, by the way, how
the references to "old families" are beginning to increase in our literature.
But, with few exceptions, the progenitors of all our old families were
parvenus, or " vulgarians," in their time ; yet they were also, in most cases
1883.] NEW PUBLICATIONS. 143
at least, honest men, with good health and a strong desire to better their
condition, who, as a result of their industry, were able to get enough
money together to pay their way as steerage passengers to this country, or
perhaps had their way paid for them by the benevolence of others. Any-
how, the American people are destined to make a sturdy race, and it is too
early yet in our history to lay down the lines that shall divide our people
into conventional classes. Vulgarity of manner, and of mind, is a despica-
ble thing, but it is a mistake in a country like ours to dwell too much upon
it as the characteristic of those who have risen from poverty. After all,
however, it is a question to decide whether a vigorous vulgarity is or is
not to be preferred to an emasculated and simpering " respectability."
SIR WALTER RALEGH IN IRELAND. By Sir John Pope Hennessy. Lon-
don : Kegan Paul, Trench & Co. 1883. (For sale by the Catholic Pub-
lication Society Co.)
Speaking of the little that has been said of Ralegh's exploits in Ire-
land by English writers, the author of this monograph, a gentleman well
known for years in the British Civil Service, and now the governor of
Hong Kong, remarks that Ralegh's life in Ireland " is still a fresh and
living force in the unwritten history of the peasants from Youghal to Lis-
more, and along the banks of the Blackwater and the Lee from Imokelly to
the mountains of Kerry. It is possible to meet men and women on the
old ploughlands of the Desmond estate who speak nothing but Irish (in
the province of Munster there are thirty thousand peasants who at this
day speak no English), and from their stories to pick up more of the real
doings of Ralegh and his comrades in Ireland than from Hume and the
historians" a fact which, without regard to Ralegh, proves the intense
unchangeableness and the truth to tradition of the native Irish people.
Seeing that even the industrious Froude, in his malicious though often
truthful English in Ireland, makes no mention of Sir Walter Ralegh's
exploits in the island of destiny, and that the other historians have for the
most part been equally oblivious in this regard, the present writer has
undertaken to supply the want.
That Ralegh was active among his countrymen in the work of " paci-
fying " that is to say, destroying as far as possible the native Irish is very
apparent after reading a few pages of Sir John's narrative of his career.
At Smerwick, in Kerry, in 1580, where the garrison that had been holding
out for the Geraldines surrendered, the entire force, except a few sick and
some officers put for ransom, were put to death by Grey, the English com-
mander ; and, to quote Froude, "the bodies, six hundred in all, were
stripped and laid out upon the sands, ' as gallant, goodly personages,' said
Grey, ' as ever were beheld.' " Now, Hennessy finds in Hooker's Supple-
ment to Holinshed's Chronicles that " Captain Ralegh, together with Captain
Macworth, who had the ward of that day, entered into the castle and
made a great slaughter, many or most part of them being put to the sword."
Apparently Froude has not exaggerated the atrocity of the English, for
Hennessy quotes Hooker's Supplement: "The fort was yeelded, all the
Irish men and women hanged [special honors were reserved for the Irish,
then as now !], and more than four hundred Spaniards, Italians, and Bis-
caies put to the sword ; the coronelJ, capteins, secretarie and others, to
the number of twentie, saved for ransome." According to Froude, this
144 NEW PUBLICATIONS. [Oct., 1883.
massacre met the approval of Elizabeth. Of course it did. Has there
ever been a similar act of the English government in Ireland that has not
been approved by the English sovereign, so far as anything practical goes,
even with such well-meaning sovereigns as the two Charleses and the
second James ?
But, at all events, Ralegh did not lack courage, as was proved by his
encounter between Cork and Youghal with David Barry, the seneschal
of Imokelly.
"The idea of giving real freedom to an Irish Parliament was not con-
sistent with Ralegh's Irish policy. Few historians have noticed the fact
that, at one moment in Elizabeth's reign, this all-important step was nearly
taken." It is worth while to notice the last advice which Ralegh, then in
England, gave to Elizabeth. It was at a meeting of the Council, where
the question of how to deal with Cormac MacCarthy was under discussion,
Cecil thinking that some mercy ought to be shown the hunted chief.
" Whereupon Sir Walter very earnestly moved her highness to reject
Cormac MacCarthy," for the reason, familiar then in English policy,
that "his country was worth keeping."
Any one reading Sir John's book will naturally conclude that the
Irish have reason to remember Ralegh with detestation only, as a man
whose settled policy towards them was one of extermination, or, if not that,
at least deportation from the land that rightly belonged to them. Admi-
rers of the man will find the chapter entitled " Irish Portraits of Ralegh "
especially interesting.
THE BEGINNINGS OF THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH IN YONKERS. By
Thomas C. Cornell. Yonkers: The Gazette Press. 1883.
Last October the citizens of Yonkers celebrated the two hundredth
anniversary of one of their oldest edifices, and to make the affair complete
in all particulars the different religious societies were invited to compile
the history of their growth. Mr. Cornell, in the pamphlet above, has made
an interesting record of Catholic progress in Yonkers from the appear-
ance, about 1836, of Father James Cummiskey, the first priest to minister
there to the laborers at work on the construction of the Croton Aqueduct,
down to this year, when there are two fine churches, besides others at no
great distance from the town, and more than eight thousand Catholics.
Local Catholic annals such as Mr. Cornell has so clearly arranged here will
at some future day be of great use to the historians of the Catholic Church
in the United States.
THE ULSTER CIVIL WAR OF 1641, AND ITS CONSEQUENCES : With the
History of the Irish Brigade under Montrose in 1644-46. By John
McDonnell, M.D. Dublin : M. H. Gill & Son.
The most original and the most interesting part of Dr. McDonnell's
narrative is that touching more particularly on the service in Scotland
under Montrose of the brigade recruited in Antrim. He quotes the diary
of Sir Thomas, the Lord Advocate of Scotland : "On ist September, 1644,
being Sunday, was the conflict at Perth, where our people were mechant-
lie defeated by the Irish. Item: on I3th September Aberdeen was taken
by the Irish and our force defeated," the latter defeat clearly not to be at-
tributed by the Covenanters to its occurring on Sunday.
THE
CATHOLIC WORLD.
VOL. XXXVIII. NOVEMBER, 1883. No. 224.
LUTHER AND THE DIET OF WORMS.
THE celebration of the fourth centennial of Luther's birth-
day is a noteworthy event. Especially noteworthy, since the en-
terprise of substituting another foundation for that upon which
Christ himself had placed his Gospel, begun at the Diet of
Worms by Dr. Martin Luther, has proven an unsuccessful ex-
periment. For it is evident now to the whole world that the
faith of his followers in Christianity grows fainter and fainter.
This is conspicuously true of the children of the cradle of Pro-
testantism, his own countrymen, who are notorious for their in-
difference to Christianity. There is scarcely any one doctrine
held as of Christian faith by the father of the Reformation that
his offspring have not repudiated, or are not prepared to re-
pudiate on the first convenient occasion. They treat Luther's
doctrines with the same courtesy with which he treated the
doctrines of the Catholic Church. The more active intellect of
Protestants everywhere to-day questions not so much this or
that doctrine of Christianity as the why they are Christians at all !
They are for the most part convinced that Protestant principles
furnish no solid reasons why they are still Christians. There are
so-called orthodox Protestant sects which are willing to receive
as members of their churches persons who make no profession
of any doctrines of a distinctive Christian character whatever.
Thinking and religious men who feel an uncontrollable reluc-
tance to give up the Christian religion begin to ask if it be not
possible to defend its divine claims on Catholic principles. Not
Copyright. REV. I. T. HECKER. 1883.
146 LUTHER AND THE DIET OF WORMS. [Nov.,
a few of this class, finding, on mature investigation, this to be the
fact, reverse the religious revolutionary movement of the six-
teenth century by becoming Catholic. The alternative now star-
ing intelligent Protestants in the face is this : either they must en-
ter into the fold of the Catholic Church to remain Christians, or
become agnostics, which is a mild word for atheists. The founda-
tions designed by Dr. Martin Luther for Christianity, after three
long centuries of experience, have crumbled away entirely, not-
withstanding there are Christians, apparently intelligent, who
celebrate with unusual tclat tne fourth centennial birthday of the
pseudo-Reformer! This is noteworthy, a very noteworthy, a
most noteworthy fact, worthy to be recorded for the memory of
future generations.
" Luther's appearance before the Diet of Worms," so writes
Mr. Froude, " is one of the finest, if not the very finest scene in
human history." His view of this scene is correct, if " to cleave
a creed into sects, and fool a crowd with glorious lies," is a work
worthy of the effort of a true Christian and a sincere lover of
his race. But from a Christian point of view the most pitiable
spectacle that has happened since the heresiarch Arius denied
the divinity of Christ before the Council of Nice was Luther's
appearance before the Diet of Worms. What else at bottom was
this scene than a crafty attempt to shift the authority of Christ's
church as the divinely authorized interpreter of revealed truth
to the questionable suggestions, not to say illusions, of Martin
Luther's imagination? a position which, viewed in its logical
consequences and practical results, was an effort, under the plea
of a resuscitated and purified Gospel, to undermine the Christian
church, to repudiate the Christian religion, and to deny Christ.
When Martin Luther appealed at the Diet of Worms from
the jurisdiction of the court to the Scriptures, from the autho-
rity of the church to his own individual judgment ; when he
said, " Prove to me out of Scripture that I am wrong, and I
submit," it might be fairly asked, Why this appeal? Was not
the court legitimate? Was it not called by the proper au-
thorities? W^as it not rightly organized? Was not the law
which would have ruled in his case, in accordance with imme-
morial usage, with right reason, with the jurisdiction of the
state and of the church of Christ? If every accused per-
son could change both court and law to suit his purposes, where
would there ever be one found guilty ? Men might with just
alarm ask: What, in this case, would become of society, what
,of civilization ? The appeal of Dr. Martin Luther before the
1883.] LUTHER AND THE DIET OF WORMS. 147
Diet of Worms was an artful dodge in order to escape legiti-
mate jurisdiction, an impartial trial, a just judgment, and a pos-
sible, not to say a probable, condemnation, and, should he prove
contumacious, serious consequences.
Luther showed a certain kind of bravery in appearing before
the Diet of Worms, but, mark you, it was only after he had ob-
tained from his political friends a safe-conduct. He lacked the
courage of his opinions, and his political protectors showed no
little discretion and dexterity in hiding him for their future
political use so effectually that no trace of his whereabouts was
discoverable. Luther, instead of fearlessly defending his convic-
tions, played cunningly into the hands of the German potentates,
and Christianity and humanity have paid bitterly during three
centuries for this " fine scene" enacted in Germany.
What gave birth to Protestantism was the radical spirit of
free individualism against the divine authority of Christ's church ;
hence the encouragement that it everywhere bestows upon apos-
tates, such as an Achilli, a Gavazzi, or a Loyson. All heresies
receive a welcome from its partisans, and every heresiarch finds
an asylum in its bosom. It always abets fresh divisions and
tends to create new sects. This is why it lends its sympathy to
the " Old Catholic movement," and fosters it as much as it can.
It curries favor with the state in hopes of obtaining power, and
whenever or wherever the state usurps authority over the
church it hails the act and expresses its delight, as is ex-
emplified to-day in Prussia, in Italy, in Belgium, in France, and
throughout the world, by its promoters in the public press. It
is its nature to breed dissensions ; it lives in insurrections and
rejoices in revolutions. The specific work of Protestantism is
destruction, and what is called to-day orthodox Protestantism will
in three generations, more or less, be limited most likely to some
obscure sect. The rest of the world will be either Catholic or
atheist.
We do not hesitate to say " Catholic or atheist," because he
who denies the truths of revealed religion will be led to deny
the truths of reason, as the truths of divine revelation and the
truths of reason spring from the same source, and once united,
as they are in Catholicity, they are logically inseparable. Hence
from the denial of the church follows the denial of the divinity
of Christ ; from the denial of the divinity of Christ follows the
denial of the Most Holy Trinity ; from the denial of the Trinity
follows agnosticism, and agnosticism is the next lowest step of
descent into atheism. Hence no man who thinks can deny the
148 LUTHER AND THE DIET OF WORMS. [Nov.,
Catholic Church and maintain Christianity upon a consistent
basis. Protestantism in its logical outcome is a protest against
all religion.
But the question might be asked here, Were not the people of
the colonies of this country guilty, in the political order, of the
same blunder in separating from England? No! Because En-
gland had first violated the acknowledged constitutive laws which
had from time immemorial governed the political society of En-
glishmen. It was upon this ground that the colonists took their
stand and made their appeal to the civilized world. They only
claimed the rights which belonged to Englishmen, and, after all
redress had been sought in vain, they rightly separated from
England and refused to be treated as slaves. The rightfulness
of the position of the colonists English statesmen of to-day do
not hesitate to acknowledge, and to condemn the wrong which
their predecessors attempted to commit. The spirit of the
American government was not revolutionary. The American
system of government differs from others in a more strict appli-
cation of the great truth of the rights of man as taught by the
common authority of the sages of the past in connection with
the principles of political society.
Luther had no such grounds to stand upon to justify his
secession from the church of Christ. The church never did, and
from the nature of the case never will, violate the constitutive
laws of her government ; because she is divine. It is absurd to
suppose that Christ will go back upon his own work. Did the
church refuse to abolish the abuses complained of ? The calling
of the General Council of Trent, and its conscientious labors, as
is witnessed to by its decrees de reformations, are the sufficient
answer. The church is the only organic body where reform is
always in order, and, in the nature of things, separation never !
The reply of Simon Peter to our Lord may be appropriately
and justly quoted in this connection. When our Lord inquired
of his apostles, " Will you also go away ? " Simon Peter an-
swered him : " Lord, to whom shall we go ? Thou hast the
words of eternal life." Separation from the Catholic Church
means, logically and practically, no church. No church means
no Christianity. No Christianity, among intelligent men, means
no religion at all !
Separation from a political government is one thing ; separa-
tion from the church of God is quite and altogether another
thing. For men are competent to form a political government,
but to make the church, which is the organic issue from that
1883.] LUTHER AND THE DIET OF WORMS. 149
bond of union of men with God which makes them children of
God that the only-begotten Son of God alone can do. The
separation of the colonies from England has no parity of reason
and bears not the remotest analogy with the Protestant position
towards the Catholic Church. The religious revolution of the
sixteenth century was both wrong in principle and wrong in its
procedure. It was the greatest of blunders, and, like all here-
sies, is rapidly terminating in self-extinction. There has been no
movement whatever which has started in the spirit of Protes-
tantism that has not ended in ruin.
It is a misapprehension common among Protestants to sup-
pose that Catholics, in refusing the appeal of Martin Luther at
the Diet of Worms, condemn the use of reason or individual
judgment, or whatever one pleases to call that personal act
which involves the exercise of man's intellect and .free-will. The
truth is, personal judgment flows from what constitutes man a
rational being, and there is no power under heaven that can
alienate personal judgment from man, nor can man, if he would,
disappropriate it. The cause of all the trouble at the Diet of
Worms was not that of personal judgment, for neither party put
that in question. The point in dispute was the right application
of personal judgment. Catholics maintained, and always have
and always will maintain, that a divine revelation necessitates a
divine interpreter. Catholics resisted, and always will resist, on
the ground of its incompetency, a human authority applied to
the interpretation of the contents of a divinely-revealed religion.
They consider such an authority, whether of the individual
or the state, in religious matters as an intrusion. Catholics
insist without swerving upon believing in religion none but
God!
Let us not be misapprehended on this delicate and most im-
portant point. The application of reason to the interpretation
of the contents of a divine revelation is one thing. The applica-
tion of reason to the evidence that God has made a revelation is
quite another matter. The use of reason in the first supposition
reduces the truths of divine revelation to the truths of reason,
and this is rationalism pure. The other use of reason, to in-
vestigate and make one's self certain that God has made a reve-
lation, is of obligation and consistent with Christianity, which
proclaims both the truths of reason and truths above the sphere
of reason, but these latter, the revealed truths, to be received
solely upon the authority of God, the revealer, who cannot
deceive nor be deceived. No rational creature feels any bond-
150 LUTHER AND THE DIET OF WORMS. [Nov.,
age in believing what is above and beyond the grasp of reason
upon the veracity of his Creator.
This can be easily shown, and in a few words, by an analysis
of the foundation of an act of Catholic faith. The Catholic faith
rests upon three elementary facts the competency of human
reason, the infallibility of the church, the veracity of God. He
who undermines either one of these three positions destroys the
Catholic faith. A Catholic who does not hold to the compe-
tency of human reason in its own sphere, upon sound philoso-
phical principles, is bound to hold it upon religious grounds, for
he has no other competent voucher than reason for the divine
claims of the Catholic Church. This is one of the essential
principles of the Catholic Church, that she is accompanied with
ample evidence of her divine character to elicit from reason an
act of assent .which excludes all rational doubt. As a divine
revelation springs from a source above the sphere of reason, it
necessitates a divinely-authorized and divinely-assisted interpre-
ter and teacher. This is one of the essential functions of the
church, which Christ planned and the Holy Spirit incorporated,
and with which Christ promised to remain until the consumma-
tion of the world. As to the veracity of God, the third essen-
tial element of Catholic faith, this is involved in the very idea
of God's existence, which reason is competent to demonstrate.
Cleared, then, from all extraneous matter, the main point in dis-
pute between Catholics and Protestants is this: Catholics main-
lain the necessity of the divine authority of the church in a re-
vealed religion such as Christianity, against the introduction of
human authority to be exercised, not upon the fact of revela-
tion, but upon the contents of divine revelation.
If you ask how the so-called Reformers could venture to sub-
stitute the private judgment of man in the place of the authority
of the church within the sphere of revealed religion, when with-
out exception they held man to be " totally depraved," we
reply, in the words of the Protestant historian Guizot, " The Re-
formation did not fully receive its own principles and effects."
That is, the Reformation was an insult to the common sense of
mankind !
This, then, is the rational genesis of the Catholic faith. With-
out the competency of reason, within its proper sphere, one can-
not know with certitude the church of Christ. Without the
divine authority of the church of Christ all cannot know with
certitude all the truths of divine revelation. Without the vera-
city of God one cannot believe without doubting what God has
1883.] LUTHER AND THE DIET OF WORMS. 151
revealed. An act of Catholic faith includes necessarily each and
all of these indubitable sources of truth. Hence when a Catholic
makes an act of faith he says : " O my God ! I believe without
doubting all the truths which the Catholic Church teaches, be-
cause thou hast revealed them, who canst neither deceive nor be
deceived." An act of Catholic faith is the synthetic expression of
the highest value of human reason, the greatest dignity of man,
the divine character of the Christian religion, and the supreme
claims of God upon his rational creatures. Thus Catholics alone
can point to their first principles and boldly admit all the conse-
quences which rightly flow from them. Catholics cannot with-
hold the exercise of their faith without doing violence to the
dictates of reason. This agrees with what a celebrated Scotch
metaphysician said to some ministers who visited him in his last
sickness. " Gentlemen," said he, when they pressed the subject
of religion on his attention, " were I a Christian it is not to you
I should address myself, but to priests of the Catholic Church ;
for with them I find premises and conclusion, and this I know
you cannot offer."
Another source of misapprehension of the Catholic Church
frequent, not to say common, among Protestants is the supposi-
tion that its authority is made a substitute for the guidance of
the indwelling Holy Spirit. How many Protestants who pass
for intelligent persons suppose that to make one's salvation se-
cure and certain as a Catholic all that is required is blindly to
follow the authority of the church and abandon one's conscience
to the direction of her priests ! They imagine the Catholic
Church is a sort of easy coach, in which one has only to enter
in order to be landed without exertion safely within the portals
of paradise ! Nothing is further from the truth than this idea,
for it can easily be shown that the internal guidance of the Holy
Spirit is thoroughly maintained and faithfully carried out in the
Catholic Church only.
What, then, is Christian perfection, or sanctity, or holiness,
according to the Catholic idea? Holiness consists in that state
of the soul when it is moved inwardly by the Holy Spirit.
Read the lives of her saints, Christian reader, if you desire to see
this conception of Christian perfection practically illustrated.
What else are the different religious orders and communities
which she so carefully provides for her children who feel called
by a divine counsel to a life of perfection, than schools wherein
the principle of the internal guidance of the Holy Spirit is more
practically applied and more strictly carried out than is else-
152 LUTHER AND THE DIET OF WORMS. [Nov.,
where found possible? spiritual schools in which men and
women are rendered, not, as some foolishly fancy, stupid or
degraded, or taught to destroy nature, or governed by arbitrary
authority, but where souls are trained to follow faithfully the
inspirations of the Holy Spirit; where nature is completed and
perfected by the contemplation of its divine Archetype ; where
men and women, Christian souls, are taught not to be slaves to
animal gratifications, but with high minds " to be strengthened
by God's Spirit with might unto the inward man."
The Catholic idea of Christian perfection as a system is built
up, in all its most minute parts, upon the central conception of
the immediate guidance of the soul by the indwelling Holy
Spirit. The Catholic Church teaches that the Holy Spirit is
infused into the souls of men, accompanied with his heavenly
gifts, by the instrumentality of the sacrament of baptism. These
are the words of Christ : " Unless a man is born of water and the
Spirit he cannot enter into the kingdom of God." Thus a man
becomes a child of God, according to the teaching of Christ,
not by right of birth, but by the rite of baptism. By the crea-
tive act man is made a creature of God ; by the indwelling pres-
ence of the "Holy Spirit man is made a Christian, and, having
taken up his abode in the Christian soul and becoming its abid-
ing guest, he enlightens, quickens, and strengthens it to run in
the way of perfection, which high estate is attained first by the
practice of virtue in bringing the appetites of man's animal
nature under the control of the dictates of reason. It is by the
practice of virtue man is rendered, before all, a perfectly rational
being. The men who kept under the control of reason the
animal propensities of their nature by the practice of virtue
illustrate the pagan ideal man. Zoroaster, Gautama, Confucius,
Socrates, Plato, Epictetus, Marcus Aurelius, and many other
worthies of antiquity attained to a greater or less extent this
ideal of man. Christian souls, by <he practice of recollection,
prayer, fidelity to divine inspirations, moved and aided by the
gifts of the Holy Spirit, render the dictates of reason submis-
sive, pliant, and docile to the teachings and guidance of the
Holy Spirit, until this becomes a habit and, as it were, spon-
taneous. Thus Christian souls, by the interior action of the
Holy Spirit, attain perfection that is, become divine men ! This
is the ideal Christian man, the saint !
The key to all the secrets of the economy of the Catholic
Church concerning spiritual life is here exposed. Hence the
reception of- the sacraments, the exercise of church authority,
1883.] LUTHER AND THE DIET OF WORMS. 153'
and the practice of virtue are never presented as a substitute,
but as subservient to the immediate guidance of the soul by the
indwelling Holy Spirit.
But suppose there is a conflict between the divine external
authority of the church and the inspirations of the abiding
Holy Spirit in the soul, what then? Be a little patient, Catholic
readers ; having answered the present calumny thus far, let us
pursue it to its remotest corners of concealment. What then?
Why, then the reign of nonsense ! For if the Holy Spirit acting
through the authority of the church as the teacher and inter-
preter of divine revelation contradicts the Holy Spirit acting in
the soul as its immediate guide, then .God contradicts God !
Can anything be more absurd than this supposition ? It is
enough to know that the action of God in the church and
the action of God in the soul never have and never can come
in conflict.
One more question or doubt, and we pass on. But it might
be objected that the Catholic Church hitherto described on these
pages is the Ideal Christian Church, and not the Roman Catho-
lic Church ! To this we reply : The Roman Catholic Church
is the Ideal Christian Church in so far as the Ideal Christian
Church is not an abstraction but existing, as it must, in men,
women, and children, such as we are. Blindness to this plain
truth is one of the main reasons why many fail to see the Catho-
lic Church as she is, and entertain so many absurd and foolish
notions about popes, priests, and Catholics generally. This
blindness is one of the principal causes of the revolt of the six-
teenth century, and demands more diffuse treatment, which we
will now bestow upon it.
.It has already been shown that Christ dwells in his church
as the soul dwells in its body. But it must be borne in mind
that the soul is not the body. So Christ is the soul of the
church, but existing in her members, men, women, children,
such as we are, ignorant, weak, with propensities and passions
leading to the commission of sin unless kept under control. The
popes-, the cardinals, the bishops of the Catholic Church, and her
people, are not angels dropped down suddenly from the skies, but
sinners, and saved, if saved at all, solely by the grace of Christ.
If St. John, the beloved disciple, could say with truth, " If we say
we have no sin, we deceive ourselves, and the truth is not in us,"
how much more we! Our Lord himself puts into the mouths
of his disciples, when teaching them how to pray, this petition :
" Forgive us our trespasses, as we forgive those who trespass
154 LUTHER AND THE DIET OF WORMS. [Nov.,
against us." No man prays to be forgiven for what he has not
done.
" All the beauty of the king's daughter is within, surrounded
with variety." The human side of the church is therefore a mix-
ture of good and evil^ Christ himself has compared his church
to a field of wheat in which tares spring up with the wheat. The
wheat sown was good, but tares came up also. But how came
the tares? " An enemy," said our Lord in reply, " has done this."
Shall the tares be separated from the wheat? No, he answers,
let them grow together until the harvest time comes. Then the
wheat will be garnered up in the barns, and the tares be cast into
the fire. This is a picture of the church. Good Christians are
the wheat. They hear the word of God and keep it. They will
be garnered into the mansions of paradise. Bad Christians are
those who are deaf to the word of God, listen to the tempter,
follow their passions. These are the tares, which will be cast
into the fire. This is the sifting Christ will not fail to make of
the members of his church at the day of judgment. In the mean-
time the wheat and tares, good and bad Christians, occupy the
same field.
The idea of a church whose members are all saints is an
abstraction which has never existed upon this earth. It has
no record in history, no warrant in Scriptures, and contradicts
the prediction of Christ when he said : " Scandals must come."
Hence sensible and well-informed persons are not surprised to
find abuses, corruptions, scandals among the members of the
church. No instructed Catholic will hesitate to admit, though
with grief and sorrow, that there have been evil-disposed men in
the church as popes, as cardinals, as bishops, as priests, as people.
He dreams who imagines Ihere ever was a time when the mem-
bers of the church upon earth were all angels or saints.
Such a state of things did not exist in Christ's own day.
One whom he himself had chosen to be an apostle was Judas,
the traitor. Feter, the prince of the apostles, denied Christ
thrice. The Scriptures say that Christ upbraided the eleven
because of their incredulity and hardness of heart : " the*y did
not believe those who had seen him after he had risen."
Such a state of things did not exist in apostolic times. St.
Paul says that there were sins committed by the Corinthian
Christians " the like of which was not among the heathens."
Among his own perils he counts those from " false brethren."
Again, he writes : " Ye have heard that Antichrist shall come :
even now there are many Antichrists." The sect of Ebionites,
1883.] LUTHER AND THE DIET OF WORMS. 155
which existed in his day, denied the divinity of Christ, looked
upon Paul as an apostate, and rejected all the gospels except
that of St. Matthew. There were those who called themselves
Christians in apostolic times, and who protested against the
doctrines of the church ; some denied her authority, others pro-
claimed themselves to be the true church.
Such a state of the church did not exist in the fourth century,
when the divinity of Christ was controverted and denied by the
Arians. This error was embraced by entire nations ; kings, em-
perors, priests, bishops, patriarchs held it ; ecclesiastical assem-
blies declared Arianism to be the true faith. Constantine, the
first Christian emperor, banished Athanasius, the champion of
the orthodox faith. But did the church succumb ? Not at all !
Conflict with error, abuses, and disorders is the lot of the church
of Christ upon earth. It is for this reason she is called the
militant church. Those who look upon the primitive church as
the ideal church, exempt from abuses and corruptions, only dis-
play their ignorance of ecclesiastical history. As in the past, so
in the present, her enemies will be made to serve her cause.
When the church is disfigured by calumny she becomes better
known ; when wounded she conquers ; when most destitute of
all human help she is most powerfully aided by God.
The church of Christ on the divine side is always perfect, on
the human side always imperfect. This is why reform in the
church is always in order, separation never !
The nature of the church being understood, we can now take
another step and ask : Shall we find errors, abuses, and corrup-
tions in the church in the sixteenth century ? Evidently there
must have been. It would be the greatest of all marvels if there
had not been such. But were the evils of that period worse,
more crying, than at any other period ? This is a grave and
most pertinent question, and, lest our answer should be suspect-
ed, we will let a Protestant of our day, well versed in history,
answer this question in his own words. " It is not true," so says
M. Guizot in J his History of European Civilization, " that in the
sixteenth century abuses, properly so called, were more numer-
ous, more crying, than they had been at other times."
To obtain a correct idea of the condition of the church at
this epoch let us set down naught in malice, but look the truth
squarely in the face, and also extenuate nothing. The principal
evils then complained of were the following : too great a diffu-
sion of indulgences ; plurality of ecclesiastical offices ; irregu-
larity of the lives of ecclesiastics ; corruptions of the Roman
1 56 LUTHER AND THE DIET OF WORMS. [Nov.,
court. There will rest no doubt upon the mind of an impartial
person that these evils did then exist, if he will take the time and
pains to read the letters of the popes, the decrees of the councils,
provincial and general, and the lives of the saints of this period,
say from the fourteenth to the sixteenth century inclusive.
One step more. Had the church within herself the means to
reform these abuses and evils, or was it necessary to go outside
her pale to accomplish this desired purpose? It would be a pity
if the church had not, for in that case she would be less wisely
organized than the state. Every properly organized state pro-
vides itself with the means for the reform of any evils which may
spring up within its own body, without necessitating recourse to
revolution. Such was the foresight and care of the fathers of
our republic that they not only provided means for reform, but
even for the change, or even abolition, of the form of our politi-
cal system by a two-thirds vote of the States. They acted upon
the intention of removing all reasonable excuse for revolution.
Now, Christ, who knew what was in man and foresaw the scan-
dals that must arise can it be supposed for a moment that he
acted with less prudence, sagacity, and wisdom? It was in view
of this that the late Bishop Dupanloup said : " The church is
the only society upon earth where revolution is never necessary
and reform is always possible."
What were the means provided by her Founder to bring
about reforms ? First, her pontiffs. Second, her providential
men and women her saints. Third, her councils, national and
general. These latter gave birth, if M. Guizot is to be consid-
ered an authority, to modern representative political govern-
ments. But were these means employed in the church at this
period ? A general council, the Council of Trent, was called in
1545. What kind of men composed it were they intelligent,
earnest lovers of truth, and sincere in their desire for the re-
form of abuses ? Here are the words of the English historian
Hallam on this very point: "No general council," says Hal-
lam, " ever contained so many persons of eminent learning as
that of Trent; nor is there any ground for believing that any
other ever investigated questions before it with so much patience,
acuteness, and desire of truth. The early councils, unless they
are greatly belied, would not bear comparison in these charac-
teristics." One thing is historical : the reform inaugurated by
the decrees of the Council of Trent was radical and complete
so much so that the abuses then complained of ceased to exist.
" The decrees of the Council of Trent," so says the Protestant
I883-]
LUTHER AND THE DIET OF WORMS.
German historian Ranke, " were received by the spiritual princes
of the empire, and from this moment began a new life for the
Catholic Church in Germany." During the same period pro-
vidential men and women labored incessantly in the different
countries of Europe for the purification of the church. We give
a list of these ; though incomplete, it is sufficient to show that
there has scarcely been an epoch in the whole history of the
church when she could exhibit an equal galaxy of great men and
great women we mean great saints !
SAINTS OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY.
Spain.
St. Ignatius,
St. Francis Xavier,
St. Francis Borgia,
St. Teresa,
St. John of the Cross,
St. Peter of Alcantara,
St. Thomas of Villanova,
St. Lewis Bertrand,
St. Paschal Baylon,
St. Francis of Solano.
B. Peter Claver,
St. Joseph Calasanctius, of the
Pious Schools.
France.
St. Jane, Queen,
St. Jane Frances of Chantal,
St. Vincent of Paul,
St. Francis of Sales,
St. Francis Regis.
Germany.
B. Peter Canisius.
Portiigal,
St. John of God.
Poland.
St. Stanislas,
St. Josaphat.
Italy.
St. Pius V.,
St. Philip Neri,
St. Felix of Cantalice,
St. Aloysius,
St. Jerome Emiliani,
St. Catherine of Genoa,
St. Charles Borromeo,
B. Charles Spinola,
B. Lawrence of Brindisi,
B. John Marinoni,
St. Andrew Avellino,
St. Camillus of Lelli,
St. Mary Magdalen of Pazzi,
B. Sebastian Valfre,
St. Leonard of Port Maurice,
St. Catherine of Ricci,
St. Cajetan,
B. Hyppolitus Gallantini, Congre-
gation of Christian Doctrine.
St. Francis of Paula, of the Minims
of Calabria.
Holland Martyrs of Gorcum.
Nicholas Pieck,
Jerome Werdt,
Antony Werdt,
Thierry Van Emden,
Willehad Danus,
Godfrey Mervel,
Antony Hoornaer,
Francis De Roye,
Cornelius Wyk,
Peter Assche,
Father John,
Adrian Beek,
Godfrey Van Duynen,
Adrian Wouters,
James Lacop,
John Oosterwyk,
Leonard Vechel,
Nicholas Van Peppel.
America.
St. Rose of Lima,
St. Alphonsus Toribio, Arch-
bishop of Lima.
158 ' LUTHER AND THE DIET OF WORMS. [Nov.,
As to the supreme pontiffs of the Catholic Church. Because
a man is called to occupy the chair of St. Peter he is not for
that reason a great saint. A man may be a pope and his life be
far from what it ought to be as a good Christian, and, above all,
what it ought to be as one occupying so exalted a place in the
church of God. Not all popes have been, like St. Peter, martyrs
or saints, but a large number of them have been. The line of
popes have been men far above any other line of rulers, in great-
ness, in virtue, in intelligence, which can be named in the history
of mankind. This is no boast, but sober truth admitted by com-
petent and non- Catholic authorities. Leo X., who was pope at
the period under consideration, was, according to men able to
form a good judgment, more brilliant as a prince than as a Chris-
tian pontiff. Notwithstanding a Protestant, Roscoe, wrote an
eulogistic biography of Leo X., and non-Catholic writers of history
have spoken of him and his pontificate with praise, yet Catholics
remember his career with feelings of sadness rather than those
of gratification. But it is the remark of Ranke " that since his
time the lives of the popes have all been above reproach."
This now brings Martin Luther upon the scene. Who was
he ? Martin Luther was born in Eisleben, in Germany, in 1483.
His parents were pious, honest, poor people, and sent Martin to
school at an early age. For among a Catholic people ignorance
is looked upon as a disgrace, and ignorance of what one ought
to know and can know is held to be a sin. But if Martin's pa-
rents were poor, we are curious to know how they could pay
for his schooling. They had not to pay. There were in those
Catholic times free schools. There never was a time among a
Catholic people when a bright boy could not get, provided he
was in earnest about it, a free and good education. No people
hold knowledge in so high honor as Catholics.
The sudden death by a stroke of lightning of a friend, with
whom Martin was walking, caused the thought of eternity to
impress itself upon his mind as it never had done before. He
thereupon resolved to give himself wholly to God and his di-
vine service. To accomplish this purpose most perfectly he
joined the Augustinian friars, a community of priests following
the rule given by the great St. Augustine. Luther at a proper
age took the solemn vows, became a priest, was made a doctor
in theology. Luther was now an Augustinian friar, an eloquent
preacher, a professor of theology, and a man of no mean repute.
Pope Leo X., who then occupied the chair of St. Peter, pro-
claimed an indulgence. It was made known in Germany by a
1883.] LUTHER AND THE DIET OF WORMS.
Dominican friar named Tetzel. Tetzel was a man of zeal, well
versed in theology and gifted with eloquence. The people came
in crowds to hear him and to gain the indulgence. Doubtless
then, as now, there were Catholics who were more intent upon
gaining the benefits of the indulgence than upon the dispositions
which it required. This need excite no surprise, for then, as
now, many people neglected to be instructed in their religion ;
then, as now, there were priests who neglected to instruct their
people.
But how is this ? You only mention the abuse of indulgences,
when the thing itself is an offence in the nostrils of all true and
sincere Christians ! So much the worse, then, for such Christians.
But suppose you tell us what is this thing which is so offen-
sive to sincere Christians ? Why, everybody knows that ! No
matter, tell us what " the thing itself is." Why, an indulgence
is a license from the pope, for a stipulated sum of money, to
commit crime. On this point any number of Protestant autho-
rities, theologians, preachers, historians, literary men, poets, etc.,
might be quoted in confirmation of what we have said is an in-
dulgence. Catholics may be negligent and ignorant, but here is
a specimen of wilful ignorance which surpasses all we have ever
met with among Catholics ! An indulgence a license to commit
sin for money ! This is a falsehood cut out of whole cloth. He
who entertains such an idea of indulgences should never again
speak of wilful ignorance ! For an indulgence refers neither to
the present nor future commission of sin at all. It refers only to
the punishments of sin for which the sinner has truly repented
and has received God's pardon. An indulgence is nothing less
or more than a release from the temporal punishment due to
sin repented of sincerely and pardoned by God. Why, is that
all? It is. And the strangest of all is that objections should be
made to the Catholic idea of indulgences by those who profess
to believe that all that the greatest sinner has to do to receive
full pardon and plenary indulgence for all his sins, past, present,
and future, is to have faith ! Such is the omnipotence attributed
to an act of faith by those who believe in " justification by faith
alone." What hypocrisy to roll up the whites of one's eyes in
a pretence of holy horror at the Catholic doctrine of indulgences,
which is severity itself compared with their sweeping act of
faith which alone suffices to wash all a man's sins away, and
put him at once, without penance or purgatory, into the company
of the angels in heaven !
But if one must be in a state of grace to gain an indulgence,
160 LUTHER AND THE DIET OF WORMS. [Nov.,
was there not a certain sum of money also required ? This is a
question of some interest, and we would like to know what the
Roman pontiff did with the money thus obtained. This is no
mystery. It was devoted to pious uses. " Pious uses ! " Sup-
pose you be a little more specific ? Well, some was spent in the
erection. of public hospitals, some was spent in building bridges,
some was spent in building churches, and some was spent in
wars against the Turks. Is that all ? No, there is something
more it would be well for you to learn. Why, what is that ?
It is that you owe it in all probability to the money spent in de-
fence of Christendom against the threatening Turks that you are
not to-day a follower of the false prophet Mohammed. What!
it is due to indulgences that I am not a Turk? In all sober truth,
yes !
But after this episode let us proceed with our narrative.
Tetzel, the Dominican, was the promulgator in Germany of the
indulgence proclaimed by Leo X., which owed its origin, it is
said, to his great desire to complete the magnificent church of
St. Peter's at Rome. Would to God that Leo X. would be the
last to wreck his reputation upon increasing too exclusively the
material grandeur of the church of God ! Tetzel is charged
with having employed extravagant language in his harangues,
for which, it was said* his ecclesiastical superiors rebuked him,
and poor Tetzel died of a broken heart.
Germany at this moment was in an uneasy state. This in-
dulgence proclaimed by Leo X. was looked upon as an abuse,
particularly so by the secular princes, who, with their gaunt
purses, saw with feelings of reluctance money taken from the
pockets of their German subjects and employed in building
churches in Italy. Luther's voice was now heard in attacking
indulgences and crying out for reform ! Reform was undoubt-
edly needed. All the sincere and earnest Christians, of that day
were in sympathy with this cry. Luther's position at that junc-
ture of affairs was^the right one. Listen to the letter which he
wrote in 1519 to the then reigning pontiff, Leo X. :
" That the Roman Church," he says, " is more honored by
God than all others is not to be doubted. St. Peter and St. Paul,
forty-six popes, some hundreds of thousands of martyrs, have
laid down their lives in its communion, having overcome hell
and the world ; so that the eyes of God rest on the Roman
Church with special favor. Though nowadays everything is in
a wretched state, it is no ground for separating from the church.
On the contrary, the worse things are going, the more jhould
1883.] LUTHER AND THE DIET OF WORMS. 161
we hold close to her, for it is not by separating from the church
we can make her better. We must not separate from God on
account of any work of the devil, nor cease to have fellowship
with the children of God who are still abiding in the pale of
Rome, on account of the multitude of the ungodly. There is no
sin, no amount of evil, which should be permitted to dissolve
the bond of charity or break the bond of unity of the body.
For love can do all things, and nothing is difficult to those who
are united."
This letter has the true ring in it. The only position worthy
of a true Christian and sincere reformer is within the church.
Separation from the church is not reform. To stand up in
God's church and to cry out for reform of real abuses and scan-
dals, fired with genuine zeal and pure love for the beauty of
Christ's spouse, is a noble attitude. Such zeal, such love, is
capable of doing all things. Had Martin Luther fought it out
on this line the name of Luther of Eisleben, the Augustinian
friar, would have been handed down with benediction and
praise along with the great names of Hildebrand, Bernard of
Clairvaux, and Borromeo of Milan, to all future generations.
But one is filled with astonishment in reading so strong and
unanswerable a testimonial in favor of the Roman Church, and
that from the pen of Martin Luther, and written in the year of
our Lord 1519. Did he write it? One would scarcely credit
the fact, were it not found in the History of the Reformation by
that partisan, Merle d'Aubigne. Martin Luther wrote it ; was he
an imbecile or a knave? Ignorant he was not.
From a reformer Martin Luther became a revolutionist ;
can you, honest reader, tell the reason for this change? Re-ex-
amine the event and see, on sound, rational, Christian principles,
if you can.
VOL. XXXVIII. II
1 62 ANCIENT CELTIC ART. [Nov.,
ANCIENT CELTIC ART.
IT has been too much the custom to look on history as exclu-
sively concerned with wars and politics. The lessons to be
learned from the past are not confined to the rise and fall of
states, and the characters and fortunes of statesmen and generals.
Man has other fields of work in which the knowledge of what
has been done by former generations is equally valuable to the
present. Law, commerce, manufactures, science, literature, and
art have each a history of their own as interesting as the subjects
which have long been regarded as the proper province of his-
tory. Nor is the value of such studies confined to their own
departments. Each of them throws new light on the general
current of human events, and enables us to understand history as
we never could learn it from mere chronicles of political events.
Science and scientists, law and lawyers, art and artists, are as
much a part of humanity as politics and politicians, and the story
of their progress in bygone days is as full of use to the men of
the present.
Especially, indeed, is this the case with art, which by its very
nature is intended more for public use and instruction than for
the gratification of the artist. Painting, sculpture, architecture,
and music interest every class as well as their special professors,
and there seems no reason why their history should not do so
likewise. If men who have never seen a field of battle can feel
an absorbing interest in the campaigns of Napoleon or Frederick
of Prussia, men who have never touched a brush or chisel may
find equal pleasure in the story of the works of Michelangelo or
Titian. The interest attached to the history of art is not con-
fined to its brilliant epochs or renowned artists alone. As in
the history of nations, so in that of art, the key to great revolu-
tions is often found in scarcely noticed periods, and a deeper
interest frequently attaches to the obscure work of unknown
artists than to the masterpieces of world-famed genius. Art-
schools and national arts have vicissitudes of their own, which
call forth our sympathies, as well as those of nations and indivi-
duals. The bright promise of an age may be blasted by external
circumstances or turned rudely from its natural course, and, on
the other hand, the genius of a people may break forth in bril-
liancy after centuries of oppression. National life and national
1883.] ANCIENT CELTIC ART. 163
art are, indeed, so closely bound together that if we read the last
aright it is often the best chronicle of the first, and, moreover, a
chronicle which tells its story not in words but in works.
In the history of Europe Celtic art occupies a place distinc-
tively apart from that of other races. The sculpture, architec-
ture, and ornament of the other western nations of the European
continent are derived more or less remotely from the Roman
art which for four centuries was spread like the Roman language
from the Rhine and Danube to the Atlantic Ocean. The branch
of the Celtic race settled in Ireland alone retained its primitive
civilization unmodified by foreign influences during the existence
of the Roman Empire. Thus its arts down to the twelfth cen-
tury retain a stamp of originality wholly their own while essen-
tially progressive. During the seven centuries of its existence
as an independent Christian nation the buildings, the literature,
the painting, sculpture, and ornamental art of Ireland were of an
entirely distinct character from those of the contemporary Euro-
pean races, and in many points far surpassed them in artistic
merit. The amount of art-work done in Ireland during that
period, if it is to be judged by the number of its remains that
still exist, exceeded that of any other country north of the Alps.
The disparity in this respect between England under the An-
glo-Saxons and Danes a period only one century shorter than
the contemporary existence of the Christian Celtic kingdom in
Ireland is most remarkable. Though unlimited wealth and the
talents of a host of investigators have been employed for the last
two centuries in preserving the antiquities of Great Britain,
while during the greater part of the time the Celtic remains of
Ireland were wholly neglected or even wantonly destroyed; yet
at the present day the collections of the English museums are
decidedly inferior to the Irish, both in the number and in the
artistic merit of objects contemporary with the ages of Irish in-
dependence. In gold and bronze ornament and in illuminated
manuscripts the .chief relics of the painter's art in those early
days the contrast between the wealth of the two countries is
astonishing. In buildings a similar state of things is found.
While the closest research has failed to discover even partial
remains of more than twenty Anglo-Saxon buildings, the face of
Ireland is still dotted by several hundred more or less ruined but
still existing Celtic edifices. Besides this, a large proportion of the
antiquities preserved in the English museums are of Irish origin,
and not a few of those Celtic works are among the choicest art
treasures of those collections. The " Book of Lindisfarne," admit-
164 ANCIENT CELTIC ART. [Nov.,
tedly the finest illuminated manuscript in England, is the work
of the Irish monks who settled in Northumberland in the seventh
century, and a similar origin is assigned to many of the so-called
Anglo-Saxon works. Of the gold and bronze ancient works pre-
served in the British Museum a large portion, if not the absolute
majority, are of Irish origin. The collections on the European
continent also contain numerous examples of Irish work; indeed,
in manuscripts some of them are even richer than those in the
British Islands. Compared with the present time, indeed, the
proportion of early art-works of Irish production is really won-
derful.
The early art-works of the Irish Celts carry us back to a time
far beyond the beginnings of their written history. The earthen
urns for holding the ashes of the dead, which are frequently dug
up in every part of Ireland, show clearly that ornamental design
was known and practised long before the introduction of Chris-
tianity in the fifth century. While many of these urns are of the
simplest form, others display a beauty of shape and an elegance
of decoration that attest the existence of high artistic feeling in
their makers. Nothing in their character implies any connection
with the foreign works of a similar kind found elsewhere, and
some of which are among the most valuable remains of ancient
Grecian and Italian art. The form and the ornamental patterns
of the Celtic urns are alike of home origin. One of the most
beautiful is a little vase formed in the shape of the shell of the
sea-urchin, and covered with patterns evidently copied from the
markings of that most beautiful object. In size it is scarcely
larger, being only two inches high and about three in diameter,
thus giving an early instance of the patient elaboration of small
objects which continued to the last to be characteristic of Celtic
design. At the same time the beauty of its form offers a valu-
able hint for modern designers, who are too apt to believe that
they have exhausted all the resources of art when they have
reproduced the forms sanctioned by the taste of ancient Greece
and Egypt.
The bronze weapons and tools, which are found in extraor-
dinary abundance and variety, offer another class of examples of
pre-Christian art. Iron, as it is well known from history, every-
where superseded bronze as a material for weapons in Europe at
an early date. Among the Romans it had done so at the time of
Hannibal, two centuries before the Christian era, and among the
Celts of Gaul and Britain iron weapons were commonly in use
in the time of Caesar's campaigns. Accordingly we cannot be
1883.] ANCIENT CELTIC ART. 165
far astray in assigning the date of the latest of the Irish bronze
swords and battle-axes to the commencement of the Christian
epoch ; and even on the existing examples many stages of pro-
gress can be plainly traced, showing a much earlier beginning of
Celtic art. For other purposes of a more purely ornamental
character bronze continued to be used after its abandonment as a
material for weapons, and, in fact, it so continues to be used down
to the present day. In the Christian times it was extensively
used in shrines, crosses, bells, and other ecclesiastical objects, and
hence it is but natural to suppose that it was also employed in
personal and other ornaments. Of such the museum of the
Royal Irish Academy possesses a collection unsurpassed, if
indeed equalled, anywhere. These metal works may thus be
divided into those which are undoubtedly pagan, as weapons,
tools, and objects found in pagan tombs, on the one hand ; into
Christian works, the exact date of some of which is well known ;
and, finally, into those whose date may range from the earliest
times of pagan Ireland to the last days of the Celtic monarchy in
the twelfth century. Even in the latter class it is quite possible
to assign at least the relative ages of many objects by compa-
rison with those of the other two. Ornaments, such as rings,
collars, and armlets, whose design corresponds closely with the
patterns shown on the pagan weapons, may reasonably be as-
signed to the same period ; while those whose workmanship
resembles that of the Christian shrines and crosses may fairly be
regarded as contemporary with them. The successive develop-
ment of ornamental forms which may readily be traced in a large
collection enables us finally to assign with probability something
like definite ages to the works whose character is intermediate
between the pagan and the late Christian styles. Thus a pecu-
liar form of head-dress, resembling a half-moon surmounting the
forehead, was common in ancient Ireland ; but while some of the
specimens preserved are simple plates of thin gold, others are
elaborately decorated with raised mouldings, rims, and buttons,
and finished with ornamental discs at the ends. As we know
from the history of art in other countries that the invention of a
new form of ornament in its plain state always precedes its modi-
fication by decoration, we can conclude that the Irish embossed
diadems are a later form of art than the plain crescents. The
plainer forms may, of course, have continued in use side by side
with the ornamented ones, but the introduction of the latter must
have followed, not preceded, them. Another guide to the compa-
rative age of ornamental work is to be found in the technical skill
166 ANCIENT CELTIC ART. [Nov.,
displayed in its manufacture. Beauty of design may, indeed, be
found in articles of rude workmanship, and baldness or positive
ugliness may be associated with high mechanical skill of execu-
tion ; but those objects in which we find equal beauty of design
coupled with superior finish are unmistakably later in point of
time than their ruder prototypes. From the history of all
schools of art that have run their course, whether in sculpture,
painting, or architecture, we know that this is the case. The
power of designing decays before that of mechanical execution.
The school of Italian painting, for instance, has unquestionably
fallen away since the time of Michelangelo and Raffaelle, as it
unquestionably advanced from the time of Cimabue to the six-
teenth century ; but the mechanical part of painting has con-
tinued to progress. The use of oil in coloring, the knowledge of
perspective and anatomy things unknown to men like Giotto and
Fra Angelico are familiar to the artists of the present day, whose
talents are wholly inferior to those of the early masters. The
same rule holds good, we believe, in all the fine arts, and by it
we are enabled to trace with reasonable certitude the history of
Celtic art in its existing remains. As we find in works of the
time immediately before the English invasion, such as the Cross
of Cong, a taste and fertility of invention unsurpassed by any
other remains of the school, coupled with a mechanical skill and
a mastery of new elements of decoration not possessed by the
earlier examples, it appears that, at least in ornamental metal
work, Celtic art had been steadily progressive from the earliest
times in spite of domestic turbulence and Danish invasions. Its
decline began simultaneously with the establishment of the Nor-
man foreign power in the country. It was " extinguished, not
decayed."
The ornament on the bronze weapons of the most primitive
class is extremely rude, consisting merely of notches made by a
chisel and arranged in a rude herring-bone form. In the axes of
a later period this pattern is gradually developed into triangles
of the chevron shape, and the edges are sometimes finished with
a rope moulding closely resembling the pattern of the bracelets
and collars of twisted gold wire which were a favorite ornament
of the Celtic nations from the earliest times. The chevron pat-
tern was worked out with still more finish on the trumpets
which are very numerous in the collections of antiquities, but
which, no doubt, continued in use long after the bronze weapons
had been abandoned. Some of these ancient trumpets, which
may have sounded the charge on Roman battle-fields, are won-
1883.] ANCIENT CELTIC ART. i5/
derful specimens of Celtic metallurgy. One in particular in the
Irish Academy collection is fully eight feet long, and not cast in
a mould, but riveted together with the utmost care. Neither
weapons nor trumpets, however, can compare as works of art
with other objects used especially for personal decoration. These
include breastplates, bracelets, necklaces and armlets, pins,
brooches, and numerous other ornaments, all worked out in a
perfectly original style, and many of them beautiful examples of
forms unknown in other schools of art-workmanship. A favorite
form of ornament on these is the divergent spiral or trumpet
pattern, resembling in outline the shells of the snail set back to
back. In bronze medallions four or more of these volutes are
inscribed within a circle, and the combinations produced by
other uses of this form are almost endless, and many of them
most striking.
The most remarkable, in an art point of view, of these ancient
ornaments are the .pins and brooches used for fastening the
mantles. Of these several hundreds are exhibited in the Irish
Academy alone, varying in finish from the plain skewer of
bronze to the beautiful Tara brooch, several inches in diameter,
and perhaps the most artistic ornament of the kind designed
anywhere. In the earlier times the pins seem to have been alone
used, and the manner in which the brooch was developed from
them is shown most plainly by numerous examples. The plain
pin or skewer was followed by a headed one resembling a
modern breastpin, but cast solid in bronze. Both forms seem to
have been elaborately finished at times, and some of the speci-
mens are beautifully inlaid with silver, gold, and niello. The
curves on the shafts are varied and elegant in form, and a high
finish was attained before the idea of connecting a ring with the
pin was introduced. This, the earliest form of the brooch, at
first was merely a small ring passing through the square head of
a pin, and just large enough to turn freely around it. In this
form of pin the ring, in fact, was a mere adjunct to the head ; but
the hint it gave seems to have caught the fancy of the old Celtic
goldsmiths, who gradually enlarged and decorated the ring until
its diameter equalled the length of the pin itself. To provide a
clasp was then all that was required to transform the pin into
a brooch, and that step was quickly taken. The ring brooch in
turn was worked into new forms by succeeding artists. The
ring was filled with tracery, either wholly or partially, and after-
wards jewelled. Amber and enamel beads were set in its front,
and raised patterns of tracery introduced in the centre. The
1 68 ANCIENT CELTIC ART. [Nov.,
circular brooch having 1 been thus elaborated, new forms equally
original and graceful were derived from it. These were the snap
or buckle brooches, which are among the finest specimens of Irish
design. Some are formed in the shape of serpents, others pre-
sent the favorite snail-shell pattern and numerous other forms.
Indeed, the fertility of design displayed by the old Celtic artists
even in these matters of personal ornaments is perfectly aston-
ishing. In bracelets, in collars, in horse-trappings, in all the
adjuncts of daily life that could possibly be decorated, art found
employment, and it was an art that never seemed to content
itself with the servile reproduction of old forms. Endless variety
and uniform good taste were the most striking characteristics of
Celtic art, if we except, indeed, the unwearied industry which
never seemed to give up a work until it had been elaborated to
the very utmost finish it was capable of receiving.
Gold seems to have been among the earliest metals used in
the decorative arts in Ireland, and the quantity of it so employed
must have been very considerable. Even in the British Museum
the majority of the ancient gold articles are Irish, while several
hundred such are preserved in the various Irish collections. The
amount of gold ornaments that from time to time are found in
Irish bogs and under the surface of the ground, most of which
have been sold to jewellers and melted down even during the
last half-century, indicates a great abundance of the metal in
former ages. Some goldsmiths estimate that they have pur-
chased as much as fifty thousand dollars' worth of such relics
during the present century. On one occasion, about thirty-five
years ago, a hoard of golden ornaments, valued at over fifteen
thousand dollars, was found while excavating a railroad cutting.
The personal ornaments of gold do not present many art features
to distinguish them from those in bronze and other metals such
as have been just described ; but it is different with the ecclesiasti-
cal ornaments, into the composition of which the precious metals
usually enter more or less. These present distinguishing art
features which make them worthy of special notice, and, indeed,
they include the art masterpieces of ancient Ireland. They may
be divided into reliquaries, chalices, processional and other
crosses, episcopal crosiers, and some smaller articles. The reli-
quaries of Celtic Ireland that have been preserved were mostly
cases for books, though shrines for portions of the bodies of
saints were also made, and one or two are still preserved. The
special veneration for books transcribed by their early saints is,
however, a peculiarly Celtic feeling, analogous to that which gave
1883.] ANCIENT CELTIC ART. 169
to bishops and abbots their title, not from their respective sees or
abbeys, but from their founders. The most celebrated of these an-
cient books was the copy of the Gospels known as the " Domnach
Airgid," which is said to have been brought to Ireland by St. Pat-
rick himself and given to one of his disciples. Whatever truth
may be in that statement, there can be no doubt but the copy of
the Gospels believed to have been thus brought to Ireland is of
the highest antiquity. A few leaves of it have been deciphered,
but the mass of them are glued together by time into a solid mass
which it has not been deemed well to disturb for the present.
As it is unbound, it was originally enclosed in a wooden box,
which in the twelfth century was cased in a metal shrine of rich
design. This second cover was again covered in the fourteenth
century by a still richer case ; and thus the relic proper con-
sisted of a book enclosed within three cases, the inmost plain,
the second or twelfth-century addition of copper and silver, and
the outside of silver relieved with gold. The latter is entirely
Celtic, as well as the two inner cases, though made for the
abbot of Clones a full hundred and fifty years after the Norman
invasion. His name and that of the maker, John O'Bardan, are
both inscribed on the top of the case and worked into its orna-
ment. Though the whole size of the " Domnach " is only nine by
seven inches, the artist has wrought figures of eleven saints
around the Crucifixion on the top, and a figure of the dove above
the head of the crucifix is formed into a reliquary for some small
object. Scenes from mediaeval lives of the saints are represented
on one end, and from the lives of the Irish founder of the church
of Clones and St. John the Baptist on the other. The front is
occupied by the figure of a horseman 'in the Irish dress of the
time, the details of which are carefully worked out ; and, besides,
there are circles filled with grotesque heads and enamelling, the
whole forming a striking monument of careful industry and
design.
A scarcely less interesting historical object, of the sarne class
as the " Domnach," is the " Cathac," or shrine of the psalter, be-
lieved to have been written by St. Columba (Columcille) in the
sixth century. Like the former, it consists of a silver case adorn-
ed with bas-reliefs and enclosing the wooden box in which the
vellum book was deposited. The book itself is in better pre-
servation than that enclosed in the " Domnach," which is all the
more remarkable from the use to which it was put for many cen-
turies. It was, in fact, the battle-standard of the clan O'Donnell,
and was carried on many a hard-fought field down to the close
1 70 ANCIENT CELTIC ART. [Nov.,
of the sixteenth century. The silver case itself was made in the
eleventh, and thus we have an example unique in history of a
national standard preserved unscathed through over five centu-
ries of war, and, indeed, through twice that period as far as the
book which formed a part of it was concerned.
It would be too long here to enter into a description of the
other ornamented book-caskets which still exist in the museums
of Ireland and other countries. The reliquaries proper, such as
were used in other Catholic countries, were also a favorite labor
of the Celtic artists, and specimens are preserved which may be
fairly described as magnificent types of mediaeval art. A class
of objects on which the skill of the metal-workers was much em-
ployed both in Ireland and in other countries was the episco-
pal crosiers. The crosier of William of Wykeham, the celebrated
architect-bishop of Winchester, is still counted among the finest
specimens of English art in the middle ages. Several similar ob-
jects of at least equal merit are preserved in Ireland. That made
for the bishop of Limerick in the fifteenth century, and still in
the possession of his successor, is a fine example of later Celtic
work. The pastoral staff of the abbots of Clonmacnoise, dating
from the eleventh century, is still finer. The ornamental crosiers
in Ireland were really cases for the old staffs of the first bishops
or abbots of the sees or monasteries, which very frequently were
preserved as relics through many ages. The staff of St. Patrick
himself was thus preserved in Dublin down to the middle of the
sixteenth century, when it was burned by the malevolence of the
then governing fanatics.
Great as was the skill shown in the objects already mentioned,
it was surpassed by the Workmanship of the processional cross
made for the archbishop of Tuam in 1123, and which is perhaps
unequalled in its kind anywhere. It is about three feet high and
covered with tracery in gold of patterns whose exquisite finish
and variety of design are simply bewildering. One "face alone
contains forty-six panels of open work, none of which is in any
way a copy of the other, though the general character of the
whole is preserved with consummate art. A crystal case on the
centre enshrines a relic of the true cross, and jewels and enamels
are freely employed in other places, giving the whole a character
of the utmost richness without the least appearance of barbaric
ostentation. The interlaced patterns of filigree are worked out
with a finish of detail peculiarly Celtic, and even under a power-
ful lens it is impossible to find a trace of careless execution in
the smallest parts. A chalice with two handles, found in Long-
1883.] ANCIENT CELTIC ART. 171
ford, and thence known as the Ardagh Chalice, is an equally fine
specimen of work in its kind. It is made of four metals, copper
and brass being the basis of the work, on which the ornaments
are raised in silver and gold. It is a good deal larger than a
modern chalice, and is hemispherical in shape. A band of gold
filigree runs around the cup and another around the stem, and
circular medallions in low relief are disposed between the two.
As an example of the combination of simplicity of form with the
most elaborate ornament it would be hard to equal even at the
present time the beauty of this triumph of old Celtic design and
workmanship.
The painter's art was chiefly employed in Ireland on the illu-
mination of books, of which several beautiful examples are still in
existence. Indeed, the illumination of manuscripts was the only
kind of painting .known north of the Alps for several hundred
years. Painting in oil, as it is well known, was only discovered in
the fourteenth century, and fresco, though it continued in use in
Italy, was hardly known elsewhere in western Europe down to
the thirteenth century. Though distemper colors were used as
a means of wall decoration in Ireland, they have mostly perished.
In Cormac's Chapel there are, indeed, traces of former coloring
still visible, but there is only one picture, properly so called, of
Celtic production now remaining in Ireland. This is a repre-
sentation of the martyrdom of St. Sebastian, on the walls of the
abbey of Knockmoy in Connaught, and, though interesting as
preserving the dress of the time in which it was painted, it is in
too dilapidated a state to enable us to draw any conclusion from
it respecting the position of painting in ancient Ireland. The
case, however, is very different with the illuminated manuscripts,
many of which are preserved in Trinity College and in the Royal
Irish Academy, as well as in numerous museums and libraries
both in England and on the Continent of Europe. The Ambro-
sian Library at Milan, the Royal Library of Turin, the National
Library at Paris, and the old monasteries of St. Gall in Switzer-
land, Rheinau in Germany, and many others, contain numerous
valuable specimens of Celtic art in this line, and in England itself
the Irish manuscripts known as the Books of Lindisfarne and
Durham are recognized as the choicest works of the kind which
that country possesses.
The practice of decorating books by ornament had been fol-
lowed extensively by the ancients, but it assumed greater impor-
tance after the downfall of the Roman Empire. The first steps
taken were confined to writing the first words of a chapter or a
1 72 ANCIENT CELTIC ART. [Nov.,
page in a different-colored ink from the rest. Afterwards the
initial letters were enlarged and made ornamental by the addi-
tion of flourishes and color. Ornament was next carried around
the margin of the page, forming a kind of frame for the text itself,
and finally miniatures and pictures of various kinds were in-
troduced to illustrate it. From the fifth century down to the
close of the sixteenth the ornamentation of manuscripts was an
important part of the painter's art in every country of Europe.
Many of the great Italian artists of later times, including Giotto,
Fra Angelico, and Perugino, employed their talent on the minia-
tures of books, and the practice was only abandoned after the in-
troduction of wood and steel engraving on paper. But even the
finest illustrated works give a faint idea of the glories of the me-
diaeval illuminations which were their prototypes, and which for
over a thousand years were the chief art-works of the whole
of western Europe.
Celtic illumination, like the other Celtic arts, has a distinctive
character of its own. It borrowed nothing from Byzantine or
Italian painting, and it produced forms of ornament wholly un-
known to those schools. The rudeness of its early attempts
shows clearly the want of any model in pre-existing art, while its
masterpieces are wholly unrivalled in their kind either for origi-
nality or for exquisite finish. An Irish manuscript in St. John's
College in Cambridge, which belongs to the sixth or seventh cen-
tury, shows a representation of the Crucifixion which might well
be the work of an infant, but was apparently the best attempt the
writer could make, though the writing itself is by no means bad.
Other books show a marked improvement on this primitive style
of art, though of course perspective was unknown in those early
pictures. The ornament gradually assumed a definite though
by no means a mechanical type. Narrow bands interlaced diago-
nally, serpents intertwined in peculiar knots, and the double spiral,
which is such a marked feature of all purely Celtic" ornament,
were the main elements of the border decoration, and can be re-
cognized at a glance as Celtic by a trained eye. The initial letters
were magnified to a size unknown in any other style, and filled in
with tracery in almost endless patterns, until each of them became
a veritable picture, covering often an entire page. Some of these
ornamented letters are twelve or fifteen inches in height, and de-
signed with an endless variety of form and ornament. Besides
these ornamental letters small decorations in the form of animals,
plants, or geometric tracery were used to fill up the broken lines
at the ends of paragraphs, and pictures illustrative of the text
1883.] ANCIENT CELTIC ART, 173
were frequently made part of each page. The copy of the Gos-
pels known as the " Garland of Howth," which was written in the
seventh century, is the rudest of the illuminated manuscripts in
the Trinity College library, but its borders are marked by the
distinctive Celtic tracery, as well as the more elaborate works.
The Books of Durrow, of Mac Regal, of Dimna and Armagh are
all beautiful specimens of illumination and far superior in execu-
tion to the " Garland of Howth." The " Book of Lindisfarne," in
England, is reckoned by Mr. Westwood, one of the best authorities
on the subject, as the finest illuminated work in that country, but
he adds that it is undoubtedly Irish itself. The " Missal of St.
Columban," an Irish saint of the sixth century, and founder of the
monasteries of Luxeuil in France and Bobbio in Italy, is also a
beautiful work. It is in theAmbrosian Library at Milan, in Italy
for the old Irish books lie scattered far and wide over Europe.
But the masterpiece of the Celtic school is undoubtedly the copy
of the Gospels on vellum known as the " Book of Kells," from the
ancient monastery in which it was long preserved and where it
may have been written. It is in the library of Trinity College, to
which it was presented in the reign of James I. by Archbishop
Ussher.
The style of decoration of this wonderful book is unlike any-
thing which we are in the habit of seeing elsewhere in pictorial
art. It has no resemblance to the miniatures of Italian art, and
but little to the illuminated missals of the fourteenth and fifteenth
centuries of France and Germany, yet the beauty of its designs
and the perfection of its work strike an impression of admiration
mixed with wonder on every one who examines its pages. One
is literally dazzled with the beauty and harmony of its coloring,
the wonderful intricacy yet perfect symmetry of its lines, and
the boldness with which mere letters are converted into works
of the highest art. Nearly every one of its three hundred and
thirty pages contains ten or twelve illuminated capitals, not one
of which resembles another in finish, yet each is unrivalled else-
where in ornamental lettering. The same variety is seen in the
borders, in the figures of animals and flowers at the ends of
broken lines, and in the small pictures of the Gospel scenes scat-
tered over the pages. But the most wonderful parts of the
whole are the four pages prefixed to the four Gospels, each of
which is occupied by two or three initial letters wrought into a
picture of surpassing beauty. The various shades of vermilion,
crimson, blue, yellow, green, purple, and orange are blended
with rainbow-like brilliancy through a network of tracery so
174 ANCIENT CELTIC ART. [Nov.,
fine and yet so accurate that it resembles the perfection of the
most delicate flower rather than the work of a human hand. As
in the works of nature, so in these marvellous pages, the use
of a powerful microscope only brings out features unobserved at
first from their minuteness, but fails to show a single false stroke,
or even wavering line, in its delicate traceries. Animals, birds,
serpents, foliage, human faces, and angelic forms are blended
with its lines in a composition which has no sign of confusion in
its marvellous intricacy. It is, indeed, the very perfection of the
draughtsman's skill, such as elsewhere has no parallel in the whole
range of art.
The age of the " Book of Kells " is unknown, but mention is
made of it in the Irish annals in the year 1002 as already com-
pleted, though how long before we have no means of learning.
Though the later manuscripts still preserved fall short of its
finish, many of them, such as the " Gospels of Ricemarch," exe-
cuted in the eleventh century, are very beautiful works and show
no trace of the formal copyism which is the sure mark of a decay-
ing art. After the Norman invasion, however, Irish illumination
seems to have quickly perished. The works executed after that
date are few in number and show scanty traces of the exuberant
fancy and patient industry so marked in the old manuscripts.
It was not that illumination as an art had been abandoned, for
many most beautiful works of the kind were produced in other
countries for fully four centuries afterwards ; but the purely Cel-
tic style seems to have been unable to survive the destructive
influences of foreign rule and endless war. The more delicate
art of painting seems to have been the first to succumb, for, as we
have seen, metal work of a purely Celtic character was execut-
ed for several centuries afterwards. The school of illuminated
painting, which for centuries had been unrivalled in Europe,
passed into speedy decay, and was at length so forgotten in its
native land that its very existence was doubted in the last cen-
tury. More recent investigations have in our own days been
successful in calling attention to its merits, and thus throwing
light on one of the most interesting chapters in the history of
European art.
Celtic sculpture is not less peculiar in its character than the
other branches of the fine arts, and it bears the same stamp of
laborious finish and endless variety. Colossal statues like those
of Egypt, or even the life-size sculpture so common in Roman
art, seem to have been little used among the Irish Celts. What-
ever, indeed, they may have done in the way of religious art
1883.] ANCIENT CELTIC ART. 175
in that branch was destroyed by the fanaticism of the sixteenth
and seventeenth centuries. But it does not seem that statuary
was ever much practised in ancient Ireland. Stone-cutting and
moulding had been in use among the pagan Celts, and it was
to elaborating it into relief carving of natural objects, and finally
of the human figure, that their descendants turned their efforts.
In their more ornamental buildings flat surfaces were covered
with tracery hardly less elaborate than the metal shrines and
illuminated writings which seem to have suggested its use. But
it is in the detached monuments erected to record public events
or to mark the tombs of the mighty dead that the best and most
characteristic sculptor's work was employed. The crosses, cov-
ered with relief pictures, in stone, which were the favorite monu-
mental form in the days of old, are still numerous in Ireland and
constitute almost as typical a class of its antiquities as the round
towers themselves. A modern artist has engraved twenty-
three of those monuments of Celtic times, and he has by no
means exhausted the list. Every stage of progress in this form
of monument is represented in existing examples, from the plain
Cross of Finglas, and the flat stone marked with incised lines
which covered the ordinary graves, to the combination of sculp-
ture and ornament of the finest kind on the crosses of Tuam and
Monasterboice. In some of the erect monuments the form of
the flag is scarcely different from that laid over the graves. In
others the form of the cross is marked by four circular holes in
a plain slab, which in yet other examples is developed still more
by projections at the top and sides in continuation of the arms.
The next step was to give the body of the stone itself a circular
form, with the ends of the arms projecting beyond it; and finally
spandrels were pierced within the circle itself, giving the well-
known form of the Celtic cross surrounded by a circle. It is on
crosses of this form, which itself was evidently the outcome of
considerable practice in monumental work, that the sculptured
decorations were chiefly executed. We fortunately know the
date of several of these, from which we can form an idea of the
condition of the art at different ages. The great cross at Clon-
macnoise, erected as a memorial of the monarch of Ireland, Flan,
in the year 912, is indeed a beautiful work, but its execution is far
surpassed by that of the crosses of Monasterboice and Tuam.
The latter, having been erected in 1123, indicates that a progress
had been made in sculpture almost up to the date of the Norman
invasion. The Tuam cross is estimated to have been thirty feet
in height, though it has been diminished by subsequent breaking,
176 ANCIENT CELTIC ART. [Nov.,
while the Clonmacnoise and most of the other crosses are not
over twelve or fifteen feet. The finest examples are, perhaps, the
three crosses still standing in the graveyard of Monasterboice,
near Drogheda, where generations have uninterruptedly found a
resting-place from the present day back to a dim and unknown
antiquity. Headstones erected by residents of New York and
New Jersey over the graves of their relatives stand under the
shadow of these Celtic monuments which have weathered the
storms of at least eight hundred years. It must be said that, in
an artistic view, the contrast between the baldness and poverty
of the modern monuments and the elaboration and grace of the
old crosses is anything but flattering to the work of the pre-
sent time. The ancient crosses are covered with figures in small
compartments ; in fact, they might be called pictures in relief
rather than anything else. None of the figures exceed fourteen
or fifteen inches in height, but they are worked out with an elabo-
ration and spirit that are wonderful. The panels are divided by
mouldings, and parts of the flat sides are also covered with in-
terlaced ornament by way of relief to the monotony of such
a number of figures. The mouldings, in the form of interlaced
serpents with heads between their coils, are more like the work
of a skilful painter than of a stone-cutter, and still retain their
clearness of outline unaffected by time. The most remarkable
thing about those crosses, however, is the skill with which any-
thing of confusion or pettiness is avoided in such a variety of
ornament No other school seemed to possess this power of
elaborating details with subordination to the general composition
in the same degree as the old Celts. The result was the same
whether they wrought- in colors, in metal, or in stone, and it is
the feature in their works which most conclusively shows the na-
tive artistic feelings of the race.
The decay of the once flourishing Celtic arts after the Nor-
man invasion is most remarkable. Working in a track of their
own during at least seven centuries, they had achieved results
which gave promise of a still higher development in the increas-
ing civilization of the middle ages, when their growth was sud-
denly arrested. The thirteenth century was, indeed, the golden
age of mediaeval art. The finest cathedrals of Europe, the sculp-
tures of Rheims and Bourges, the glories of stained glass in the
Holy Chapel of Paris, and all the noblest works of art in the
ages belong to the thirteenth century, which may fairly
rded as one of the greatest epochs of art. It was pre-
|the commencement of this period, when the elements of
1883.] OUR GRANDMOTHER" s CLOCK. 177
the civilization that had been gradually forming itself on the
ruins of the Roman Empire were opening into maturity, that the
native Celtic art, which had shown the greatest originality of all
in western Europe, was suddenly crushed. It would be too
long to attempt here to investigate the causes of this decay.
The art of illumination was the first to perish, and the Celtic
style of building and sculpture speedily followed. In ornamental
works of metal it lingered on, though with diminished perfection,
for some centuries, and did not wholly disappear until the de-
struction of the Irish monastic schools under Henry VIII. On
this subject, however, deeply interesting as it is, we shall not
here enter. Our purpose is simply to show the character of art
as it was developed by the Celtic mind in the last independent
Celtic nation, and we shall not, therefore, pursue its history
beyond the revolution which established a foreign race and alien
arts on the soil of Celtic Ireland.
OUR GRANDMOTHER'S CLOCK.
OUR grandmother's dear old clock was an object of childish
reverence to the grandchildren whose home she came in her
old age to share ; and to have grandmother was to have her
clock, for if anything had happened to her old clock it would
have broken her heart. This old clock was brought with other
less sacred household gods when the spirit of adventure had
seized upon grandfather and made him leave the honored bor-
ders of old Virginia for a home in the far West. Like other
pioneers, he builded better than he knew, and the little village
where he invested his modest fortune had grown. and prospered
far beyond anything he could have dreamed.
At many a " children's hour " or on rainy afternoons we chil-
dren would gather around grandmother's big chair and listen to
the stories of the old Virginia days, when she was a young girl
in her mother's home ; for those days were full of stirring inci-
dents the days of the Revolution. The time when we used to
listen to those stories was before the late war came, with its more
recent thrilling episodes and wonderful successes, to cast into
the background the heroism of the Revolutionary war. Grand-
mother knew many stories and anecdotes of the courage and
VOL. XXXVIII. 12
178 OUR GRANDMOTHER'S CLOCK. [Nov.,
fidelity of the patriots who had stood side by side, heart with
heart and shoulder to shoulder, through all the dark hours of that
war.
There in sight of the old clock we often listened to those sto-
ries, and to the story of the part that old clock had played in our
family history a part which had caused it to be loved and cher-
ished almost as if it were a living thing and had known and sym-
pathized in the joys and sorrows of a life lengthened beyond the
threescore years and ten. Many a scene had it contemplated
from its quiet corner ! And now that all the actors in those
checkered scenes of the past were gone except one feeble old
woman, the clock seemed to have about it some of the pathetic
dignity of the dear, white-haired old lady who loved it. The
hours and days that the faithful hands had marked as they moved
around the face of the clock, while they took from her the charms
of youth, only added sweetness and grace to grandmother's soul;
and in her -serene and beautiful old age, having learned to
accept all things as coming through a Father's wisdom, she now
could quietly wait the hour when she should hear its familiar
" tick " for the last time, and there should be ushered in for her
the life where should be time no more, and the light that makes
all clear should shine for her. The following is the story, which
I shall relate in substance, and as nearly as my memory will
allow, in grandmother's own words :
I wish that I could describe the old home at Mount Airy
so that my dear children might know how wonderful it all
was. Far away in the distance could be seen the Peaks of Otter
like a blue line across the sky ; sitting or standing on the porch
at the side of the house, we could see the river and the old mill
covered with the Virginia creeper. This mill supplied the neigh-
bors for miles around with their corn-meal and flour ; connected
with it was a country store. All of these things seem very plain
to my mind as I am telling you about them ; but if a fairy carpet
were suddenly let down here, and I could be transported to the
place once so familiar, I should find so many changes that it
would not seem like the same spot. The store-house and the
old mill were gone many years ago, and the mill-race has long
since disappeared. Several colonies of crows had established
themselves in the big trees behind the old mill. Doubtless the
neighborhood of the mill was a land of plenty for them ; but,
after the fashion of crows, they were not satisfied with what they
could get right by their nests, but sent out parties every day in
.search of fresh fields. To watch the return of these explorers
1883.] OUR GRANDMOTHER'S CLOCK. 179
at sundown was a great amusement to us in our evening walks
to the mill. I seem now to see them flying back in companies,
and to hear their " caw," " caw " as those at home welcomed the
new-comers; each party vociferating louder than the one who
had come in before, as they related to their friends the news of
the day. If it be true that crows can live a hundred years some
of those very crows may be centenarians dwelling in the tops
of some neighboring trees ; but the big gnarled trees that used
to be their habitat have grown old and died or were cut down
many years ago. Only the everlasting mountains are there, and
the river goes on its way to the sea.
The store-house and the mill, besides being centres of trade,
were the headquarters for all the news that found its way to
that quiet corner of the world. One day, just after Lord Dun-
more's act of tyranny in sending the powder which belonged to
the colonies on board a man-of-war, the word came to the mill
that Virginia was rising in arms to resent this high-handed pro-
ceeding of the governor. That morning, soon after the news
came, Cato went on an errand to the mill ; he returned so quickly
that when we saw him coming we knew something must be the
matter. The length of time he usually took to accomplish
these errands had become something of a joke in the household.
He was a great authority in matters religious, social, and political
with his colored brethren, and at the mill he almost always
found an audience, some of whom needed to be labored with
as to doctrine, others turned from the errors of their way and
brought back into the fold, or else some sought to be enlighten-
ed as to deportment and social ethics generally.
But on the day I speak of he did not allow any grass to
grow under his feet, so soon did he make his appearance before
his master with the great news that troops were being mus-
tered into service and that the din and preparation for war
were being heard through the land. My father put aside the
traditions of his early English home and cast in his lot with
the people of his adopted country. His arrangements were
soon made, and, bidding us a hurried farewell, he rode away to
the scene of war, accompanied by Cato, his trusty body-servant.
Cato came home in a year, leading his master's horse, but the
master came no more to the wife and children who loved him
and waited for his return in vain ; his grave was made far from
home and kindred. From the day of Cato's return without his
master something had gone from mother's life, and the world was
never the same again to her; but, with the quiet heroism that
i8o OUR GRANDMOTHER' s CLOCK. [Nov.,
glorified the women of the Revolutionary period, she took up
again her life and its duties, and many a sick and wounded soldier
had need to bless her name.
Years came and went, carrying with them the lives of many
men in the prime and vigor of life, and brave young soldiers
who fleshed their maiden swords on the fields in which their
lives went out, an offering for liberty and their native land ; and
others had gone in the quiet precincts of home, no less martyrs
and heroes, though theirs were the slower deaths from sick and
wounded hearts which refused to be comforted because the
loved ones could come back on earth no more. During this
time many stories reached us of the hardships and sufferings of
our troops ; it seemed as if each day grew darker as it closed
around us. But the end was nearer than we knew. One day,
towards the close of the war, an incident came to break the
monotony of life at Mount Airy an incident which brought with
it my fate, all unconscious as I was. So do the strong hours
which influence our life ever come upon us.
All of the details of that summer afternoon, even the minutest,
are engraven on my memory with more faithfulness than the
events of yesterday. I see with my mind's eye the far-away
mountains, their blue tops mingling with the blue of the clouds,
the sparkling of the little stream that ran through the lower
meadows of Mount Airy farm, and the fields Of grain growing
golden in the approach of harvest. We were all collected in the
work-room, a large room on the first floor, that opened on a
porch at the side of the house ; here the big spinning-wheel was
kept, and the little one for flax, and here my brothers and myself
studied and recited our lessons to mother, whose education was
far superior to that of ladies generally of that day. I had just
come in with a volume of Shakspere, for I was to recite Ham-
let's soliloquy as one of my lessons. My mother .was spinning.
I seem to see her now as she gave a turn to the big wheel with
her left hand, stepped backwards a little way down the room,
holding the thread with her right hand to keep it straight as it
wound on the spindle. Mother, like most of the Virginia ladies
of the early days, was a very skilful spinner, and the households
during the war were badly off who did not practise this domestic
industry. A moment or two after I entered a hurried step was
heard on the porch and a young soldier in British uniform came
in ; he had not had time to make any explanations before he fell
on the floor in a fainting fit. Here was indeed a dilemma ! If it
were known that we had harbored him we should have been in
1883.] OUR GRANDMOTHER'S CLOCK. 181.
danger of the odious name of Tories : the Tories were even more
obnoxious to the people than the British soldiers themselves.
He was our enemy, for such his uniform indicated ; but my
mother was a Christian woman, and the charity which ruled her
life was all-embracing and could not have permitted her to turn
aside from a sick and suffering enemy. She called Cato to come
and help lift the young man on to the settee. A look of repul-
sion came over the wrinkled black face as he caught sight of the
uniform. " Oh golly ! mistis, he's a Britisher ; you's all bettah
le'm go." "No, Cato, that cannot be; though he has come in
the garb of an enemy, he is a sick and wounded soldier, and you
and I and all of us will do what we can for him till he gets
better and can go on his way, and we'll not inquire where it lies,"
was the reply of his mistress. Cato looked discontented ; his
religion, sincere as it was, did not reach to the dignity of doing
good to an enemy and forgiving injuries, but he made no further
objection to helping. To question the word of his mistress
would have been still further from his simple code of right-doing.
The " divine rigfrt " of the slave-holder had not then been called
in question, and if any one had asked Cato about the whole duty
of slaves he would have answered r " De whole duty of de
slaves am to fear de good Lor' and to 'bey de mastah and
mistis " ; and " Cato Randolph " lived up to this doctrine.
In God's own time the better day for the rights of man will
come. One race has no " divine right " to hold another race in
subjection. My mother, and many others who lived when she
did, would have welcomed the new gospel. But while I am
moralizing we have left the young soldier in an unconscious
state. Mother had dressed the wound, which proved to be only
a flesh-wound in the left arm, and he was just recovering con-
sciousness, when Cato came hurriedly into the room with eyes
wide open and so frightened that he could hardly speak : " O
mistis, honey ! le' de young man go; thar's some sojers comin'
'long de river road, and I don't misdoubt but dey's comin' right
d'rectly h'yer. Good Lor' ! what'll 'come of us if dey finds him
in dis house ? White folks'll jest say we's Tories." " Be quiet,
Cato ! " said mother. " Send all of the negroes that are working
about here straight off to the back fields ; some of them may have
seen the young man coming in here, and I don't wish them to be
questioned. You, I know, will not betray him, and I'll see that
no harm comes to you if it is ever found out that we let him
stay here."
Then we immediately resolved ourselves into a committee of
182 OUR GRANDMOTHER'S CLOCK. [Nov.,
safety mother, my two young brothers, myself, and our faithful
Rhoda, who was at a table in the corner cutting out some cloth-
ing for the slaves. We must hide the stranger somewhere im-
mediately, if we did not intend that the soldiers should have him.
A grateful look took the place of the anxious, distressed one as
he listened to our discussion as to where we should hide him,
but he was too exhausted to say anything. But where could we
put him with any hope that he would be safe ? Our house was
a plain, old-fashioned country house, singularly bare of nooks
or niches, with no hidden-away cupboards, mysterious panels, or
corners that could not be easily explored. Time pressed. The
soldiers could be seen coming up the hill, and soon the sound of
the horses' feet on the stones would be heard. What should we
do? Where should we hide him? We looked at one another,
but no one had any suggestion to make. The gravity of the
situation seemed to have bewildered us all. Just then the clock
in the hall struck four. It seemed a note of inspiration to mo-
ther and myself. We both spoke at once, " The clock ! " Why
not hide him in the recess behind the clock ? Mother thought the
very audacity of the plan might insure its safety. Right in full
view, opposite to the front door, who could, suppose that any one
would dream of hiding there ? No sooner thought of than the
thing was done. Cato and Rhoda moved the clock out, the sol-
dier walked in and took his place close to the wall, and the clock
was soon ticking away in its old niche. We had scarcely time to
reach our work-room and take up our occupations, so tragically
interrupted a half hour before, when a loud knock was heard at
the front door. The captain and his orderly walked in, and the
captain announced his errand in courteous terms : " I am sorry,
Mrs. Randolph, to cause this disturbance in the house where
a brave soldier's family lives, but we have information that a
British soldier was seen coming towards this place. Of course I
could answer for your patriotism, but he may have hidden some-
where without your knowledge, and I could not answer to my
conscience and my country if I did not make a strict search for
him. The men can search the outdoor places while the orderly
and myself go. through the house." " You must do your duty,"
mother said ; " my house and the place are open to you." Not
a tremor in her voice nor a look on her face showed the least
consciousness of danger, whilst I, coward that I am, was afraid
to look at the captain for fear that I might betray our secret by
my frightened looks.
They examined every cupboard, looked behind the fireboards,
1883.] OUR GRANDMOTHER* s CLOCK. 183
up the chimneys, under the beds, and the orderly even ran his
sword into one of the beds, for which he received a severe re-
proof from the captain. All this time the clock ticked on undis-
turbed in its corner. Our hearts throbbed with anxiety and fear
as we listened for a sound from the front hall to tell us that the
soldier was found ; but there was none, and at last the captain gave
up the search and came back into the room to make more apolo-
gies. In our anxiety we had taken no note of time. I had kept
my book in hand as I sat by the window, but neither my eyes
nor my thoughts were on its pages, but unconsciously were busy
taking in all the accessories to the scene and fixing them for ever
in my memory. The shadows of the trees falling across the
walk, and, as they lengthened, gradually creeping on to the floor
of the porch, while the sun came nearer to the top of the hill on
the west; the turkeys coming home from some far-away field
where they had been foraging ; the peacock spreading out his
gorgeous tail and posing before the admiring eyes of his less
gorgeous friends ; the chickens flying up to roost on the logs
that projected from the kitchen corners ; the cows standing there
waiting to be milked are all before me now.
Mother, seeing how abstracted and anxious I looked while
she was talking with the captain, told me to go to the kitchen
and ask Debby to get supper ready for the captain and his men.
Inconvenient as their presence was just then, old Virginia hos-
pitality would not permit their going without supper. The
kitchen was a low log building a little off from the " big house,"
as was usual where there were many slaves. As I stepped off the
porch to comply with mother's request I saw the soldiers com-
ing up from the quarters, which they had been searching. They
were followed by some of the women and children, bent on find-
ing out what the commotion was about. Fortunately none of the
servants at the quarters had seen the stranger enter the house,
and they could not answer any questions about him.
The soldiers were talking and laughing ; for, though they
had failed in their search, they could bear their disappointment
good-naturedly with the immediate prospect of a plentiful supper
before them a compensation which hungry soldiers would not
be likely to refuse. Even then they were greeted, as they came
up to the kitchen door, with savory whiffs from Debby's cooking.
Debby, on hospitable thoughts intent, and appreciating " mistis' '
anxiety to get rid of the captain and his men, was hurrying the
supper with all possible speed. The huge logs in the big fire-
place, that extended almost the entire length of one side of the
OUR GRANDMOTHER'S CLOCK. [Nov.,
cabin, blazed and crackled ; their bright flames were reflected in
the pewter dishes and plates and on the porringers arranged,
with due regard to artistic effect, on the opposite shelves. This
wealth of pewter was the delight of Aunt Debby's heart, and to
keep it bright and shiny the begin-all and end-all of her clear-
ing-up times. According to Debby's way of looking at things,
the honor of all the dead and gone Randolphs, as well as that of
the present generation, was concerned in the matter of keeping
the pewter dishes bright. There was a time before this eventful
day that Debby had a grievance about her pewter. In one of
the great emergencies of the army mother and many other Vir-
ginia women gave up their household silver and substituted
pewter. When Debby found that some of her cherished pewter
was to be melted and made over into spoons to supply the de-
ficiency caused by this sacrifice, she sulked for days ; but finally
when mother told her that many of our soldiers were barefooted
and only half-clothed, and did not have enough to eat, she for-
gave the vandalism and had no more to say about "po' white
folks' way," and took her revenge by giving an extra " shine "
to what was left. On the brightness of her pewter vessels, the
exact twist of her gay Madras turban, and the immaculate white-
ness of her three-cornered handkerchief and her apron she took
her stand and defied her enemies. T-hese articles of her ward-
robe were reserved for Sundays and grand " company " days, when
she put them on and took her place behind her mistress' chair;
they enjoyed a wide reputation in colored circles and were the
despair of her rivals.
Before night came on the captain and his men had gone
down to the river road and disappeared ; the stranger had come
out of his hiding-place, had eaten his supper, and vanished from
our life, as we supposed ; though when he told us good-by and
expressed his thanks for the great kindness he had received he
said significantly that if his life were spared we should hear
from him again.
The state of the colonies at that time is pathetically told in all
American history, and the courage, fidelity, and fortitude of the
soldiers of the Revolutionary war need no eulogium from me.
Not long after the incident at Mount Airy which I have just re-
lated news of frequent disasters and losses in the army reached
us; but courage and hope were still the watchwords, no matter
how discouraging seemed the fortunes of war. Mother received,
some weeks after this, a letter from an old friend urging her to
come to Williamsburg to make a visit, and to bring " Polly "
1883.] OUR GRANDMOTHER'S CLOCK. . 185
(that's myself) with her. Mrs. Preston was my godmother, and I
had not seen her since I was a little girl. In those troublous
times people did not think much about visiting ; the stern reali-
ties of war did not well accord with gayety.
If mother had not felt like accepting this invitation for her-
self, the arguments used by her friend, that " it would do Polly
good," and "she will never again have the chance to see so
many distinguished people in one place as we shall have at
Williamsburg," would have turned the balance in favor of the
visit. General Washington and his corps, General Lafayette,
and many officers, both French and American, were coming, or
had already come, into that neighborhood ; for the interest of the
war seemed to be centring in that part of Virginia, whilst along
the coast vessels were passing up and down, waiting for what
might happen.
Williamsburg had been mother's home in her girlhood and
was full of associations for her of pleasure and of sorrow, and the
feelings with which she looked forward to seeing it again par-
took of both ; but for me it was all rosy-hued and pleasant, as
was natural at my age. The letter of acceptance was written
and sent, and next in importance was, what should we wear
while making this famous visit? Our country costumes were not
suitable for the great people that we might expect to meet at the
parties, balls, and entertainments which would be given in their
honor while they were in Williamsburg or in camp not far off.
Mother could not, feeling as she did about the soldiers, consent
that much money should be spent in making ourselves fine while
the army was often without food ; so she said we must draw on
the resources to be found in the old trunks and cupboards to
help us in getting ready. The silks, brocades, laces, slippers, and
fans which mother and her sister Peggy had worn in their girl-
hood and were amongst the toasts, belles, and beauties of the
colony, had long been folded away as relics of days that were
full of pleasure as they glided away, but were now associated
with the sound of steps that would be heard no more and voices
that were stilled for ever. These dresses now, for the first time
in years, were brought out, and fortunately could be made to fit
me without much trouble. Amongst these things were two white
satin dresses the wedding dresses of the Pleasants girls, mother
and her sister Peggy. All yellow with age they now were, but
how rich and beautiful they had been in their freshness ! We
thought it sacrilege to put them to use again, so they were
folded away with lavender and sweet marjoram.
1 86 OUR GRANDMOTHER'S CLOCK. [Nov.,
These Pleasants sisters were twins, and married the same
day to young English officers : many English gentlemen came as
visitors when Virginia was a colony. The residence of the gov-
ernor was often the scene of gayety, and during the sessions of
the House of Burgesses no place in America could have shown
more elegance and refinement than Williamsburg.
Aunt Peggy, before the honeymoon was over, had started
with her husband in a vessel from Norfolk for their future home
across the sea, but the vessel never reached the shores of En-
gland. The groom and his young bride, with all on board, were
lost in a storm at sea. My father bought the Mount Airy farm
and identified himself with mother's country and people, and was,
as I have already told you, one of the early martyrs for liberty
in America.
After it was finally decided that we should go to Williams-
burg, Cato was called in to consult about our journey, as to how
we could make it in the best and safest manner. Cato, in his
humble way, had ever since father's death constituted himself
our " guide, philosopher, and friend," and had often shown such
shrewdness, courage, and fidelity that we felt justified in follow-
ing his advice on many occasions. " How about the carriage,
Cato ?" was the question put to him one afternoon as he put his
shining, ebony face into the window of the work-room. " Can
it be made fit for us to travel in ? "
" I dunno, mistis," was Cato's answer, rolling up his eyes
until little but the white was to be seen, and assuming the conse-
quential air he always took on when he was to act the part of
Mentor ; " it's dun stayed so long shet up in the carriage-shed.
Howsomever, me an' Pete'll tote it out and 'vestigate how it am."
The 'vestigation showing that it might be made fit to travel
in without any great loss to the dignity of the Randolphs, the
old family coach, so long given up to desolation and. decay, was
furbished up, whole generations of spiders having been turned
out of the hiding-places they so long had had all to them-
selves, with unquestioned liberty to weave all the webs they
wished over the seats and across the windows. Now the cold
charity of the world became their only refuge. It would be a
curiosity, this old carriage, nowadays, with its inside pockets
and other conveniences for travellers. To go in one's own
family carriage or on horseback, accompanied by a servant, was
the favorite way to travel with people of means who lived at the
time we are talking about.
All being ready for our departure, we started one bright
1883.] OUR GRANDMOTHER'S CLOCK. 187
September morning, with Cato for driver and general care-taker,
and Rhoda for our maid, down the road that would in time take
us to Williamsburg. Circumstances and the war had prevented
my leaving our own county since I had been old enough to
take any notice of the country through which our road lay. It
is no wonder that, full of glowing anticipations as I was, this
visit to Williamsburg should have been a great event in my life,
and that the impression it made on my mind should have been
so strong that many of the years which lie between this time and
that seem as unreal as dreams, whilst the year of that visit stands
forth on the canvas with unlessened vividness.
The road lay for a great part of the time between two rivers,
the James and the York, and on both sides the scenery was very
beautiful. After leaving the Blue Ridge country and descend-
ing into the lowlands it had assumed new features. After the
first days I missed the long line of blue in the horizon such a
familiar sight all my life the big trees, and the little streams that
have their birthplace in the mountains and hills, and, dancing
suddenly down across the road, stop the traveller's journey
until he can improvise rocky bridges or ford the stream at his
own discretion. These little wayfarers were left behind as the
third day brought us to the lowlands of Virginia and the pine
bottoms. We missed, too, the familiar sound of " Whip-poor-
will," "Whip-poor-will," and "Bob White," "Bob White."
Now the call of new birds, as we disturbed them at their plea-
sures, broke the quiet of the little thickets " Chuck-will's-
widow," " Chuck-will's-widow," and " Chick-a-biddy," " Chick-a-
biddy."
Until we came down-stairs to breakfast at the little country
tavern on the last morning of our journey we had not thought
of any danger, and were quite surprised to find that a party of
soldiers had reached there at daylight. Some intelligence had
been brought to Colonel Preston that made him feel anxious
about us, and he had detailed some of his men to act as our
escort the rest of the journey to Williamsburg. We felt a little
like prisoners when we looked out of the carriage windows and
saw ourselves surrounded by soldiers, though they were a
guard of honor merely ; neither British soldier nor Tory came
in sight.
There was something about the captain of this escort that
suggested the young British soldier whom we had hidden behind
the clock. Absurd ! I should have said, if I had given words to
the thought. What could there be in common between an Ameri-
1 88 OUR GRANDMOTHER'S CLOCK. [Nov.,
can officer at the head of his men and a fugitive soldier whose
life was at the mercy of the merest accident?" All the same, I
kept on thinking- of the British soldier and wondering as to what
his fate had been.
It was near sunset when we reached Williamsburg ; the tents
of the soldiers, grouped on the ridge and arranged along the
line of the creek, looked very picturesque, with the dark pines not
far off fora background. It was the hour for exercising and drill-
ing the troops, and they were forming in the field on the out-
skirts of town ; their bayonets gleamed in the sunset light, and
the clouds made brilliant pictures of themselves on the face of
the creeks. In the distance the white memorials of the dead
were seen in the little city's churchyard ; not very populous had
this corner of God's great acre been before the war, but now
stones had sprung up and nameless graves been hollowed out
since war and rumors of war had turned this rural neighborhood
into a tented field and the heavy tread of soldiers had drowned
the light footfall of happy children. But what was it all to the
quiet sleepers beneath the stones or in the nameless graves?
For them life's work was closed, life's story written, and they
had passed into the silent land across the river, and for them
there was now
" No backward path, oh ! no returning, 1
No second crossing that ripple's flow."
This was my first sight of a drill or parade, and I was only
too glad to wait until it was over, as our friend, Mrs. Preston,
who had come out to meet us, suggested that we should do, and
listen to the music. Our own soldiers did not look so fine and
imposing as the French troops. As a rule, they, poor fellows !
could not have been very strict in regard to their uniform, but
had generally to wear what they could get ; but, true as steel
and good as gold, they kept on to the end.
After a fortnight had passed the air became so filled with
talk about the gathering-in of troops, our own and others, anti-
cipations of battles and rumors of skirmishes which had taken
place in the neighborhood, that mother became uneasy about
home, and feared that if we did not go immediately we should
not be able to do so in safety for a long time to come.
I need not say that every hour of that fortnight was golden
and life a holiday. A country girl, who had been in the habit of
going to bed with the chickens and getting up with the morning-
glories ; whose only variety in life had heretofore been an occa-
1883.] OUR GRANDMOTHER'S CLOCK.
sional ride on horseback with mother or a servant to the little
church in the nearest town, and whose only finery had consisted
of a yard or two of ribbon was it to be wondered at that
my thoughts did not rest so often as, perhaps, they should have
done if I had been older and wiser, upon the sorrow and death
that would follow in the trail of this pomp and pageantry of
war?
Many other visitors besides ourselves had come from the up-
country to Williamsburg to see what they could never see
again. The culmination of my pleasure came with the- ball
given the night before we left Williamsburg in honor of the
strangers gathered there. Mrs. Preston was chosen by the lady
patronesses to act as hostess on the occasion and to receive the
guests. And as such hostess she opened the ball with General
Lafayette, he being the senior officer amongst the foreign officers
at the assembly, though there were others of equal if not higher
rank in the neighborhood. How tame and insignificant seem
the dances of to-day in comparison with the figures of the stately
minuet ! During the time that this dance was going on General
Washington and a few other officers stood at the upper end of
the hall, talking to some old friends amongst the ladies. He and
mother had a conversation about old times : they had met years
before in Williamsburg. But before long he and General Lafay-
ette had disappeared.
Mother and myself were still at the upper end of the hall
when Mrs. Preston came up to us with the young captain who
had acted as our escort into Williamsburg. " My dear Lottie,"
said she, " let me introduce Captain Pryor to you and Polly ; he
claims to have had the honor of meeting you before this even-
ing."
Mother looked surprised. " I see you do not recognize me,
and no wonder. I am the young man who sought your pro-
tection one afternoon last summer," said he.
" That must be a mistake," replied mother, " for the young
man that sought shelter at our house last summer was dressed
in the British uniform ; and it would be hard to think an Ame-
rican soldier could have been going about the country in such a
masquerade as that."
" This is scarcely the time or place to make explanations,"
said he ; " but won't you take Mrs. Preston as my surety, and
permit your daughter to dance the next dance with me? To-
morrow I hope to have the honor of waiting upon you. I wi^l
then set myself right in your estimation, I hope, and set your
190 OUR GRANDMOTHER'S CLOCK. [Nov.,
conscience at ease, if you have ever had any scruples about hav-
ing given shelter to an enemy."
It was a long time after this eventful evening, however, be-
fore we heard that promised explanation. In the morning quiet
reigned over Williamsburg. About midnight General Washing-
ton gave orders for the troops to move on towards Yorktown,
and before daylight the camps around Williamsburg were broken
up, the tents folded, and the troops miles away, and Captain
Pryor with them. Only a few companies were left for the pro-
tection of Williamsburg and to guard the rear of the army. We
heard, through our friend Mrs. Preston, that Captain Pryor had
been wounded and taken prisoner at Yorktown.
So again Captain Pryor seemed to have vanished from our
view. Months had passed in the usual commonplace life, and
now September had come again. I had gone one day on horse-
back to visit some friends a few miles off, and it was nearly even-
ing when I rode into the yard at home. I noticed Aunt Debby
seemed in a hurry and flutter about supper, and wondered what
it all meant. As soon as she caught sight of me she came run-
ning up to the porch and said : " Oh ! jist you be in de greatest
kind of a hurry, honey, and be sho' you ^put on your purtiest
dress, for dar's de finest kind o' young man talkin' to Miss
Lottie in de parlor" " Miss Lottie " was mother.
I did not stop to follow Aunt Debby's advice, but went in
without making myself pretty. My heart had whispered who it
was, and had not misled me. Captain Pryor sat there talking to
mother. He had already made explanations, and they were re-
peated for me :
" You will not so much wonder at General Washington's
kindness to me when I tell you that he and my father were
friends in their boyhood and afterwards served together under
General Braddock. The hardships and mortifications of the un-
fortunate expedition against Fort Duquesne united them in a
still closer friendship. In many respects they were counterparts,
alike in courage and fortitude ; father was less fortunate than
his friend in having died before his great qualities became
known beyond the narrow circle of his friends, while his friend
has lived long enough to save and bless his country. The wife
and young son of his dead friend and companion-in-arms were
not forgotten by General Washington, and when he took the
command of the American army he gave me a place near him.
"I had been constantly with him when the occasion arose
which made it necessary to send some one, on whose fidelity he
1883.] OUR GRANDMOTHER'S CLOCK. 191
could rely, from New York to be the bearer of instructions and
information to the Marquis de Lafayette. I had the honor of
being- selected for that important service. After I had delivered
my letters and instructions to the marquis, and he had read them,
he turned to me, and, with the exquisite politeness that marks his
bearing even to the common soldier, he expressed great plea-
sure in making my acquaintance. .After a few moments of
thoughtful silence he said :
" ' Man ami, the good general recommends you very highly
as a young man who can be trusted to perform a difficult and
dangerous task. I need at this time just such a person.'
" I bowed in return for his politeness, and told him that I
should feel honored if he thought me the proper person to under-
take it. He then entered into the particulars of the service he
required. On that very morning he had received secret intelli-
gence that a young British soldier would be sent, on a certain
day mentioned, from Williamsburg with some information about
the movements of troops and instructions to a party of Tories in
the upper country who would be in waiting for this secret mes-
senger. The British soldier was also to bring information from
them to Lord Cornwallis in regard to the assistance he might ex-
pect to receive from the Tories in that part of the country. They
had been active and alert, and held secret meetings in the differ-
ent upper counties. It was of great importance that this mes-
senger should be intercepted ; for things seemed in many places
to be going against our army, and the supplies of provisions and
ammunition were getting down to a very fine point.
" The service for which I was selected was to personate this
British soldier, getting to the place of rendezvous before him,
waylay him, and, if possible, get possession of his papers; then to
present myself to the Tories in waiting with counterfeit papers,
get the information which they would have ready for Cornwallis,
and return to General Lafayette as soon as possible.
" You will not blame me if, after learning the nature of the
service required of me, I did hesitate for a few moments before
pledging myself to its performance. On entering the army to
fight for my country I took, like other patriots, my life in my
hand, and was always ready to give it up, if need were, for my
country. But to take even seemingly the part of a traitor and to
act the spy in that disguise, and then to waylay and attack an
enemy in the dark, were so entirely repugnant to every instinct
of my nature, so contrary to all the traditions of honor in which
I had been brought up, that some moments passed before I could
192 OUR GRANDMOTHER'S CLOCK. [Nov.,'
consent. But then came the thought that perhaps my country
needed just this sacrifice of feeling on my part; and if duty called
me to an ignominious service, should I hesitate to make good
my pledge on the altar of freedom and country ?
" I had gotten along safely (sleeping in the daylight at the
houses of those who were friendly to the cause and had received
private instructions to assist me on my way, and at night making
what speed I could towards the place of rendezvous) until the
afternoon that your Christian charity sheltered me. Having met
with no one before to cause me any detention, I had grown a lit-
tle too bold, and ventured to resume my journey before night set
in. We will pass over the events of that afternoon, already too
well known to you and Miss Polly.
" If I had been compelled to remain much longer hidden away
behind that blessed old clock all would have been lost. I would
have personated the British soldier in vain. But, happily for me,
the same Providence who watched over my safety that summer
afternoon, and led me to your hospitable home, permitted things
to happen which also detained the messenger. So that, after
all my forebodings, I reached the Cross-roads farm the place of
rendezvous being an old stable on that farm before my unsus-
pecting adversary. I found a little thicket a short distance from
the stable, but near enough to command any movements that
might be made on the outside. A little glimmer through a
chink in the logs warned me that the hour for the meeting had
come. Soon a man walked on past me and approached the
building, and, giving the word, was allowed to enter. After a
while some one opened the door and peered anxiously up and
down the road, but he did not see me. As soon as he had gone
back into the place and closed the door I drew a little further
into the shelter of the friendly thicket, for I was far from wishing
to fall into the hands of the waiting Tories.
" The hour that I spent in the thicket waiting for the messen-
ger was far from a cheerful one ; the moaning of the night wind
through the trees, the rippling of a distant rivulet in its rocky
bed, the sound of some melancholy bird, the despairing cry of
an owl, and the croaking of the doleful frogs, were depressing to
my heart, already weighed down by the nature of the errand that
had brought me to that lonely place.
" At last my quick ear caught a sound of something treading
on a fallen branch. A glimmer of light through the chink in the
logs shot across the path, and the young British soldier stood re-
vealed. More quickly than I can tell it I stood before him, spoke
1883.] OUR GRANDMOTHER" s CLOCK. 193
the countersign, and demanded his papers. My uniform and the
knowledge I had of the password deceived him. He hesitated
a moment ; that hesitation cost him dearly, for before he could
cry out I had gagged him, pinioned his arms, and, dragging him
to the nearest tree, fastened him to it.
" I had taken him at such a disadvantage that he lost his
presence of mind. Having him thus hors de combat, it was not
difficult to secure the papers for which I had ventured some-
thing dearer than life itself. Putting these in a secret pocket, I
took the false papers in my hand, marched boldly up to the door,
and knocked three times, the signal agreed upon. Nothing but
decisive action could now save me; my life hung by a hair; the
least failure in any emergency that might arise, the least mistake,
and there would have been none to speak a word of mercy for
me, or to tell that I had died as a brave man ought to die.
" The scene which presented itself before my eyes, as I gave
the password and stepped in before the assembled Tories, was
indeed a sombre one. Two or three feeble candles made a pre-
tence of lighting up the place, and cast a sinister hue over coun-
tenances that were hateful to me, because they were the coun-
tenances of men who were planning to rivet the chains of their
country and to deliver it into the hands of her enemies, and all
for gold.
" I had given up the papers prepared for the occasion into
the hands of the man who acted as spokesman for the others, and
had received in return the packet meant for Lord % Cornwallis,
when a slight sound on the outside arrested the attention of the
Tories. To me the sound was like the knell of doom, for I had
not counted on any person coming along to release my prisoner.
" Two belated Tories coming to the meeting had found him
tied on the outside, and were bringing him in with them to find
out what it all meant.
" In the confusion caused by the new arrivals I made my
way to the door and prepared to avail myself of any chance for
escape. When the door was opened I rushed out, almost into
the arms of the bewildered soldier, and before the Tories could
settle which was the true messenger I had made my escape.
How I had succeeded in doing it God only knows ; but escape I
did, though all the Tories of the neighborhood searched for me
several days.
"After many hairbreadth escapes and dangers innumerable
I arrived safely back with my errand accomplished. I delivered
the precious papers to General Lafayette, received in return his
VOL. xxxvni. 13
194 THE EARLY FRUITS OF THE [Nov.,
thanks and compliments, and when word of the service I had
rendered reached the headquarters of the army I was promoted
and became Captain Pryor. But where would I have been but
for your kindness that summer afternoon? I don't know that I
can ever do anything to repay it, but I can never forget it, dear-
est friend for such you will let me call you, won't you, dear
madam ? "
This visit of Captain Pryor to Mount Airy farm was only the
beginning of a series of visits, till at last well, you all know,
dear children, that Captain Pryor was your grandfather, and that
it was his life which the dear old clock was the means of saving.
And you know that is the reason the clock is such a treasure to
your grandmother.
THE EARLY FRUITS OF THE "REFORMATION" IN
ENGLAND.
I WISH to call the attention of the readers of THE CATHOLIC
WORLD to the social and religious condition of England in July,
1561, not three years subsequent to the overthrow of Catholicity
m its once stronghold England. Sir William Cecil and his
Royal Mistress became alarmed for the " future of the reformed
realm." A royal commission was accordingly despatched' to the
southern and western counties of England, where violent com-
motions disgraced the character of the country. Mr. Froude
makes the startling statement for Protestants that if the opinion
of the royal commissioner as to the character of the English gen-
try be correct, then the change of creed " had not improved the
people." The confidential commissioner desires the magistrates
to " send in reports on the working of the laws which affected
the daily life of the people ; on the wages, statutes, and acts of ap-
proval ; the tillage and pasture lands, the act for the maintenance
of archery, and generally on the condition of the population."
A trusted agent of Sir William Cecil was commissioned
privately to follow the circulars and observe how far the magis-
trates reported the truth or were doing their duty ; and though
the original reports are lost, the chief commissioner's private
letters to Cecil remain, with Mr. Tyldsley's opinion on the cha-
racter of the English gentry. The report says :
1883.] " REFORMATION" IN ENGLAND. 195-
" For tillage, it were plain sacrilege to interfere with it, the offenders
being all gentlemen of the richer sort; while the ale-houses the very
stock and stay of thieves and vagabonds were supported by them for the
worst of motives. The peers had the privilege of importing wine free of
duty for the consumption of their household. By their patents they were
able to extend the right to others under shelter of their name ; and the
tavern-keepers were ' my lord's servants ' or ' my master's'; yea, and had
such kind of licenses, and ' license of license,' to them and their deputies
and assignees, that it was some danger to meddle with them."
The intention of the exemption, it was alleged, " had to do with
the encouragement of hospitality in the houses of the country
squires." Times were changing, and the old-fashioned open
house for which England was so long noted was no longer the
rule. Without " abolishing the wine privilege," the council re-
stricted the quantity which each nobleman was allowed to im-
port annually. Dukes * and archbishops were allowed teii
pipes ; marquises, nine pipes ; earls, viscounts, barons, and
bishops, six, seven, and eight pipes of wine.f
The magistrates of " high and low degree did little to put the
law in force." The lower classes were dreadfully oppressed by
the new proprietary. The summary eviction of the small ten-
ants, and cruel treatment they received, caused a wide-spread
feeling of revenge against the lords of the soil. People in trade
were extortioners and usurers, and generally put the law at
defiance.
The reports are not favorable to the condition of religion or
morality in the fourth year of Elizabeth, when the apostate priests
of the secular order and their Puritan bishops were safely in-t.
stalled in their new livings. I quote the report, with a Protes-
tant commentary :
"The constitution of the church offended the Puritans; the Catholics
were as yet unreconciled to the forms which had been retained to con-
ciliate them. . . . Self-interest was interwoven with all religion. The^
bishops and the higher clergy were the first to set an example of evil."
"The friends of the Church of England," continues Mr. Froude, "must
acknowledge with sorrow that, within two years of its establishment, the
prelates were alienating the estates in which they possessed but a life in-
terest, granting long leases and taking fines for their own advantage."
The council sorely rebuked them for these dishonest proceed-
ings. Not a voice was raised in defence of the bishops.^
* When the queen sent the Duke of Norfolk to the scaffold England had no duke for the
remainder of Elizabeth's reign.
t See Domestic MSS. of Elizabeth's reign, vol. xx.
t See Articles for the Bishops' Obligations, 1560, Domestic MSS. Elizabeth.
196 THE EARLY FRUITS OF THE [Nov.,
The marriage of the priests was a point on which the Re-
formers were frequently divided and peculiarly sensitive ; in fact,
with few exceptions, they quite agreed with the papal Catholics
on this subject. It is related, upon high authority, that the fre-
quent surnames of Clark, Parsons, Archdeacon, Dean, Prior, Ab-
bot, Bishop, Friar, and Monk are memorials of the stigma af-
fixed by English prejudice on the children of the first married
representatives of the clerical orders.*
"And, though married priests were tolerated, the system was generally
disapproved and disapproved, especially, in members of cathedrals and
collegiate bodies, who occupied the houses and retained the form of the
religious orders. While, therefore, canons and prebends were entitled to
wives, if they could not do without them, they would have done better
had they taken every advantage of their liberty." "To the Anglo-Catho-
lic," remarks Mr. Froude, "as well as the papal Catholic, a married priest
was a scandal, and a married cathedral dignitary an abomination." t
Such was popular opinion in the reign of Elizabeth, and the
queen was emphatic in endorsing the sentiment. Notwithstand-
ing, the married priests multiplied and the spiritual flocks were
completely neglected.
The queen and her council soon found the difficulty of gov-
erning a multitude who were no longer under the influence of
religious feeling. There is still extant a proclamation issued by
the queen for "expelling wives" out of colleges. It is in the
handwriting of Sir William Cecil, and runs thus :
" For the avoiding of such offences as were daily conceived by the pre-
sence of families, of wives and children, within colleges, contrary to the
ancient and comely order of the same, the queen's highness forbade deans
and canons to have their wives residing with them within the cathedral
closes, under pain of forfeiting their promotions. Cathedrals and colleges
had been founded to keep societies of learned men professing study and
prayer, and the rooms intended for students were not to be sacrificed to
women and their children." t
The church dignitaries treated the queen's injunction as the
country gentlemen treated the statutes. Deans and canons, by
the rules of their foundation, were directed to dine and keep
hospitality in their common hall. Those among them who had
married broke up into their separate houses, where, in spite
of the queen, they maintained their, families. The unmarried
"tabled abroad at the ale-houses." The singing men of the
* J. A. Froude's History of England, vol. vii. p. 464.
t Ibid., vol. vii.
\ Domestic MSS. Elizabeth, vol. xix.
1883.] " REFORMATION" IN ENGLAND. 197
choirs became the prebends' private servants, "having the
church stipend for their wages."
" The cathedral plate adorned the prebendal sideboards and
dinner-tables." The organ-pipes were melted into dishes for
their kitchens; the organ-frames were carved into bedsteads,
where the wives reposed beside their reverend lords ; while the
copes and vestments were coveted for their gilded embroidery,
and were slit into gowns and bodices.* Having children to
provide for, and only a life-interest in their revenues, the chap-
ters, like the bishops, cut down their woods and worked their
fines, their leases, their escheats and wardships for the benefit of
their own generation. Sharing their annual plunder, they " ate
and drank and enjoyed themselves while their opportunity re-
mained. . . . The priests decked their wives so finely for the
stuff and fashion of their garments 'as none were so fine and
trim.' ' By her dress and her gait in the streets " the priest's
wife was known from a hundred other women," while in the
congregations and in the cathedrals they were distinguished by
placing themselves above all others, the most ancient and honor-
able in their cities ; " being the church " as the priests' wives
termed it '* their own church ; and the said wives did call and
take all things belonging to their church and corporation as their
own : as their houses, their gates, their porters, their servants, their
tenants, their manors, their lordships, their woods, their corn." f
Nothing could exceed the insolence of those wives belonging
to the elderly secular priests so much lauded by Dean Hook for
having taken the Oath of Supremacy to a young woman scarcely
thirty years of age ! A strange proceeding altogether !
Mr. Froude fully admits and confirms the reports as to the
condition of religion under the reformed bishops and priests in
the third year of Elizabeth's reign. He says : " While the
shepherds were thus dividing the fleeces the sheep were perish-
ing."
In many dioceses in England a third of the parishes were left
without a clergyman, resident or non-resident. There were in
the diocese of Norwich (1561) eighty parishes where there was
no cure of souls ; in the archdeaconry of Norfolk one hundred
and eighty parishes ; in the archdeaconry of Suffolk one hun-
dred and thirty parishes were almost, or entirely, in the same
*Mr. Pocock, F.S.A., has published a work full of sad memories on the fate of the mag-
nificent vestments of the English church, furniture, ornaments, etc. In many cases the vest-
ments were sold to strolling players.
\ Complaints against the Dean and Chapter of Worcester, Domestic MSS. Elizabeth,
vol. xxviii.
198 THE EARLY FRUITS OF THE [Nov.,
condition.* In some few of these churches an occasional curate
attended on Sundays. In most of them the voices of the priests
were silent in the desolate aisles. The children grew up unbap-
tized ; the dead buried their dead. At St. Helen's, in the Isle of
Wight, the parish church had been built upon the shore for the
convenience of vessels lying at anchor. The dean and chapter
of Windsor were the patrons, and the benefice was about the
wealthiest in their gift ; but the church was in ruin, through
which the wind and rain made free passage. The parishioners
were fain to bury their corpses themselves.f The narrator gives
a sad picture of the "spiritual destitution " of the Isle of Wight.
" It breedeth," said Elizabeth in a remonstrance which she addressed to
Archbishop Parker, " no small offence and scandal to see and consider
upon the one part the curiosity and cost bestowed by all sorts of men
upon their private houses ; and, on the other part, the unclean and negli-
gent order and spare keeping of the houses of prayer, by permitting open
decays and ruins of coverings of walls and windows, and by appointing
unmeet and unseemly tables with foul cloths for the communion of the
Sacrament, and generally leaving the place of prayer desolate of all clean-
liness and of meet ornament for such a place, whereby it might be known
a place provided for divine service." {
In the reign of Elizabeth the foreign element was just as
" ungodly and dishonest " as the Germans patronized by Arch-
bishop Cranmer in the days of Edward VI. Mr. Froude is again
outspoken as to the impolicy of encouraging those " foreign
saints." " Nor, again," he observes, " were the Protestant for-
eigners who had taken refuge in England any special credit to
the Reformation." These " exiled saints " were described by
the bishop of London as " marvellous colluvies of evil persons,
for the most part facinorosi clerici et sectarii"
Between prelates reprimanded by the council for fraudulent
administration of their estates ; chapters bent on justifying Cran-
mer's opinion of such bodies, that they were good vianders, and
good for nothing else ; and a clergy among whom the only men
who had any fear of God were the unmanageable and dangerous
Puritans, the Church of England was doing little to make the
queen or the country enamored of it. Torn up, as it had been,
by the very roots, and but lately replanted, its hanging boughs
and drooping foliage showed that as yet it had taken no root in
.the soil, and there seemed too strong a likelihood that, notwith-
*Strype's Annals of the Reformation, vol. i.
t Domestic MSS. of Elizabeth's reign ; Fronde's History of England, vol. vii.
\ The Queen to the Archbishop of Canterbury, 1560; Domestic MSS., vol. xy.
1883.] "REFORMATION" IN ENGLAND. 199
standing its ingenious framework and comprehensive formulae, it
would wither utterly away.*
"Our religion is so abused," wrote Lord Sussex to Cecil in 1562, "that
the papists rejoice ; the neuters do not dislike change, and the few zealous
professors lament the lack of purity. The people, without discipline, utter-
ly devoid of religion, come to divine service as to a May-game ; the minis-
ters, for disability and greediness, be had in contempt ; and the wise fear
more the impiety of the licentious professors than the superstition of the
erroneous papists. God hold his hand over us, that our lack of religious
hearts do not breed in the meantime his wrath and revenge upon us ! " t
" Covetousness and impiety " were not the only impediments
to a genuine acceptance of the " reformed religion." The sub-
mission of the clergy to the change was no proof of their cordial
reception of it. The majority were interested only in their bene-
fices, which they retained and neglected. A great many con-
tinued Catholics in disguise and remained at their posts, scarcely
concealing, if concealing at all, their inner creed, and were sup-
ported in open contumacy by the neighboring noblemen and
gentlemen. In a general visitation in July, 1561, the clergy were
required to take the oath of allegiance. The bishop of Carlisle
reported that thirteen or fourteen of his rectors and vicars re-
fused to appear, while in many churches in his diocese Mass con-
tinued to be celebrated under the countenance and open pro-
tection of Lord Dacres ; and the priests of his diocese generally
he described as wicked "imps of Antichrist, ignorant, stubborn,
and past measure false and subtle." Fear only, he said, would
make them obedient, and Lord Cumberland and Lord Dacres
would not allow him to meddle with them. \ The Marches of
Wales were as contumacious as the border of Scotland. In the
August of the same year " the popish justices " of Hereford
commanded the observance of St. Laurence's Day as a holyday.
On the eve no butcher in the town ventured to sell meat; on the
day itself " no gospeller durst work in his occupation or open
his shop." A party of recusant priests from Devonshire were
received in state by the magistrates, carried through the streets
in procession, and so "feasted and magnified as Christ himself
could not have been more reverentially entertained."
In September, 1561, Bishop Jewell, going to Oxford, reported
the fellows of the colleges so " malignant that if he had pro-
* Froude's History of England, vol. vii. p. 468.
t Sussex to Cecil, July 22, 1562 ; from Chester, Irish MSS., Rolls House ; Froude, vol. wu
p. 468.
\ The Bishop of Carlisle to Cecil ; Domestic MSS. ; Froude, vol. vii. p. 469.
| Bishop of Hereford to Cecil ; Domestic MSS. ; Froude, vol. vii.
2oo THE EARLY FRUITS OF THE [Nov.,
ceeded peremptorily, as he might, he would not have left two in
any one of them." And here it was not a peer or a magistrate
that Jewell feared, but one higher than both ; for the colleges
appealed to the queen against him, and Jewell could but entreat
Cecil, with many anxious misgivings, to stand by him. He
could but protest humbly that he was only acting for God's
glory.* The bishop of Winchester found his people " obsti-
nately grovelling in superstition and popery, lacking not priests
to inculcate the same daily in their heads," and himself so un-
able to provide ministers to teach them that he petitioned for
permission to unite his parishes and throw two or three into
one.f
Another report of the same visitation states that the bishop
of Durham called a clergyman before him to take the Oath of
Supremacy. The clergyman said out before a crowd, " who
were much rejoiced at his doings," " that neither temporal man
nor woman could have power in spiritual matters, but only the
Pope of Rome "; and the lay authorities would not allow the
bishop to punish men who had but expressed their own feelings.
More than one member of the Council of York had refused
the oath, and yet had remained in office ; the rest took courage
when they saw those that refused their allegiance not only un-
punished but held in authority and estimation.^: In 1562 the
bishop of Carlisle once more complained that, between Lord
Dacres and the Earls of Cumberland and Westmoreland, " God's
glorious Gospel could not take place in the counties under their
rule." The " few Protestants durst not be known for fear of a
shrewd turn ; and the lords and magistrates looked through their
fingers while the law was openly defied. The court was full of
wishings and wagers for the alteration of religion." Yet the
condition of the Catholics at this time was one of thorough sla-
very, for they dared not practise their religion, under heavy pen-
alties : imprisonment, the rack, and, next the scaffold. The spy
system was practised to a fearful extent. The ambassadors, the
members of the government, the bishops, the peers, and common-
ers were " in turn watching one another."
De Quadra, the Spanish ambassador, had spies amongst
Cecil's household, and, in return, the ambassador was betrayed
by one of his own secretaries. The queen had two persons in
her pay who watched all the private movements of her prime
minister. Cecil, however, was a match for the secret fencing of
* Jewell to Cecil ; Domestic MSS. t Domestic MSS.; Froude, vol. vii. p. 470.
J Domestic MSS. Domestic MSS., vol. xxi.; Froude, vol. vii. p. 471.
1883.] "REFORMATION" IN ENGLAND. 2OI
his antagonists, for he had a host of persons always at hand
ready to swear to whatever was required by the council. This
was an improvement upon the tactics used by the government of
Edward VI. As much as Elizabeth admired Robert Dudley, she
placed a Catholic gentleman named Blount to report upon his
private movements. Judging of Blount by his actions, and the
vile instrument he became in the hands of the queen, he fell little
short of Robert Dudley in all that constitutes worthlessness in
man.
Sir William Cecil, who labored in vain to reform the bishops
and clerg}' of the Anglican Church, informed the queen that the
church could not " progress in spiritualities whilst the bishops
shamefully neglected their duties." Cecil charged the bishop of
Lichfield with making (ordaining) seventy priests in one day for
moneyed considerations. " Some were tailors, some stone-ma-
sons, and others craftsmen." " I am sure," he says, " the great-
est part of them are not able to keep decent houses."* It was
from the wild harangues of such illiterate men that Puritanism
gained strength, and, at a later period, sacrilegiously trampled
under foot the time-honored monarchy of the realm.
Elizabeth sometimes acted with courtesy to the few servile
men who represented the peerage ; but from first to last she
treated her bishops with contempt, styling one an " old fool "
and another "a hedge-priest." The rating the queen gave
Archbishop Parker's wife is one of the most scandalous transac-
tions connected with. her domestic life. In the eighth year of
her reign Elizabeth gave a remarkable instance of her gross
conduct to the newly-created prelates. Turning sharply upon
Archbishop^ Grindal and Pilkington, of the see of Durham, the
queen said :
"And you, doctors, t make long prayers about this matter [the royal
marriage]. One of you dared to say, in times past, that I and my sister
Mary were bastards ; and you still continue to interfere in what does not
concern you. Go home and mend your own lives, and set an honest ex-
ample in your families. The Lords of Parliament should have taught you
to know your places ; but if they have forgotten their duty I will not forget
mine. Did I so choose I might make the impertinence of the whole set of
you an excuse to withdraw my promise to marry; but for the realm's sake
I am now resolved that I will marry, and I will take a husband that will
not be to the taste of some of you. I have not married hitherto out of
* Domestic MSS. , February 27, 1585 ; Notes of Conversation between the Queen and Cecil
on Church Matters.
t When the queen desired to become personally offensive to the bishops they were styled
" doctors."
202 THE FRANCO-ANNAMESE CONFLICT. [Nov.,
consideration for you ; but it shall be done now, and you who have been
so urgent with me will find the effects of it to your cost. Think you the
prince who will be my consort will feel himself safe with such as you, who
thus dare to thwart and cross your natural sovereign ? '' *
A bold speech for a usurper ; but Cecil calmed down the storm
and still further undermined any prospect of the queen's mar-
riage.
THE FRANCO^ANNAMESE CONFLICT.
IT is especially when writing about China and her so-called
tributaries that circumspection and consistency are jewels.
Floods of ink have been wasted for these last few months, both
in Europe and America, which could have been spared with
profit for better pondered and less sensational editorials.
Scores of solemn newspapers of all nationalities have lived in
plenteousness at the expense of Tu-Duc, the Marquis Tseng, that
thunderbolt of war Li-Hong-Tchang, M. Challemel-Lacour, and
the "Celestial" Konang-Su, Emperor of China, without the
least regard for impartiality or respect for historical teachings.
Is France right or wrong in busying herself so immoderately
about Tonquin? Is China wrong or right in keeping herself
in so excited a mood about French gesta et facta in Tonquin?
Shall there be war, yes or no, between France and China about
Tu-Duc? Shall France, after all, annex Tonquin? And if so,
what will England or Germany, or the rest of the world, do
about it ?
Such are the momentous questions which are monopolizing
nowadays the attention of the political and commercial world.
It is not our province to answer them in THE CATHOLIC WORLD,
for fear we should place it in the above-mentioned category of
parasitical sensationalists. The Franco-Annamese conflict does
not yet belong to history, at least in this its last phase. What we
wish to do is this only : while leaving to our readers to draw
their own conclusions, to enable them to see their way out of the
medley of arguments /;# and con showered upon this much-vexed
controversy. For this purpose we will examine i. What eth-
nology teaches us about the races now spread over the Indo-
* MSS. of Queen Elizabeth's reign.
1883.] THE FRANCO-ANNAMESE CONFLICT. 203
Chinese peninsula. 2. What history tells us of the development
of nationalities in the former negro kingdom of Tsiampa, and of
the sympathies and antipathies now existing among them. 3. The
three great mistakes France has made in Tonquin from 1787 to
the death of Francis Gamier in 1874.
I.
To one having some knowledge of the laws which in every
quarter of the globe uniformly govern the growth, grouping, and
migrations of humanity, it is sufficient to- glance at a map of the
Indo-Chinese peninsula to understand what extraordinary strug-
gles must have taken place on such a field for the inexhaustible
appetites and passions of man, above all when deprived of Chris-
tian training and of the soothing light of the Gospel.
About the 25 of latitude north, between 98 and 102 28' lon-
gitude east, you perceive an inextricable net-work of mountains
nine thousand feet high, something like a solid sea whose waves
were thousands and thousands of rugged plateaus and sharp-
pointed peaks. This is the Chinese province of Yun-Nan.
Enormous quantities of water rush down from the sides of these
mountains, dragging earth in their impetuous course, and leaving
it on their way to form at the foot of the mountains and between
their most distant counterforts vast alluvial and more and more
horizontal plains, on which slackened rivers wind about before
emptying jnto the China Sea,
The Irrawadi said to mean, like Mississippi, Father of
Waters runs nearly from north to south through the greater
part of the Burmese dominions and the British Pegu which
occupies its whole delta, similar to that of the Nile and finally
falls into the Gulf of Martaban. The Me-Nam, or Mother of
Waters, rises in the table-land of China, and after a southern
course of eight hundred miles, traversing the centre of Siam,
enters the Gulf of Siam by three great mouths. The Mekong,
or Cambodia, rises in Thibet, where it bears the name of Lan-
Thsang-Kiang, and, after a long course through various provinces,
falls into the China Sea by several mouths. Lastly, the great
Red River, or Song-Koi, waters the extensive alluvial plain
which forms the northern province of Cochin China, known as
Tonquin, and falls into the Gulf of Tonquin.
Rivers have been very properly called by a thoughtful geo-
grapher " marching highways," for the same movement which
transfers the granite of the mountain to the alluvial plain carries
204 THE FRANCO-ANNAMESE CONFLICT. [Nov.,
as surely the inhabitants of cold, uncomfortable ranges of lofty
mountains to the warm and fertile plain. In fact, it was from the
mountainous centre of Asia, sometimes called the roof of the
world, that, along with the Yenisei and Lena rivers in the
northern countries, the Amour, Hoang-Ho, and Yang-Tse-Kiang
in the eastern ones, and the Cambodia, Ganges, and Indus in the
southern regions, torrents of mountaineers flowed down to the
various sea-shores.
But the first settlers of a newly-opened valley never belong
to the superior grades of mankind. Not until much later on do
more civilized and intelligent populations appear, taking their
place above the first inhabitants, and generally either destroying
them or driving them away to the poorer parts of the country,
or perhaps producing a mixed race by intermarriages, the re-
sults of which, long after these invasions, are easily recognized
by the keen eye of the ethnological observer.
The first inhabitants of the Indo-Chinese peninsula were ne-
groes, not identical with those of Africa, but looking very much
like the Papuan, with their woolly hair, thick lips, and narrow,
retreating foreheads. They are still to be found, in their more or
less pure type, under the names of Moys and Kemoys, in the In-
do-Chinese forests, and in Malacca under the appellation of Sam-
mangs. Other negroes, with stiff hair and round, narrow heads,
came next and lorded it over the aborigines, establishing regular
kingdoms, among them that of Tsiampa, at present replaced by
the empire of Annam. Their blood is still more or less trace-
able in the very much mixed population of Indo-China, and some
specimens of their pure type are to be seen in the mountains
where they, under the name of Chams, or Tsiams, were, like the
other negroes, driven back. To these two kinds of negroes we
must add the Piaks, Charais, and Penongs, who are very similar
to the Malays, either because they were originally from the
Malay peninsula, or, as it is thought by Dr. Harmand, because
they are continental Malays who had never left the continent
for the peninsula.
To that preliminary blending of the black and tawny colors
is to be added, at a far later period, the infiltration of the yellow
race carried away from the Chinese province of Yun-Nan by the
rivers Mekong and Song-Koi, or Red River. From the amalga-
mation of these oblique-eyed, broad, flat-faced Mongolians and
the continental Malays came the present Annamites, with choco-
late-colored skin and oblique eyes, who chew betel like Malays,
and possess in common with them a characteristic widening of
1883.] THE FRANCO-ANNAMESE CONFLICT. 205
the great toe, the consequence of which is a faculty of prehen-
sion of objects with their feet. InJact, besides tattooing-, this is
the peculiarity which makes more impression on the Chinese,
who still give to the Annamites the nickname of Caotchi that is,
"the cloven-footed men."
But the Mekong and the Song-Koi, which brought the An-
namites to the old negro kingdom of Tsiampa ; the Me-Nam, on
which the Thays came down to the present kingdom of Siam ;
and especially the Irrawadi, to which are due the several Malay-
Mongolian tribes of the Burman Empire, gave way before a still
later invasion which to us is most interesting, as it was one of
our own race of tribes belonging to that Aryan or Caucasian,
Japhetic family, which left its ancient horqe in India to settle
upon the shores of Europe, and from the languages of which
come the dialects of Wales and Brittany, those of Ireland, Scot-
land, and the Isle of Man, as well as those of Spain, Portugal,
France, Italy, the Langue d'Oc and the Langue d'Oil, Greek
and Latin, the old Prussian, and all the living dialects of Bel-
gium, Russia, Denmark, Sweden, Norway, Germany, and En-
gland.
These Aryans brought over with them in the Indo-Chinese
peninsula the supremely atheistic doctrines of Buddha, that in-
teresting but erratic son of King Couddhodama, who, in the
beginning of the sixth century B.C., became the prophet of
" utter annihilation " a so-called religion which still keeps down
in the depths of barbarism, ignorance, and mental degradation
more than one-third of the entire population of the earth. For
the worship of Buddha were built by the Aryan invasion of
southwestern Asia gigantic temples, the fine architecture of
which bears comparison with that of the Renaissance.
But, like the numerous ruins in Cambodia, like the celebrated
Angkoor and the famous nine-storied pyramid of Boro-Buddor
in Java, all these Aryan buildings of the most various forms and
fantastic outline, covered with small spires and cupolas and
countless niches occupied by as many statues of Buddha as
large as life, seated in the usual attitude with his legs crossed
are now buried in the midst of dense forests, the only vestiges
of the passage of a truly superior race. The exceedingly hot
climate which respected those statues of a Caucasian type, with
elevated foreheads, well-shaped noses, and wide, horizontal eyes,
was the unconquerable enemy of the conquerors whom these
statues represent who, little by little, disappeared in the moun-
tains and intermarried with the aboriginal negroes. Hence the
206 THE FRANCO-ANNAMESE CONFLICT. [Nov.;
white savages degenerated sons of a once victorious race-
known to-day as the Stiengs and the Lolos, whom the Annamites
capture in large numbers and reduce to slavery.
From this rapid sketch of the various invasions which peo-
pled Indo-China it is easy to infer the diversity of tempers
which could not but be engendered by the promiscuous associa-
tion, through many centuries, of five different species of men
belonging to so utterly unlike races as are the black, the yellow,
and the white. But history has taken good care to throw still
more confusion into the already much intricate skein of eth-
nology.
II.
What is called to-day the empire of Annam is a territory
about 965 miles in length, with a breadth varying from 85 to 400
miles, and occupying the eastern portion of the Indo-Chinese
peninsula, which lies between latitude 9 40' and 23 22' north,
and longitude 102 and 109 30' east. It is divided into Cochin
China proper ; Cambodia, at present mostly divided between
Annam, Siam, and the French; Tsiampa, formerly the most im-
portant kingdom of that mountainous region ; and Tonquin, the
most northerly province of the empire, often called Drang-Ngai,
or Outside Kingdom, by opposition to Cochin China, known as
Drang-Trong, or Inside Kingdom. To these four great territo-
ries may be added a part of the mountainous region of the Shan
states, called the Laos country, and several islands in the Gulf of
Tonquin. Like that of China, the early history of those south-
western Asiatic countries is involved in obscurity. It is certain,
however, that prior to the Mongol invasion and the conquest by
Gengis-Khan, in the eleventh century, they formed a part of the
empire of China. Hence the nominal vassalage still borne by
the Annamese sovereigns to the " Brother of the Sun and Moon,
Son of Heaven, and Lord of a Myriad Years " who reigns at
Pekin. But from the twelfth century we see what came after-
wards to be called Cochin China, as well as Tonquin and China,
struggling among themselves, both the former to get rid of the
latter's yoke and of each other's supremacy, each of them having
already a king of its own and intending to remain independent.
Both peoples, as we said before, were of Chinese origin, probably
from the province of Yun-Nan, but while the Cochin Chinese
had amalgamated with the Malayans, the Tonquinese had united
themselves with the Aryan or Caucasian element, thus forming
1883.] THE FRANCO- ANNAMESE CONFLICT. 207
two most distinct and antagonistic strata, so to speak, on which
the powerful action of time has not as yet exercised 'the least
modifying influence. While the latter have remained through
many centuries meek, gentle-, unwarlike, and industrious, the
former, now the Annamese and the conquerors, are, like the
Mongolian boatmen who ply the shores of the Yellow Sea, ex-
tremely dirty in their persons, cowardly, cruel, and deceitful,
and, like the Malays, strongly addicted to easy war and plunder.
No wonder, then, if the Tonquinites clung desperately from 1363
to 1788 that is, for four hundred and twenty-five years to 'the
truly patriotic and national dynasty of Le, which has still living
representatives as popular in Tonquin as the Annamese de-
scendants of Gia-Long are odious and abhorred.
The popularity of this famous dynasty of L is to be ascribed
to the fact that to its head was due, in 1363, the independence of
Tonquin and Cochin China, then united under his sceptre, from
the despotism of China. It is only fair to state, however, that
Koublai-Khan, grandson of Gengis-Khan and conqueror of China
in 1279 in which he was, under the name of Chi-Tsou, the
founder of the Mongolian dynasty of Youen was a man of a
conciliatory character and did much for agriculture, letters,
science, and even for Catholicity. The famous Venetian traveller,
Marco Polo, brought him from Pope Gregory X. an answer to a
letter he had written to His Holiness asking him to send to China
some missionaries. Franciscan friars, of the order newly found-
ed by St. Francis of Assisi in 1209, were in fact despatched to
Pekin, of which Friar Jean de Montcorvin, after fifty years of
preaching, was consecrated first archbishop in 1338.
It was not until the beginning of the seventeenth century that
some Portuguese Jesuits introduced the Christian religion into
Cochin China and Tonquin. The princes of the dynasty of Le,
who still held possession of both kingdoms, though not without
many alternate downfalls and restorations, were intelligent
enough to appreciate the grandeur and sublimity of Catholic
doctrines. In 1624 the whole imperial family abjured Buddhism,
and they have remained ever since, from generation to genera-
tion, faithful to the see of St. Peter.
So important a conversion seemed to a saintly priest of
France a favorable omen for the future of Catholicity in south-
western Asia, and gave birth to one of the most admirable re-
ligious societies known to modern times. Born in Avignon in
1591, Father Alexandre de Rhodes entered the Society of Jesus
in 1612, and repaired a few years after to Tonquin, where he be-
208 THE FRANCO-ANNAMESE CONFLICT. [Nov.,
came quite a favorite with the then reigning Le, already a con-
vert, and "he resolved to apply to the Holy See for the organiza-
tion of a missionary society with a special view to evangelizing
Cambodia, Tonquin, and Cochin China, and creating in those ter-
ritories an indigenous clergy. On his suggestion Pope Alexan-
der VII., by a bull signed on the 8th of June, 1658, appointed
as vicars-apostolic for Cochin China and Tonquin two bishops,
who started at once with co-laborers, leaving behind them Mgr.
Bernard de Sainte-TheVese, bishop in partibus of Babylon, who
became the founder of that nursery in Paris of Catholic heroes
and martyrs known as the " Seminaire des Missions- fitrar-
geres," in the Rue du Bac. This truly apostolic society now sup-
plies undaunted champions of religion to most of the foreign
missions. There are now in Tonquin 42 French missionaries, 95
native priests, 452 catechists, 350,000 converts, 675 churches, 4
seminaries with 452 students, and 604 schools and orphanages
with about 8,000 children. In the southern section of the em-
pire of Annam, or Cochin China proper, there are 95,000 con-
verts, under 20 French and 55 native priests and 161 catechists,
provided with 271 churches or chapels, 2 seminaries with 153
students, and 6 orphanages containing about 600 children. The
large discrepancy between the results of French missionary zeal
in the northern, or Tonquinite, division of Annam and the south-
ern one, which is purely Annamite, will no doubt strike thought-
ful observers as a new confirmation of the theory herein advanced
of the evil influence of the admixture of Malayan blood, as com-
pared with the beneficent influence of the Aryan blood, among
the primitive Chinese elements carried over by the Song-Koi
and the Irrawadi rivers to southwestern Asia. In this will
also be found the secret of the unbounded sympathy of the pre-
sent conquered populations of Tonquin for the French, whom
they consider as half-brothers, and whom they look upon even
now as their liberators from the insufferable tyranny of the
Annamite Tu-Duc, in spite of the strange and often disgraceful
way in which France, or rather the changeable French govern-
ments, have dealt with them for more than a century.
III.
It was in 1774, in the very year which saw Louis XVI., the
grandson of the so-called Louis le Bien-Aim, ascend the throne
of France, that Gia-Long, the last offspring of the Cochin Chi-
nese dynasty of Nga'i, had been obliged, after the massacre of
1883.] THE FRANCO-ANNAMESE CONFLICT. 209
his uncle and his elder brother by the three brothers Tal-Tsoung
of the Le dynasty of Hanoi, to seek a shelter in the residence of
Mgr. de Behaine, Bishop of Adran and Vicar-Apostolic of Cochin
China. Through a reverse of fortune the Tonquinite kings
were in 1779 once more subjected to the Annamite rule; but they
took possession again, a few years after, of both Cochin China
and Tonquin, pursuing Gia-Long up to the frontiers of Siam,
whose king gave him hospitality and advised him to call France
to his rescue. The dethroned monarch, who had left his eldest
son in charge of Mgr. de Behaine, begged the bishop to start
at once for Europe and solicit French help and protection for
his cause. How the good prelate could accept such a mission is
more than we shall venture to explain, for it was simply an in-
vitation to a Catholic sovereign to help dethrone a Catholic
dynasty for the benefit of a pagan one. It was done, however^
and after much negotiation Louis XVI. promised in 1788 to re-
place Gia-Long on his throne, on condition that he should in
return give to France the port of Touron, situated about no
miles southeast from Hue, on the magnificent bay of the same
name.
This port of Touron is the one in which a French frigate
and a corvette destroyed the Cochin Chinese flotilla in 1847.
Again in 1858 a Franco-Spanish expedition seized it and did not
evacuate it until 1860. In connection with the occupation of the
city of Touron in the latter campaign we find in the Aventures
et Dfaouvertes dans F Extreme-Orient, by Octave F6re, a startling
episode of the baseness and coward cruelty we have ascribed
as a characteristic to the Annamites. The rainy season had come,
and to divert their melancholy a party of ten French officers, in
spite of strict orders not to wander far from the encampments,
went hunting in the company of some peasants of the village
of Tien-Shang who had too courteously offered themselves as
guides and scouts. The weather was beautiful, and each of the
officers went his own way, it being understood that the whole
party would reassemble at twelve in an appointed glade for
breakfast. At the appointed hour everything was ready, and
they were about enjoying their meal, when it was observed that
a young and very amiable officer, who had left St. Cyr only the
preceding year, was missing. After waiting for him for half an.
hour his companions had resolved to go in quest of him, when
one of the courteous natives who had accompanied him ap-
peared, out of breath, terrified, and executed a too expressive
pantomime, passing his yataghan round his neck and wrists.
VOL. XXXVIII. 1 1
210 THE FRANCO-ANNAMESE CONFLICT. [Nov.,
At once the officers return to the camp, and, with the help of
an interpreter, order the peasant to bring them where he had
left their unfortunate comrade. They soon found themselves
near the poor St. Cyrian, whose corpse, horribly mutilated,
without head or hands, lay in a bloody mire near a dead
monkey, evidently felled by a firearm. Guides and peasants
were brought back to the East Fort, and acknowledged that the
young officer had been treacherously knocked on the head from
behind while he was examining the monkey he had just killed
with his gun, then murdered, after a heroic resistance, and after-
wards butchered by his slayers, who had no doubt carried his
head and hands as a trophy to the mandarins, in order to get
the reward of four hundred and fifty ligatures of sapecks about a
hundred dollars promised for every head of a French officer by
Tu-Duc. The very same evening the Touron peninsula was
blockaded by the aviso La Dragonne, the village of Tien-Shang
burned to the ground, and the mountain searched in every direc-
tion, but the assassins were not to be found. They had already
gone back to the outposts of the Annamites ; for they were simply
disguised soldiers from the emperor's camp, who had been no-
tified of the hunting by the obsequious peasants.
But to resume. A treaty to that effect was signed ; but soon
the great Revolution set in, sweeping in its mighty course the
French monarchy and whatever it had dreamed of; for, as Shak-
spere says in " Hamlet,"
" The cease of majesty
Dies not alone ; but, like a gulf, doth draw
What's near it with it."
However, quite a number of French officers and engineers,
urged by the same ardent love for adventure and liberty which
brought Lafayette to Charleston on the 25th of April, 1777, went
to Cochin China in 1800 and entered the service of Gia-Long.
Thanks to their ability and exertion, a new army was raised,
organized and drilled after the European fashion, and in 1802
Gia-Long routed the Le's partisans, added Tonquin, Cambodia,
and the Laos countries to Cochin China, and thus founded the
empire of Annam.
This we insist on calling the greatest blunder of France in her
dealings v with the Extreme-Orient a blunder which the brave
but inconsiderate officers just mentioned still singularly magni-
fied by fortifying a la Vauban the principal cities of the new em-
pire, such as Saigon, Hue", and Hanoi, as we learn from _the
1883.] THE FRANCO-ANNAMESE CONFLICT. 211
notes and reminiscences of the son of one of these officers, M.
Chaigneau. By embracing the cause of the Catholic dynasty of
Le, France would have affirmed her protectorate over Tonquin
from the beginning- of the present century, and, besides opening
that great country to foreign commerce, she would have spared
thousands of lives which were lost through subsequent persecu-
tions and useless wars. The Annamites would have been kept
in due subjection by very little exertion on the part of her mili-
tary establishments in Tonquin, where Catholicity would' be now
the predominant religion, while China, .awed by so mighty a
neighbor, would hardly have dared any longer to persecute
Catholic missionaries any more than to refuse facilities for a
fruitful commercial intercourse. Instead of a miserable, dilapi-
dated town, Hanoi would be to-day the capital of a flourishing
Catholic kingdom of thirty million inhabitants, the business centre
and recognized emporium of eastern Asia. For nations as well as
for individuals opportunity must be seized at once, under penalty
of paying very dear for having allowed it to escape.
Before his death, in 1820, Gia-Long, though he did not him-
self persecute Catholics, did not fail to display the full measure
of his deceitfulness and ingratitude. To the exclusion of his
grandson, whose father had been the pupil of Mgr. De Behaine
and died prematurely, the first emperor of Annam left his throne
to an illegitimate son, Minh-M enh, who became one of the worst
persecutors of missionaries and converts, and was succeeded by
another persecutor, Thien-Tsi, in 1840. But it was reserved to
Tu-Duc, the younger brother of Thien-Tsi, to be the Annamite
Diocletian by sending to a glorious death a large number of
martyrs, especially in Tonquin, where Mgr. Diaz, a Spanish
bishop, was put to death in 1857. Tu-Duc had then been in
power for ten years, having trampled on the rights of his elder
brother in 1847. So much Christian blood crying for vengeance
at last aroused France and Spain, by whom a concerted expe-
dition was sent in 1858 against Tu-Duc, who lost Touron and
Saigon in 1859, but did not surrender until 1862. Then was an-
other opportunity lost by France of conquering Tonquin peace-
fully. Ever since its annexation to Cochin China by Gia-Long,
Tonquin had been more or less in a state of open rebellion.
Faithful to its national dynasty, that unfortunate province resem-
bled much the royalist Vend6e. If France had powerful allies in
the white savages we spoke of as spread over the Tonquinite
mountains, she had also devoted friends and natural allies in what
we might call the Faubourg St. Germain of Hanoi that is to say,
212 THE FRANCO-ANNAMESE CONFLICT. [Nov.,
the L family and their unabated followers. When, in 1861, the
legitimate representative of this family headed a revolutionary
movement against Tu-Duc, and went with a powerful army to
the very doors of Hu6, it was the duty of France to repair the
wrong she had done in 1802 and to reinstate on his throne a Ca-
tholic king, educated by her own missionaries, and whose fathers
she had so inadvertently helped to dispossess. To accomplish
so simple and at the same time so profitable an act of justice,
she being there on the ground with her then invincible soldiers
and navy, had only to raise her finger and the persecutor Tu-
Duc was no more.
But in 1862, as in 1802, the same policy prevailed which
Count de St. Vallier, in a memorable speech pronounced in the
French Senate on June 2 last, vehemently stigmatized as "not
only bad, but hesitating, inconsiderate, incoherent, marked by
perpetual changes and the most contradictory resolutions " all
hard epithets, which may justly be applied to the policy of France
whenever she attempts to plant her flag on colonial soil. Ap-
palled at the impetuous advance of his ancient adversary, Tu-
Duc, in order to save his Annamite crown, threatened again by
young L6, came to terms with France ; and France, once more
blind to her own interests and the interests of religion, signed
with Tu-Duc a treaty of peace which quenched for the second
time all hopes of Tonquin's independence. Saigon, the capital of
Cambodia, fortified as well as Hu6 by French engineers at the
end of the eighteenth century, had in 1860 been captured with her
two hundred and fifty thousand inhabitants, together with the
territory of Lower Cochin China, and had been provided with a
permanent force of several large vessels and a garrison of ten
thousand men. In 1864, July 15, treaties of peace and commerce
concluded with the Annamite government provided that
" The protectorate of the six provinces of Lower Cochin China should
remain in the hands of France ; that three important ports on the coast of
Annam should be opened ; that a space of nine kilometres along the shore
of each port should be conceded to the French for the establishment of
factories.; that French merchants and missionaries should be allowed to
traverse the empire of Annam without hindrance, and that an indemnity
of one hundred millions of francs should be paid."
f This, of course, was something; but it was not until 1868 that
the French government asserted its protectorate over the whole
of Cambodia and thought of occupying the whole coast of Ton-
quin, so as to isolate the Annamese sovereign and acquire over
him the same ascendency which the British exercise in Burmah.
1883.] THE FRANCO-ANNAMESE CONFLICT. 213
Then it was that a well-known Italian adventurer and traveller,
Captain Celso Cesare Moreno, explained, but to no avail, to Na-
poleon III. the opportunity opened to French commerce in Far-
ther India to oust England from the rice and opium markets of
the Chinese Empire and become the principal purveyor of these
two articles, so as ultimately to absorb the foreign commerce of
the Celestial region. The only mistake and it was a decisive
one of Captain Moreno was to suppose that the Mekong, the
course of which the French were then the masters of, was navi-
gable as far as the Chinese frontier, and that the Yun-Nan province
could be unsealed, through the Mekong, to the commerce of the
world, with all its prodigious riches and fecundity. The explor-
ing expedition headed by Captain Doudard de Lagr6e and Lieu-
tenant Francis Gamier, in 1867, had proved that, owing to the
multiplicity of its rapids, the largest river of Indo-China was out
of question as a commercial highway between the French pos-
sessions in Cambodia and the Chinese provinces in which it rises.
That dire truth Napoleon III. knew of; but it was ignored by
Captain Moreno, whose project thus went justly unheeded.
It was reserved to a French merchant, M. Jean Dupuis,
who had long been established in Shang-Hai and was the pur-
veyor of arms to the Chinese government, practically to demon-
strate that the Song-Koi, or Red River, was the only navigable
route to Yun-Nan. This was in 1872, when the Chinese had
opened a vigorous campaign against the Mohammedans settled
in the latter province, who since 1854 had been in a continual
state of rebellion against China. Finding it exceedingly slow to
forward by the interior roads of the Chinese Empire the arms,
ammunition, and provisions of all kinds which he had been com-
missioned to supply the Chinese troops, he proposed to the
mandarins to explore the Red River with his own steamers.
They not only authorized him to do so, but gave him letters
accrediting him as their representative and ordering the viceroy
of Hanoi to help him in his adventurous mission. Nothing is
more amusing than the account given by M. Dupuis in his
book, La Conqntte du Tonquin, of the panic created among the An-
namite mandarins by his unexpected arrival before Hanoi with his
steamers, Lao-Ka'i and Hong-Kiang, on the eve of Christmas, 1872.
All the rich Annamite families fled precipitately, and the manda-
rins secretly ordered the population of Hanoi to leave the city, in
order to make M. Dupuis believe that he and his followers were
considered as enemies and would be soon treated accordingly.
But the true Tonquinites did not move. Then the mandarins
214 THE FRANCO-ANNAMESE CONFLICT. [Nov.,
spread the terrific news that the Frenchman's two steamers, like
the wooden horse in Troy of old, held concealed within them
thousands of soldiers, besides infernal machines ready to burn
down the city, destroy its inhabitants, and conquer the whole pro-
vince. The sudden arrival of the frigate Bourayne from Saigon
seemed to give some appearance of truth to these wild falsehoods ;
but still the Tonquinites remained undisturbed. What was de-
signed to terrify them seemed to be to them the glad tidings of a
near deliverance from Tu-Duc's yoke. Meanwhile the viceroy
did not show himself, all negotiations about the mission of M.
Dupuis and the help to be lent him for the exploration of the Red
River being transacted between the Annamite secretary of the
treasury and the Chinese secretary of Jean Dupuis, acting as his
interpreter. On the 29th of December Mgr. Puginier, a French
bishop having his residence in Ke-So, about thirty miles from
Hanoi, hearing of the arrival of a French mission, came to Hanoi
with his vicar, M. Dumoulin, born, like M. Dupuis himself, in the
French arrondissement of Roanne. Very affecting was the unex-
pected meeting between the venerable prelate, M. Dupuis, and
Messrs. Millot, Begaud, and Fargeau, officers on the Lao-Kai
and Hong-Kiang. The shrewd mandarins did all they could to
induce Mgr. Puginier to discourage the French explorer from
the accomplishment of his mission. " There was no water," they
said, " in the Song-Koi, and, moreover, the famous rebels known
as the ' Black Flags ' were entrenched in Lao-Kai and would ex-
terminate the French party to the last man." The good bishop
knew them too well, and did not even attempt to deter his
countryman from obeying the orders he had received from the
Chinese government.
On the 6th of January, 1873, Dupuis had not yet seen the
viceroy, who remained invisible in the citadel of Hanoi like the
citadel of Hu6, built by French engineers according to the sys-
tem of Vauban. Escorted by his ship officers and ten Chinese
soldiers, the French merchant went that day to see the famous
citadel, but he was no sooner perceived by the sentries than all
the doors were shut and the drawbridges were raised, while the
ramparts swarmed with Annamite soldiers, running to and fro in
great disorder, as if afraid of a sudden attack from a large army.
The party laughed heartily at so unseemly and unnecessary a
demonstration, and went back to their ships, where they found
Colonel Tsaii, who had been sent with fifty soldiers by General
Tchen, commanding the Chinese troops stationed at Bac-Ninh
and Thaiguyen, in order to inquire the meaning of the numer-
1883.] THE FRANCO-ANN AMESE CONFLICT. 215
ous despatches forwarded by the viceroy. The viceroy had
described the French party as " brigands " of Saigon, whose in-
tention was, under the pretext of a mission, to conquer Tonquin
from the authorities of Yun-Nan. When shown the credential
letters from these authorities Colonel Tsal, knowing the bad
faith of the Annamite mandarins, became the stanch friend of
M. Dupuis, went back to General Tchen without even seeing
the viceroy, and returned to Hanoi' on the I5th of January with
strong letters from Tchen ordering the viceroys of Hanoi and
Son-Tay to supply the French mission with boats and boatmen
all along the Red River, the expenses to be paid by the Yun-
Nan mandarins. In case the viceroys should not promptly exe-
cute his orders General Tchen threatened to come himself, at
the head of his troops, to chastise as they deserved the stub-
born Annamite authorities and to accompany the mission to
Yun-Nan via the Song-Koi. This vigorous demonstration set-
tled all difficulties. Dupuis successfully carried out his plans,
and as a loyal Frenchman notified the French government of the
important discovery he had made of the thorough navigability
of the Red River. Soon his business became so prosperous that
the Annamite mandarins and Tu-Duc himself did all in their
power to help his cause with the French governor of Cochin
China, who had remonstrated against him to the French govern-
ment. Lieutenant Francis Gamier was sent again to Tonquin in
1873, and he found easily enough that the complaints of the man-
darins were prompted by mere jealousy, and instead of blaming
Dupuis he himself helped, with the latter's undisputed influence
and immense material, to accomplish his marvellous but ephe-
meral conquest of Tonquin, so picturesquely described in Dupuis'
account. But when the chivalrous Garnier was massacred with
his handful of brave companions, at the very same place where
on the 1 8th of May preceding Commandant Riviere lost his life,
M. Philastre, sent by France to take his place in the citadel of
Hanoi, adopted quite the reverse of his policy, expelled 'and con-
sequently ruined Dupuis, and allowed Tu-Duc to massacre forty
thousand Tonquinites merely because they had, through true
sympathy for French designs in Tonquin, lent the most disin-
terested help to his valiant predecessor.
This is the third and most atrocious blunder committed by
France, or rather by the French government, in Tonquin. Great
indeed was the popular indignation when the correct news was
received in Paris. It was not, however, until the 24th of Feb-
ruary, 1 88 1, that M. Dupuis, who had come to France to plead on
216 THE FRANCO-ANN AMESE CONFLICT. [Nov.,
his own behalf, received from the Chamber of Deputies an in-
demnity of two millions of francs. Meanwhile the Black Flags,
far from decreasing in number and audacity, rendered the pro-
visions of the treaty of 1874 useless, and spread terror and death
by their depredations and wholesale murders all along the Red
River. Public opinion was again aroused in France, and M. de
Vilers, then governor of Cochin China, received orders in April,
1 88 1, to send the French naval division of Saigon into Tonquin
waters. But as there was no definite plan, nothing was done
towards the restoration of peace and security on the Song-Koi
shores, so that Commandant Riviere found himself obliged to
recapture the citadel of Hanoi, and then to give it back to the
Annamites. The Annamites soon blockaded him so closely that,
in a desperate attempt to break through with the few heroes
who with him were shamefully abandoned to themselves by
temporizing France, he gloriously lost his life. Pie was not
avenged until the I9th of July last, by the victory of Colonel
Badens at Nam-Dinh.
On the following day, July 20, Tu-Duc, the shrewd An-
namite whose duplicity had brought about so long and bloody
troubles, gasped his last in the mysterious citadel of Hu6. Two
factions of ambitious mandarins at once began over his corpse a
contest for a new emperor of their respective choice. Some
wanted Phu-Dac, a nephew designated as his successor by the
will of Tu-Duc ; others, finding Phu-Dac opposed to a prolonged
war with France, pronounced for another member of the impe-
rial family, Vian-Lan. But on the i$th of August the French
gunboats La Viptre and Le Lynx entered the canal of Thuan-An,
and on the iSth, iQth, and 2oth made the voice of France to be so
distinctly heard in Hu6 that the contest between the mandarins
was suddenly silenced. A third candidate for -the Annamite
throne was at once found in the person of Tu-Duc/s youngest
nephew, who on the 2$th of August signed with Dr. Harmand,
civil commissioner for the French government, the treaty of Hue,
of which the following are the exact and complete terms :
" The protectorate of France over the kingdom of Annam is formally
recognized. The forts of Thuan-An, at the entrance of the Hue River, and
the line of Vung-Khiva, which commands the communications of Annam
with Cochin China, shall be permanently occupied by French troops. As a
compensation for ancient and unpaid debts contracted by Annam to-
wards France, the province of Bin-Thuan, bordering on Cochin Chiiui, is
ceded to the French. Two new ports, Xuanday and Tourane, shall be
opened.
"A line of telegraphy shall be established between Saigon and
1883.] THE FRANCO-ANNAMESE CONFLICT. 217
Hanoi. Resident governors shall be sent by France to all capitals of the
provinces of Tonquin even in those of Than-Hoa and Nghean, southeast
of the Red River. These governors shall be assisted by French troops, in
numbers to be determined by the French government. The French resi-
dent in Hue shall enjoy the privilege, heretofore denied to foreign minis-
ters, of personal interviews with the sovereign of Annam.
" The customs of the kingdom of Anriam shall be given up entirely to
French collection and control, in consideration of which France will serve
annually to the government of Annam an income of 2,500,000 francs.
" The French government shall be authorized to construct all along the
Red River as many forts or posts as they will deem necessary.
" The piastres and coins of Cochin China shall be legal tender all over
the kingdom of Annam."
Such is the convention made between the French govern-
ment and the new emperor of Annam, Hiephma, subject, we
must add, to the approbation of China, which does not seem
quite disposed to bow before Dr. Harmand, Admiral Courbet,
and M. Champeaux, formerly French consul at Hue", and who
has been, by telegraph, appointed on the I5th of September the
first resident governor near the court of Annam.
While negotiations are pending between the ubiquitous Mar-
quis of Tseng and the never-to-be found Challemel-Lacour,
French Minister of Foreign Affairs, President Grevy has sent
the insignia of the Legion of Honor to King Hiephma, to Grand-
Censor Traudino-Tuc, to Ndji-Nen-Trang-Hiep, the Annamite
Minister of Foreign Affairs, to Dr. Harmand, and last, but not
least, to Mgr. Caspard.
Mgr. Caspard is one of the most distinguished members of
the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris. An Alsatian, he was
born in Obernay in 1841 ; set out for Cochin China in 1865, when
only in his twenty-fourth year, and was elected titular bishop ot
Canata and vicar-apostolic of northern Cochin China in 1880.
His residence is Hu6, which he did not abandon during the
three days' bombardment in August. The late Emperor Tu-Duc
had Mgr. Caspard in particular esteem. When the French
consul, M. Rheiftart, the predecessor of M. Champeaux, left Hue
in a hurry after the death of Commandant Riviere, the good
bishop was called by the mandarins to be present at the inven-
tory of the furniture of the consulate and signed the affidavits
thereof. Later on the mandarins of the Court of Rites having
caused an inquiry to be made about the resident missionaries in
Annam, the bishop complained to Tu-Duc, who censured them
severely and deprived them of one year's salary a too tardy
attempt at justice and recognition of the treaty of 1874 !
218 ARMINE. [Nov.,
ARMINE.
CHAPTER XXV.
IT was about this time that Miss Dorrance said to her
cousin one day : " Does it strike you that Sibyl is the victim
of a grande passion f "
Mr. Talford looked a little startled. " No," he replied.
" I confess that it has not struck me. Whom do you take to
be the object of the passion?"
"Not yourself," said Laura, with a laugh, "nor yet any
one r whom you know. But you have heard of M. d'An-
tignac ? "
" Heard of him I should think so, indeed ! " answered
Mr. Talford. " Miss Bertram has entertained me on several
occasions with rhapsodies about him. But what has that to
do with the matter?"
" Only that he is the object of the passion."
Mr. Talford stared for a moment ; then he looked dis-
gusted.
" Women have strange ideas," he said. " There seems
to me something equally absurd and revolting in the sug-
gestion' that a young, beautiful creature like Miss Bertram
could find any attraction in the man of whom you speak a
hopeless invalid who, from what I hear of him, can only be
said to be half-alive."
"He is not much more, as far as his body is concerned,"
Laura replied; "but men have strange ideas if they imagine
that what attracts a woman like Sibyl Bertram has anything
to do with the body. It is the spirit ; and certainly there is
enough of that in M. d'Antignac."
"Is there?" said her cousin, with a slight laugh. "I con.
fess to not knowing much about spirits, .either in the flesh or
out of it. But I should not take them to be formidable rivals
that is, if one were sufficiently in earnest to fear a rival."
" Of course you are the best judge on that point," said
Laura " I mean about being sufficiently in earnest ; but as
for what constitutes a formidable rival well, that, I should
say, depends on the woman concerned. With some women
it would be a million of dollars, with others a handsome face.
1883.] ARMINE. 219
But you ought to know whether or "not Sibyl is like such
women."
" Miss Bertram is very ideal," said Mr. Talford, " but I
do her the justice to believe that she distinguishes clearly
between what is ideal and what is practical, and that no one
is less likely to confound the one with the other. Her fancy
for M. d'Antignac is very natural ; but it will not interfere
with anything else."
"Will it not?" said Laura, with a glance of amusement.
" Well, we shall see. I thought it only kind to give you a
warning."
" A warning is justified by its need," said her cousin ; " but
in this case I fail to perceive the need."
Nevertheless, lightly as he had received it, the warning
was not without its effect upon him, inasmuch as he began
to ask himself if the time had really come when he must
definitely bid farewell to the pleasant liberty of his life and
take upon himself the fetters of matrimony. They were not
fetters for which he was in the least eager, and he had more
than once asked himself why he should think of assuming
them. But these doubts had a fashion of vanishing under
the influence of Sibyl Bertram ; and in the magic of her
presence it seemed to him that he could do nothing better
than to secure a companion so well calculated at once to
stimulate interest and reflect credit on his taste. And it was
characteristic of the man that he felt not the least fear of
being refused. He was one of a class who are so steeped in
materialism that they are honestly unable to conceive a dif-
ferent standard in the mind of any one else. He knew his
own advantages well, and to suppose Miss Bertram ignorant
of or indifferent to them would simply, in his opinion, have
been to convict her of want of sense. But there was no
reason for such a suspicion. The peculiarity of her manner,
which struck Egerton so forcibly, had not been lost on him, and
he had, as we are aware, drawn his own conclusions from it. A
more acute man might, indeed, have been deceived, not having
the mot de I'enigme in a sufficient knowledge of the character of
this girl.
It was, therefore, without any of the fears which beset a
timid lover that Mr. Talford weighed the pros and cons of
freedom and matrimony. The first was the good of many
years proved, enjoyed, tested, and prized ; the other an un-
tried experiment, promising something to. one desiring novelty,
22o ARMINE. [Nov.,
but also threatening much to one desiring change. Decision
was difficult; but he knew that his desires inclined in one
direction, and that a strong rush of inclination was all that
was necessary to make these desires take the form of accom-
plished facts. Meanwhile, it was quite true that he had not
seen much of Miss Bertram lately owing partly to pre-
occupation on her part, and partly to a lack of ardor on his
and although he attached slight weight to Laura's flippant
remarks about M. d'Antignac, he decided that it would be
well to reassert the ' influence which he had no doubt that
he possessed. And so, on the day after the conversation re-
corded above, he presented himself in Mrs. Bertram's draw
ing-room.
It was unoccupied ; and while his card was taken to Miss
Bertram he walked about the room, observing idly the variety
of articles which filled it. But suddenly he paused to look
at a picture that he had never seen before. It was the pho-
tograph of a singularly handsome man, who wore a uniform
which struck him at first as entirely unfamiliar, but which
he presently recognized as that of the papal army. The card
bore the imprint of a well-known Roman photographer, and,
turning it over, he saw that a woman's hand had written on
the back, " Raoul d'Antignac, Rome, 1867." He shrugged his
shoulders slightly, and as he was in the act of replacing the
picture on the miniature easel from which he had taken it, a
sound of rustling drapery told him that Miss Bertram was
entering.
He turned, they shook hands, and after the first common-
places of greeting were over it was natural that she should
say, with a smile :
" What do you think of the picture you were examining
when I came in?"
" It is the likeness of a handsome man," he answered care-
lessly. "The original, I presume, is the M. d'Antignac of
whom I have had the pleasure of hearing a good deal."
" Yes ; a photograph taken when he was in Rome. His
sister gave it to me, and I consider it a treasure; though I
would rather have one of him as he is now."
" But I have been under the impression that there is very
little left of him not enough to photograph."
" Do you remember the story of the lady who, hearing
that her lover had been shot to pieces in battle, said that she
would marry him if there was enough of him left to hold his
1883.] ARMINE. 221
soul?" asked Miss Bertram. "There is enough of M. d'An-
tignac left to hold his soul, and enough also to make a most
interesting picture."
" Your story," said Mr. Talford, with a smile, " reminds me
that I heard it suggested only yesterday that you are the
victim of a grande passion for this interesting gentleman."
" I suppose Laura made the suggestion," observed Miss
Bertram quietly. " It sounds like her. But Laura's ideas of
a grande passion and mine are very different."
" So I presume," said the gentleman ; " and I confess I
should like very much to know what your idea is."
"Should you?" said Miss Bertram, smiling a little. "Par-
don me if I say I think you are mistaken. I don't think you
would care for my opinion or that of any one else on such a
subject the last I can imagine of interest to you."
This was not very encouraging; but a man of the world
is not easily disconcerted, and after a moment Talford said :
" Why have you conceived such an opinion of my insensi-
bility ? "
" Do you consider that insensibility ? " she asked. " I
thought you would consider it simply good sense."
" I certainly consider it good sense not to fall too readily
into grand passions, which, generally speaking, are grand fol-
lies," he replied ; " but nevertheless I should like to hear your
definition of such a passion."
" I am afraid that I do not know enough, nor have even
thought enough of it, to venture on such a definition," she
answered; "and probably I .could not improve on yours a
grand folly. All feeling is folly to those who do not share
it."
Mr. Talford did not care to confess how nearly this was his
own opinion. He felt that such an admission would not be a
very auspicious opening for a suit in which the heart is sup-
posed to play a prominent part. So he observed : " And yet
feeling is necessary."
Sibyl looked at him with the smile still shining in her eyes.
" You have discovered that ? " she said. " Yes, I think we may
not only say that feeling is necessary, but that the degree of
feeling of which a man is capable is generally the measure of
his worth. ' We live by admiration, hope, and love.' "
" Do we ? " said Talford, unable to repress the scepticism of
his tone. " It strikes me that we live by much more material
means, and that, though admiration, hope, and love are very
222 ARMINE. [Nov.,
good things in their place, they are not at all essential to our
existence."
" I should say that depended upon whether you consider our
existence to be animal or spiritual," replied Miss Bertram ; " or
rather, since it is both, on which you consider the most im-
portant of the two."
"Rather a difficult question, inasmuch as no one has yet
proved where the animal ends and the spiritual begins," an-
swered Talford, not unwilling to evade more direct reply.
" But I beg that you will not misunderstand me. If admiration,
hope, and love are not essential to our existence, they certainly
enrich and give it value."
" As luxuries that are desirable, but can be dispensed with,"
said Miss Bertram. <4 1 don't think I can admit that. On the
contrary, I believe that they are vital elements in our life. I
can answer for myself that if I find nothing to admire that is,
nothing to look up to I feel life to be not only empty and
worthless, but disgusting. Think of being doomed to believe
that the meanness and littleness of which we are conscious in
ourselves are simply duplicated all around us, that no one rises
higher, and that there is nothing whatever above us ! Why, it
is the most horrible of all mental nightmares ! Yet there are
people in the world who not only accept but who cultivate such
a belief."
This being the belief on which her listener's whole life was
based, it may be imagined that he felt inclined to reply as Tal-
leyrand did to Madame de Remusat: " Ah! what a very woman
you are, and how very young.V But he contented himself
with smiling as he said:
" I am quite sure that you will never cultivate such a belief,
and I should be sorry to see it forced on you."
" I have felt sometimes as if it were forced on me," she said ;
" and it is from that my knowledge of M. d'Antignac has de-
livered me."
" Do you mean," he asked, " that you have found so much
to admire in M. d'Antignac?"
" I have not only found so much to admire in him," she an-
swered, " but he has put the world right for me ; he has raised
me from the level on which I was stifling, to belief again in pos-
sibilities of nobleness. I was trying to believe in such possi-
bilities when I met him, but it was a desperate and failing
effort." She paused a moment, then added quickly : " I had
begun to feel as if your philosophy of life, Mr. Talford, might
1883.] ARMINE. 223
be the true one after all. But it was like the taste of dust and
ashes in its bitterness. If I felt as you do that is, if I felt
as you talk I should be the most miserable of creatures."
" The presumption is, therefore, that I should find myself
the most miserable of creatures," Talford answered quietly \
" but, on the contrary, I fancy that there are few people who
derive more satisfaction from existence than I do. My aspira-
tions are limited to things within the range of my senses, and I
expect nothing more from life than I am certain that it is able
to yield. Ideal aspirations do not trouble me at all ; and as for
possibilities of nobleness in human nature, I am content with its
possibilities of usefulness. Believe me, my dear Miss Bertram,
men like your friend M. d'Antignac are mere dreamers, whose
ideas of life are no more to be trusted than the bravery of a
soldier who has never seen a battle."
" M. d'Antignac has seen battles," said she. " He has lived
in the world."
" Then he has learned little from it, for no man of any world-
ly knowledge could cherish dreams like those of which I un-
derstand you to speak."
" I have never in my life seen any one who gave me less the
idea of a dreamer than M. d'Antignac," she said. " If you saw
him you would never apply such a term to him."
" The only reason why I could possibly desire to see M.
d'Antignac would be to discover what you find so attractive in
him," said Talford, who began to feel that Laura's warning had
not been so preposterous as he imagined.
" In that case you might discover nothing," said Sibyl.
" For, as I remarked a little while ago, whatever we are not in
sympathy with seems to us folly."
There was a moment's pause. Then Talford said quietly,
but with a tone and manner not to be misunderstood : " I
should like to be in sympathy with you on all points."
The young lady flushed a little, but answered lightly :
" You are very kind, but before you could attain such sym-
pathy I fear that one or the other of us would have to be made
over again ; and I cannot think that it would be a pleasant pro-
cess, that of being made over. Happily there is no need to try
it. We can be very good friends as friends go, with sympathy
on some points and toleration on all."
" I have always thought moderation a virtue," said Talford,
"and have flattered myself that when I could not obtain what
I wanted I was able to content myself with what I could get ;
224 ARMINE. [Nov.,
but I am not sure that my philosophy will stand the test you
propose. ' Very good friends as friends go ' I am afraid, Miss
Bertram, that will not satisfy me."
" Very good friends, then, without the clause," said she.
" I think you must be unreasonable if you are not satisfied with
that. At least," going on quickly, "it is all I can offer; and
since you have been good enough to compliment me on being
a woman of the world, let me suggest that our conversation
has wandered into a region where people of the world can
hardly feel at home. Let us leave sympathies and sentiments
and talk of more practical things horses, pictures, music, or
wh^t they are saying on the boulevards. Arid here " as the
door opened "comes mamma to offer the needed inspiration
a cup of tea."
But instead of Mrs. Bertram the opening door disclosed the
white cap-strings of Valentine, the maid, who announced " M.
Egerton," and then drew back to admit that gentleman.
It is probable that Sibyl had never before welcomed him with
such sincere cordiality, and it is also probable that Talford was
not sorry to see him, since his entrance relieved what might
have been in another moment an awkward situation. For how
can a man, having gone so far, not proceed farther? And yet
Miss Bertram's manner certainly had not encouraged that pro-
ceeding, nor inspired confidence of a favorable issue. Talford's
experience of feminine nature was, however, large; and he
knew that the resources of that evasion which it is hardly fair to
call coquetry sometimes renders it difficult to foretell the nature
of an answer up to the instant of receiving it. His vanity had,
therefore, a loophole of -escape ; and it was a loophole which just
now he was not sorry to have provided.
" Though who can tell that I shall ever be so near the point
again ? " he thought, with genuine regret and genuine k doubt of
himself.
"You have come in time to share the offer of a cup of tea
which I was just making to Mr. Talford," said Miss Bertram,
after she had greeted Egerton with unusual warmth. " We will
have it without waiting for mamma, who has been out since
breakfast indulging in the delights of shopping with some Ame-
rican friends. There is an ' occasion ' at the Bon March6, and
no feminine mind can resist the fascination of a bargain."
" You have apparently resisted it, since I have the pleasure
of finding you at home," said Egerton.
" Oh ! but I know that mamma will find all the bargains and
1883.] ARMINE. 225
bring them to me without my undergoing the purgatory of
crushing which is the penalty one has to pay for the cheapness of
the great shops. I confess that I have a most undemocratic dis-
like to coming into close contact with my fellow-beings. I am
never in such a crowd that I do not think I should like to be
an archduchess, in order to have room always made for me."
" An archduchess with socialistic sympathies would be some-
thing very piquant," said Egerton, smiling. " But it is unfor-
tunately true that democratic theories and democratic practice
are v0ry different things."
" And the impossibility of the last proves the unsoundness
of the first, only you visionaries will not see it," observed *Tal-
ford.
" Am I a visionary ? " said Egerton. " I hardly think so,
though I should be rather proud of belonging to that much-
reproached class; for it is surely better to see visions of higher
things, even if they are not altogether practicable, than to limit
one's eyes to the dusty road of actual life."
" I have noticed that those who see such visions are rather
prone to stumble on the road," said Talford.
" But wha.t would the road be without the visions to brighten
it?" said Sibyl.
Talford elevated his eyebrows. "And why," he asked,
" should visions of a future democracy be more attractive than
a present democracy as typified in the bourgeois crowd of the
Bon March6?"
" I was not thinking of democracy," she answered. " I con*
fess that I have never had much more fancy for that in the fu-
ture than in the present. I have been touched by dreams for
relieving the suffering of humanity, but I have never relish-
ed the thought of enforced equality."
" Yet that is what your friends the Socialists would insist
upon," said Talford.
" It is hardly fair to call them my friends, since I have not
an acquaintance among them, and M. d'Antignac has nearly
cured me of admiring them," said she, smiling. " If they have
a friend present it must be Mr. Egerton."
"I don't know that I have a right to call myself a friend,"
said Egerton. " My interest in them has sprung chiefly from
curiosity, and some sympathy with their aims or, at least, their
professions. No one who walks through the world with open
eyes," continued the young man quickly, "can avoid being
struck and saddened by the misery of human life, the hopeless
VOL. xxxvin. 15
225 ARMINE. [Nov.,
misery that encompasses the vast majority of the human race
from their cradles to their graves. One feels absolutely para-
lyzed in the presence of it. What is to be done ? Where is any
help, any hope of making the lives of all these millions better for
them? Now, we must admit that, with all its follies, Socialism
tries to give some sort of an answer to that question."
"But what sort of an answer?" said Talford, while Sibyl
looked intently at Egerton, as if some new idea with regard to
him was dawning on her mind. " It is the answer of a man who
would burn down your house because it is defective in cor%truc-
tion."
".Oh ! I grant that the answer is not very wise," said Eger-
ton ; " but I think there can be no doubt that it is an answer
which the world will have forced upon it, unless some change
comes over the spirit of society as we know it, unless it becomes
less grossly material in its ends and less merciless in the method
by which it seeks those ends. But I don't mean to inflict my
opinions upon you," he broke off with a laugh. " The attraction
which I have found in Socialism at least in the representative
Socialist whom I know is that he feels so intensely on this
subject."
" I suppose you mean M. Duchesne," said Miss Bertram.
" Yes, Duchesne, of whom you have so often heard me
speak. He is so sincere an enthusiast, so ardent a visionary, that
it is impossible not to be swayed by his personal influence when
one is near him. In proof of which' I am going with him to-
morrow to Brussels."
" You ! " said Miss Bertram in a tone of surprise. " For what
purpose, if I may ask ? "
" To attend a meeting of delegates from various countries
who wish to secure amity of aim among the different revolu-
tionary societies in short, to revive the International. Du-
chesne promises that I shall see all the most prominent lead-
ers."
" You must have become a revolutionist in earnest, to be
admitted to such a gathering," said Talford.
" By no means," answered Egerton. " I am bound to nothing
Duchesne fully understands that. Very likely he thinks that
I shall join them eventually, but I have never told him so. I
represent myself simply as what I am actuated by curiosity.
Of course I shall not be allowed to see or know anything that
.would compromise them."
" I should not be too sure of that," said Talford. " You
1883.] ARMINE. 227
might come to know enough to compromise your own safety if
you refused to join them at last. I do not think that, if I were
you, I would go to Brussels. Here, at least, you are known and
have friends."
" And, therefore, could not be disposed of by dagger or
dynamite without exciting some inquiry," said Egerton, smiling.
" I have not the least fear of the kind."
" But the absence of fear is not always an argument against
the need of fear," said Sibyl. " And if you have really no mo-
tive but curiosity "
" I assure you I have no other," said Egerton, meeting her
eyes and thinking them kinder than he had ever seen them
before. " But that is sometimes a tolerably strong motive."
" It ought not to be strong enough to induce a man to run
a grave risk."
" But there is positively no risk at all," said he. " Talford is
simply indulging in a jest at my expense. I shall have great
pleasure in giving you the points of the coming revolution when
I return. Meanwhile, you spoke once of desiring to know Mile.
Duchesne. I may be permitted to say that you have now the
opportunity of making her acquaintance. She is again in
Paris."
But this was a little too much for Talford. He frowned,
and, while Sibyl hesitated for an instant, said curtly :
" Upon my word, Egerton, I think you forget that Miss
Bertram's curiosity is probably less developed than your own,
and that she can hardly care to make the acquaintance of so-
cialistic madmen or madwomen, who are even worse."
" I should never dream of proposing such an acquaintance
to Miss Bertram," answered Egerton. "Mile. Duchesne of
whom I spoke is indeed the daughter of a Socialist, but she
is herself neither a Socialist nor a madwoman, but a very
charming person and a great friend of the D'Antignacs, whom
Miss Bertram knows well."
" I have heard them speak of her with high praise," said
Sibyl. " If she has returned to Paris I shall probably meet
her in their salon."
" It is likely that you may," said Egerton, who did not
know of the decree which had gone forth, separating Armine
from her friends.
" So it seems," said Talford, " that the remarkable M. d'An-
tignac is picturesquely eclectic in his acquaintance."
"Above all people whom I have ever met," said Sibyl, "he
228 ARMINE. [Nov.,
gives me the idea of basing his regard entirely upon what a
person t's, not at all upon what his or her outward circum-
stances or position may be. By the side of his couch one
takes rank simply according to one's merit."
"But how if one should chance to have no merit?" asked
the gentleman sceptically.
" In that case one must rely upon a charity which is broad
enough to cover a multitude of follies," answered the young
lady, smiling. " But I am sure that you are by this time tired
of hearing Aristides called the Just, so happily here comes
Valentine with the tea ; and here, also, is mamma to tell us
all about her bargains ! "
CHAPTER XXVI.
IT was quite true that Egerton, in a spirit of adventure
and curiosity, had accepted Duchesne's invitation to accompany
him to Brussels. " Of course," the latter had said in giving
it, " you will not hear anything of the business of the meeting ;
but you will see many of the most famous leaders of this
great movement, and you cannot fail to be impressed by per-
sonal contact with them."
Egerton, who understood thoroughly the object of the in-
vitation, had himself no doubt of being impressed, but con-
siderable doubt whether this impression would take the form
Duchesne desired. Nevertheless it was an opportunity, an ex-
perience, which he could not let slip, though he hoped the
intelligence of it might not come to Armine's ears. " For she
would not understand," he said to himself ; and then he was
suddenly struck as with the force of a new sensation by the
thought : " Why should she take so much interest why should
she care so much whether or not I yield to her father's in-
fluence ? "
It was a question which it }iad not occurred to him to ask
before, so entirely had he accepted Armine's interest as a part
of Armine's self as something which did not conform to or-
dinary rules, but was the more simple and charming for that.
And it has been already said that he had not much of the
vanity of his sex, so that he was not inclined to interpret that
interest as a man of coarser nature might have interpreted it.
It had been so directly expressed, it had (he felt) so little to
do with him personally, that he had accepted it simply as
the manifestation of the girl's strong feeling on the subject
1883.] ARMINE. 229
which had most deeply colored her life. Yet now, in his
hope that this Brussels journey might not come to her know-
ledge, he was startled into asking- himself whether such in-
terest was indeed entirely impersonal if he was merely a
brand which she wished to snatch from the socialistic burn-
ing, or one who had been fortunate enough to excite in her
something of more than ordinary interest.
However that might be, he felt quite sure of the interest
which she had excited in him an interest deeper (he said to
himself) than any he had ever known before. " Falling in
love," in the conventional sense, seemed commonplace and
poor compared to this emotion blent of so many subtle ele-
ments admiration, interest, pity, and a sense as if she could
' give something of which he stood in need, some spiritual light
or moral strength. But he knew too much of the human
heart in general and of his own in particular to be certain
that this sentiment, fine and delicate as it was, possessed either
endurance or strength. " I was delighted to see her," he
thought, recalling the day when he had suddenly come upon
her graceful presence by the fountain in the old palace gar-
den, " but was it not as I might have been glad to open again
a book that had fascinated me, or an interesting study that I
had not exhausted ? And have not the days always come when
I have exhausted every such study ? Yes, they are right
Winter and Miss Bertram, and D'Antignac too, no doubt, if
he spoke what he thought when they declare that I have no
strength or conviction of feeling. The enthusiasm to espouse
a cause, and the passion to love a woman, seem alike lacking
in me ! "
Notwithstanding this conclusion, however, it was interest
in Armine the recollection of their conversation in the Lux-
embourg Garden, and the desire to know more that was
going on in her mind and soul which moved him to seek
her father again, else he would probably have suffered that
enthusiastic Socialist to pass out of his life. He called at the
apartment in the Rue Neuve des Petits Champs, saw Du-
chesne and received the invitation to accompany him to Brus-
sels, but did not see Armine. There was no mention of her
beyond Duchesne's brief reply to his hope that she was well ;
lie was not asked to enter the salon, and some instinct that
all was not well between father and daughter prevented him
from begging to do so.
It was an instinct well founded, for in truth father and
230 ARMINE. [Nov.,
daughter had never in their lives been so far apart in feeling
and sympathy as they were at this time. Armine's foreboding
of some deeply-seated change in her father was more than re-
alized. Since the day at Marigny he had never been " like
himself," and instead of the kind and indulgent father she had
known all her life he was now suspicious, harsh, and severe.
She had reluctantly spoken of this change to the D'An-
tignacs; but it was greater than she was willing to acknow-
ledge, and had become more marked since she parted with
them. For when, after much mental struggle and debate, she
had taken D'Antignac's note to the priest to whom it was
addressed, she found all that he had promised of instruction,
comfort, and encouragement ; but she was told that before
she could be received into the church she must acquaint her
father with her intention. The girl knew what she would
bring upon herself, but it was not in her to quail from any-
thing in the form of a duty. She told her father of her reso-
lution. And then the storm burst.
It was a storm such as she had never known before, such as
she had hardly conceived possible. She had been aware that
Duchesne regarded the church with animosity, but she had not
classed him with those who are so virulent in their hatred that
there is only one explanation possible of the spirit which ani-
mates them. She had supposed that he condemned and dis-
liked that which was the chief bulwark against the spread of
ideas to which he had devoted his life, but she could not have
dreamed that he was capable of that unreason of blind rage
which French atheism betrays whenever it touches upon the
question of religion. It was quite true that she had not lived
so long among the professed disciples of freedom of thought
without learning what freedom of thought means from their
point of view to wit, freedom for themselves and intolerance
for every one else but the loyalty of the girl's nature had as-
serted itself in this, as in all else where her father was con-
cerned. She had refused to believe that he could be so narrow
in the name of liberty, so tyrannical in the name of freedom, as
others were around him.
But incredulity was no longer possible. The proud faith
in which she had lived faith in his reasonableness and noble-
ness, however mistaken it might be lay shattered at her fc( t ;
and it is not too much to say that a great part of her life lay
shattered with it. For this faith had sustained the affection for
her father which was the strong centre of her existence. To
1883.] ARMINE. 231
spare him pain she had been almost ready to deny her God
at least by such passive form of denial as lies in not acknowledg-
ing and now she felt as if it were sharpest punishment that
with his own hand he demolished the ideal she had loved.
For that ideal had little in common with the man who in
violent words forbade her ever to approach a priest again, who
spoke of religion in terms of bitter hatred, and told her that
henceforth she could be trusted no longer, but would be placed
under strict surveillance. " For I find that you have had too
much freedom," he said. " I forgot too easily that folly and de-
ception make up the character of woman. But I will take care
that you see no more of those who have taught you to array
yourself against me, and to betray, as far as lies in your power,
that cause of freedom which is dearer to me than my heart's
blood. We shall leave Paris soon ; until then I will place you
with the wife of one of my friends, requesting that she will
exercise over you the closest watchfulness."
This meant, Armine felt sure, a species of imprisonment ;
and she was not mistaken. Even more violent and intolerant
(if such a thing were possible) than the men are the women who
array themselves under the banner of free-thought. And such
a woman was the one with whom her father placed her a wo-
man against whom every instinct of her nature and her taste
revolted. But she could do nothing save submit. Even appeal,
she felt, would be useless, and she made no attempt to change
or soften her father's resolution. She was only able before
leaving his house to send a little note to the priest, which the
latter took to D'Antignac a few pathetic words saying that she
had followed his counsel, and that the result was what she had
feared : her father, deeply incensed, had forbidden her to see
him again, and to enforce his command had removed her to
stricter guardianship.
"My poor Armine!" said D'Antignac when he read these
lines. " My heart aches for her. I know well what she is
suffering."
" It is a great privilege to have something to suffer for God,"
said the priest quietly. " This trial will clo her no harm, but
much good, if she is made of the stuff I fancy her to be."
" It would be difficult to fancy better stuff than she is made
of," said D'Antignac. " If occasion tries her you will find that
her soul is heroic in its temper."
" I was very much impressed with her," said the priest.
" Even without your letter I think I should have been. One
232 ARMINE. [Nov.,
who sees much of human nature must unless very unobservant
learn to judge character by apparently trifling signs. One
of the things which struck me in Mile. Duchesne was that she
said no more than was necessary of herself. But in all that
she did say she showed remarkably clear intellect and very
fine feeling." , . .
" I suppose I am something of an enthusiast about Armine,"
said D'Antignac, smiling. " But I am sure that no one in the
world knows her better than I do indeed, I doubt if any one
knows her so well and my opinion is that she belongs to the
highest and finest type of character, to that order of great souls
for whom God has special uses."
Then a gentleman who was looking over a paper at a win-
dow glanced up and said : " What do you take those uses to
be?"
" Ah ! " said D'Antignac, " that I do not pretend to be able
to tell. If I did I should probably make a great mistake. But
you, Gaston, will agree with me that Armine Duchesne is no
ordinary person."
The Vicomte de Marigny for it was no other than he laid
down his paper and came forward before answering. Then he
said quietly :
" My acquaintance with Mile. Duchesne is very slight, but
I certainly think she is no ordinary person. You know" he
hesitated for an instant " I saw her down in Brittany. Did
she tell you that?"
" Yes," D'Antignac replied. " She mentioned it as one rea-
son or at least one apparent reason for a great change in her
father. It seems that he was never the same to her after he
saw her speaking to you at Marigny."
" Poor girl ! " said the vicomte. " I am sorry, then, that I
addressed her. I only did so in order to show her that I did
not identify her with her father. It is perhaps necessary to ex-
plain, M. 1'Abbe 1 ," he added, turning to the priest, " that her
father the well-known Socialist Duchesne was in Brittany
for the purpose of defeating my election, if possible."
" If one may judge by the majority which returned you, M.
le Vicomte, he might have spared himself the trouble," said the
priest, smiling.
" Brittany is always faithful," said the vicomte.
" Yet even in faithful Brittany was there not an attempt upon
your life made ? " asked the other.
The vicomte shrugged his shoulders. " A trifling affair,^
1883.] ARMINE. 233
he said. " I am quite sure that the perpetrators were not Bre-
tons. A clumsy affair, too. It was the night after the election,
and I was sitting in my study writing, when I heard stealthy
steps beneath my window. Thanks to a friendly warning, I
had a weapon near me, and I quietly laid my hand on it. The
next moment something like a bomb was thrown through the
open window and fell at my feet. It was instinct rather than
thought which made me snatch it up and hurl it out again. It
exploded when it touched the ground, as it had been meant to
explode when it first landed at my feet ; and it is needless to
say that if it had done so I should not be talking to you now.
The moment that the detonation was over I rushed to the win-
dow and fired at the figure of a man whom I could plainly see
making off with great haste. But I presume that my shot did
not strike him, since no one was found when the servants, who
hastily gathered, searched the grounds. Voilti. tout ! "
"Was no further attempt made?" asked the priest.
" None, although I remained at Marigny for several days
after. 1 had no business to detain me, but was simply deter-
mined that the instigators of the attempt should not fancy
that they had frightened me."
" Whom do you suppose the instigators to have been ? "
" Oh ! the secret societies that I have so often denounced ;
there can be no doubt of that. They do me honor by es-
teeming me a dangerous opponent."
Then the conversation was diverted to the political situa-
tion, and it was not until the priest had taken his departure
that D'Antignac said to his companion :
" You spoke of a friendly warning, Gaston ; may I ask
who gave it ? "
The vicomte did not answer. Instead he put out his hand
and took up Armine's note, which had fallen on the couch and
been left there by the abbe, to whom it was addressed. He
opened it and read it over silently a proceeding excusable
on the ground that he had already heard its contents read
aloud and discussed. Then he drew from his pocket another
note, which he placed beside it and offered to D'Antignac.
There was some difference in the writing of the two a
difference due to the nervous haste and agitation with which
the first had been produced but even with this difference it
was sufficiently evident that the same hand had written both.
D'Antignac, at least, felt not an instant's doubt. He started
and said in a tone of deep feeling :
234 ARMINE. [Nov.,
"It was like her; but what it must have cost her, my
poor, brave Armine ! "
" I never doubted that it came from her," said the vicomte;
"yet my certainty had no proof until now. I had, of course,
never seen a line of her writing before."
But D'Antignac, with his eyes still on the note, could only
repeat again what was so often on his lips, " My poor Ar-
mine ! " Then after a pause he looked at the vicomte. " If
you knew her as well as I do," he said, " every word of this
would be eloquent for you. You would understand the
struggle which it must have cost her to write it."
" I think I understand," said the other. " I cannot possibly
know her as you do, but I know her somewhat. How could
one look in her eyes and not know her somewhat? And this
note " he held out his hand for it " brought me another
message than that which it bears on its face : a message of
a gentle heart, of a brave soul, of a nature that could not
stand by and see wrong done unmoved, but that, even at the
cost of bringing blame where blame was not due, felt bound
to send a warning that might save a life."
" She is all that," said D'Antignac, looking at him a little
keenly ; " but it is strange that you should have learned so
much of her on so slight an acquaintance."
" It is strange," said the vicomte, as if he were answering
his own thought as well as the words of the other, " but it is
a curious fact that one learns more of some people at a glance
than one learns of others from the acquaintance of a lifetime.
Mile. Duchesne's character is very sympathetic. But what first
probably excited my interest in her was the consciousness
in my mind of the unacknowledged tie of blood between us."
"How did you discover that?" asked D'Antignac.
" I have always known that my granduncle left a son who
called himself Duchesne, and who gave the family some an-
noyance by asserting that he was the legitimate heir, though
he could not prove the marriage of his parents. I might not,
however, have been aware that the Socialist leader was his
son but for the fact that the latter was at Marigny once sev-
eral years ago to see a man, the son of my granduncle's
confidential servant, from whom he hoped, no doubt, to obtain
information."
"And failed?"
" Cela va sans dire. What could not be proved at the time
was hardly likely to be susceptible of proof at this late date."
1883.] ARMINE. 235
" And this fact," said D'Antignac, " the cloud upon his
father's birth, has no doubt not only embittered him against
the order to which he does not belong, but also against you,
who hold what he believes to be his inheritance."
"He cannot possibly believe that," said the vicomte, "since
there is not a shred of proof that his grandparents were
married."
" He may not believe it, but none the less he feels injured,
you may be sure. It is almost invariably the attitude of
those who have suffered in this way. It also accounts for his
harshness to his daughter when he saw her speak to you."
"Did she know or suspect the cause of his harshness?"
" No. She spoke of it with simple wonder, unable to ac-
count for what seemed to her an extent of prejudice simply
incomprehensible."
" Then I suppose that I must never speak to her again,
unless I meet her here."
" You are not likely to meet her," said D'Antignac. " Her
father has forbidden her to see us chiefly, if not altogether,
because she first met you here."
The vicomte looked startled. " I am sorry I am very
sorry," he said. " But I have nothing with which to blame my-
self."
" Nor have I anything with which to blame you," said the
other, " except, perhaps, a little want of thought. Knowing the
father to be what he is, I do not think that, in your place, I
would have spoken to her at Marigny or, at least, I should have
been content with a mere salutation."
" It was hardly more," said the vicomte, in the tone of one
who feels called upon to justify himself. " And her father was
not with her. She was standing at the church door, and I had
just left the presbytere. What was more natural than that I
should have exchanged a few words with her, partly from cour-
tesy, and partly, I confess, because she has always attracted
me ? "
D'Antignac smiled. "The last reason," he said, "is a strong
one especially since you are not very easily attracted."
" Far from it," said De Marigny. "It is my misfortune, or
perhaps my good fortune, to be insensible to many charms which
other men feel. But a face so sensitive and so poetic as Mile.
Duchesne's I have seldom seen, and as seldom have I heard a
voice so like a chord of music."
" It may be as well that you are not likely to hear it again,"
236 ARMINE. [Nov.,
said D'Antignac with some significance. "There can hardly be
two people in the world placed farther apart than you and the
daughter of Duchesne the Socialist."
CHAPTER XXVII.
AND so it came to pass that Egerton saw nothing of Armine
before he started with Duchesne to Brussels. If he had seen her
it is likely that a word or even a glance might have changed his
resolution and prevented his going on such slender chances do
many of the most important events of life depend ! but, failing
this, the journey recommended itself to him as one promising
interest and novelty, and on the morning appointed he met Du-
chesne at the Gare du Nord.
The Socialist looked pleased to see him, and held out his
hand, saying, with that peculiar charm of manner which Egerton
had felt from the first of their acquaintance :
" This is almost more than I hoped. I feared that at the
last you might not feel interest enough to come."
" On the contrary, I feel immensely interested, and should
be sorry if anything had occurred to prevent my corning," an-
swered Egerton, smiling.
" You will not regret it," said the other, indulging in the
rashness of prophecy. "Now, shall we take our tickets?"
They took their tickets, took also their places in a first-class
carriage, which they had happily to themselves, and so rolled
out of Paris in the soft gray mist of early morning.
How well Egerton remembered afterwards the appearance of
everything the suburbs through which they passed, the emi-
nence of Montmartre, crowned by the great unfinished Church
of the Sacred Heart, which the Republicans are so anxious to
demolish, and then the open country with its fields and poplars !
He remembered the look of it all, though he certainly was not
conscious of paying special attention to what was at once so fa-
miliar and so uninteresting. For a while both men glanced over
the morning papers, which they had with them ; then presently
Duchesne laid his down and began to talk. Never, it seemed to
Egerton, had he talked better, with more force, more of the
magnetism born of passionate conviction and enthusiasm. The
conversation ranged over a wide field, dealing with the social
conditions of mankind in many countries and during many ages,
as well as with those great hopes for the future which Duchesne
described with vivid eloquence. As Egerton listened he under-
1883.] ARMINE. 237
stood what Armine had meant in saying that she feared her fa-
ther's influence for him. Exposed defenceless to this influence,
he felt that he could not have answered for himself; he must
have been carried away. Something of this he said to the
man who, he could see, was intent upon his conversion :
" One could easily be swept off one's feet by enthusiasm in
listening to you," he said. " But I am sure you would not care
for an adhesion which was not founded on the conviction of the
mind."
" Sometimes the mind needs to be instructed by the heart,"
said the other. " If you are once roused to enthusiasm convic-
tion will follow, unless you stifle it."
" I have no desire to stifle it," Egerton began. Then he
paused abruptly ; for what was happening ? There was a shock
that threw both men off their feet, a convulsion, as it were, of
every atom of matter in the long line of swaying carriages, then
a crash and a scene of wild terror, confusion, and horror baffling
description.
On the well-regulated railways of France accidents do not
often occur ; but no human foresight can guard against all
chances, prevent all carelessness. This accident was one which
startled France at the time of its occurrence ; but there is no
need to dwell upon its awful details as the newspapers dwelt
upon them. The reporter takes in the whole scene and photo-
graphs it in ghastly unity ; but the actors in the terrible tra-
gedy are rarely conscious of more than their individual share
of fear or suffering.
It was so with Egerton. He had but a vague recollec-
tion of anything after the convulsive shock after his last
sight of Duchesne's face paling with excitement as he said,
" It is an accident ! " Then followed the final crash, a heavy
blow, and unconsciousness. When he came to himself again,
after an interval of the length of which he had no idea, it was
with a sense of physical pain such as he had never known
before in his life. His whole body seemed full of a terrible con-
sciousness of agony, under the effect of which he opened both
his eyes and his lips the first to see, and the second to groan.
Then he found that he had been removed a little from the
debris of the wrecked train, and that he was lying on a stretch
of green turf, with some one probably a surgeon bending
over him.
" Ah ! that is where you are hurt," the former said quickly,
as the young man opened his eyes.
238 ARMINE. [Nov,,
" Yes," said Egerton faintly. He added after a moment,
"I am hurt everywhere. Am I dying?"
" I don't think so," the other answered. " As far as I can
judge, your injuries only amount to some bruises and a broken
arm. You have fared better than many of your fellow-travel-
lers. Yonder is a man, for example, both of whose legs are
so badly crushed that if he lives at all he will lose them."
" Poor fellow ! " said Egerton, with a pang of sympathy
to which these commonplace words gave but scant expres-
sion. Through his own pain he entered into the greater
pain of others, and his heart seemed to sicken within him as
he caught a glimpse of mangled forms and heard the groans
of mortal agony which filled the air. Then he thought of
Duchesne and asked eagerly for him.
"Duchesne!" the surgeon repeated. "Ah! yes, I am glad
you asked. There is a man so badly injured that he will die
within an hour, who says his name is Duchesne, and who
asked me to bring to him his friend and companion, if I could
find him alive some one with a foreign name."
" I am the man," said Egerton quickly. " Ah ! monsieur,
for God's sake help me to get to him."
How this was accomplished the young fellow scarcely
knew, for it was but by contrast with greater injuries that
the surgeon had thought lightly of his.' As has already been
said, his whole body seemed resolved into one mighty throb
of physical anguish, and it was only the brave will which en-
abled him, with the surgeon's assistance, to drag himself to
where Duchesne lay, gasping away his life in an agony for
which language has no expression.
That it was Duchesne that this shattered, mutilated
wreck of humanity could be the stately man he had last seen
Egerton for a moment could not realize. He stood silent,
in speechless horror. But when the eyes brilliant and dark
as ever opened, he knew them at once.
" So you are safe ! " Duchesne said feebly. " Forgive me
for having brought you into this."
"There is nothing to forgive," answered Egerton quickly.
"Who could foretell anything so fearful? And I have fared
better than others far better, my friend, than you, to whom
I would gladly give my safety."
" No," said Duchesne ; and if he spoke grimly it was be-
cause it was only by a terrible effort that he could subdue
his pain sufficiently to speak at all. " It is better as it is. I
1883.] ARMINE. 239
am not willing to die far from it, for I have much work yet
to do but if it was to be one of us, I was the right one. You
will suffer enough as it is for having been persuaded to come
with me. Don't talk!" he said almost sharply, as Egerton
began to speak. " There is something I must say to you,
and I may not have many minutes in which to say it. Ah !
what agony," he cried out suddenly, and his whole frame
writhed with a convulsion which haunted Egerton for many
a long day afterward. When it subsided sufficiently for him
to speak, great drops of sweat, like that which we are told
accompanies torture, stood on his livid brow.
" It is of Armine," he gasped faintly.
Here Egerton, thinking to spare him, interposed with an
assurance that he would charge himself with the future wel-
fare of Mile. Duchesne ; but the words had scarcely passed
his lips when the dying Socialist answered with a tone of
pride:
" My daughter is not dependent on the kindness of stran-
gers. If she needed charity the comrades of her father
would gladly care for her. But she has an inheritance which
is hers by right, and this she must claim."
There was another pause, which Egerton did not break.
He feared by a word to exhaust the little strength which
Duchesne possessed, and which he now perceived was neces-
sary for some essential statement. Presently he was able to
speak again :
" She knows nothing of it ; it will be for you to tell her,
and to direct her what to do. And I must tell you, if if this
agony will let me speak ! You know or you have heard of
the Vicomte de Marigny. But he has no claim to his rank
or property. / am the heir of both ! "
" You ! " said Egerton, thunderstruck. For an instant he
thought that the mind of the speaker was surely wandering, but
the dark eyes which met his own- were clearly rational.
" Yes, I ! " repeated Duchesne. " I have not time for seeking
phrases. I must speak to the point. Listen, then. The name
which I bear I inherited from my father ; but I always knew
that he assumed it on account of its revolutionary association,
and because he could not prove his right to that of his father,
who was Vicomte de Marigny when the Revolution broke out.
It is a long story, for which I have not breath ; but when the
Revolution was at its height this Vicomte de Marigny, flying
for his life, was saved by a daughter of the people. She con-
240 ARMINE. [Nov.,
cealed him in one of the sea-caves on the Breton coast, sup-
plied him with food, finally arranged for his escape to England,
and fled with him. That he married her my father always be-
lieved, but knew not where to turn for proof, his mother hav-
ing died in his infancy, and his father suddenly expiring on the
eve of the Restoration. He had never acknowledged the boy
whom he placed, however, at school in England as his legiti-
mate son ; so his brother took possession of the title and estates,
with no one to question his right."
Again he paused, and it seemed almost impossible that he
could continue save by a superhuman effort. Yet, as Egerton
thought forgetting his own suffering in the sharp tension of
the moment if he did not continue, where was there any point
in this narrative on which to found a claim ? His heart almost
stood still with suspense. He began to doubt again whether
Duchesne was not wandering in mind, when suddenly the latter
looked up and spoke, but even more faintly, with even greater
difficulty :
" It was at Marigny when I was there a few weeks ago
that at last I found the proof. The son of the servant of the
vicomte my grandfather is living there. He sent for me and re-
lieved his conscience of a burden which he said had long op-
pressed it. This was the knowledge he had received from his
father, who was present at the marriage of my grandparents ;
the place where the marriage took place, and where the record
of it is no doubt to be found, is Dinau. It was a civil marriage
there were no others allowed then between Henri Marigny
(all aristocratic prefixes were also forbidden) and Louise Bar.
beau. Tell Armine to search for the record of this marriage,
and to claim the inheritance which is hers."
" But why have you left this for her to do ? Why did you
not claim it when you learned the truth ? " asked Egerton.
" I am a Socialist ! " said Duchesne, with a chord of. inex-
pressible pride vibrating through the tones of his voice. " From
my youth I have lived only for the rights of man. I meant
perhaps in time to claim this inheritance, in order that I might
use it for great ends. But it is npt to be ; and I fear I
fear"
" What do you fear ? " asked Egerton, as the failing voice
ceased. " If it is anything in which I can be of service to you,
I promise to execute your wishes to the utmost extent of my
power."
The other gave the hand which held his a slight pressure.
1883.] ARMINE. 241
" Thank you, mon ami" he murmured. " It is a comfort to me
that you are here, and I hope that you are not badly in-
jured."
" Never mind about me," said Egerton almost impatiently.
" Speak of yourself. Tell me what it is that you fear, what I
can do for you."
" I fear for Armine, in whose hands this great trust will
be placed," said Duchesne. " Will she use it as I wish ? I
doubt, for she has fallen of late under fatal influences. I am
punished for thinking that it mattered little what tolly a
woman believed, and for letting her go her way as she
would. Now, when so much is placed in her hand, she
proves to be the slave of superstition. Ah ! " what a passionate
cry it was " surely it is bitter to be struck down with so
much undone ! I meant to take her far away from the influ-
ences that have misled her, to show her the great work to
which my life was pledged, to open her eyes, and then to say,
' Here is something which you must use not for yourself but
for humanity ! ' Well, I shall never say it now ; but you, my
friend you will say it for me. That is what I ask of you."
" I promise to repeat to her all that you have said," Eger-
ton replied ; " and if you will tell me any special disposition
of the property which you wish made, I am sure she will
respect your wishes."
Duchesne did not answer for a moment. Then he said
faintly and with great difficulty : " It is not possible ; I can
only leave it to her. But you may tell her that it is my
dying wish, nay, my dying command, that she will not marry
the Vicomte de Marigny."
Egerton felt his heart give a bound probably of surprise
at those words. Then he said involuntarily : " Does she
think of it?"
" No," Duchesne answered, " but I suspect that he does
at least I am sure that he will when he knows. But even
from my grave I forbid it. Remember that."
What could Egerton reply ? Could he expostulate with
this dying man, and point out that such a marriage would
be desirable, inasmuch as it would reconcile conflicting claims ?
He almost felt as if he were bound to do so ; but as he hesi-
tated he saw that it was too late. An awful change a
change like unto no other came over Duchesne's face, and
in a moment the young man knew that there is but one
visitor who comes to mankind with such a touch.
VOL. xxxviii. 16
242 SCEPTICISM AND [Nov.,
" My friend," he cried, " you are dying. Will you not
call on God once before you go to face him?"
It was an appeal wrung from the depths of a heart which
until this terrible moment had not been conscious of possess-
ing faith, and was so earnest that it might have touched the
dying man, if anything could. But as he opened his eyes for
the last time something of the fire of a life-long defiance
flashed into them.
"There is no God," he said. " Vive Vhumanitd! "
And with these words still on his lips the soul passed
forth to meet Him whom it had denied.
TO BE CONTINUED.
SCEPTICISM AND ITS RELATIONS TO MODERN
THOUGHT.
LOOKING out upon the intellectual life of the day, it is safe to
characterize its attitude as a state of opinion. Dogmatic teach-
ing in religion to a wide extent has been rejected on the ground
that it is contrary to reason and science. The privilege of
choosing or formulating a creed is refused to no one, and the
equal favor of rejecting all is maintained by many. There no
longer exists any obligation to believe, and, what is more, no one
can condemn the belief or unbelief of his neighbor, for the
reason that he has no definitive knowledge to lay down as a
rational basis or criterion of belief. There is no evidence that
one person has the truth and another has not ; one may have it,
neither may have it. Such is the substratum of much of the
religious thought of the day. Hence the wide-spread tolera-
tion of conflicting opinions which passes current for liberalism.
Opinion upon the momentous subject of religion, which is the
state of the modern mind, or rather of a large school of modern
thinkers, connotes a state of doubt ; and this condition has been
arrived at through various underlying processes, one of which
is a similar attitude in philosophical thought. Here also all de-
finite knowledge has been thrust aside in favor of the supremacy
of doubt, and as a result the foundation of the religious structure
has been severely shaken. But, far from striking fear to the
1883.] ITS RELATIONS TO MODERN THOUGHT. 243
heart, it is hailed by a large following with acclamations of de-
light. It is looked upon as the dawn of a clearer day, which still
lies in the gray shadows of a passing darkness. Doubt is the
beginning of enlightenment. We should not groan beneath the
burden of bewilderment which modern scepticism has placed
upon our shoulders, but heroically bear the onus of a transition
state ; for we are right in the flux of a change from ignorance to
knowledge. Although mostly blind ourselves, we are the bearers
of light to future generations, whose millennial blessings upon
their ancestors shall be the reward of all our sacrifices in bringing
them to a completer knowledge.
That we have not the means of knowing is the reason of our
intellectual blindness, and, logically enough, having no premises
known or knowable, can draw no conclusions. But doubt does
not stop with itself ; it reaches out to denial. Prudence is for-
gotten, and the modern school does not hesitate to deny where
it doubts. As a consequence it endeavors to place opinion on
a positive basis, and to do so makes truth subjective, whether
consciously or not is of little moment to the matter in hand.
Placing all truth in the thinking subject, as a result it denies
objective reality. In this development we have idealism, the
logical outcome . of scepticism. The charge of idealism alto-
gether, and scepticism in the full force of the word, is repudiat-
ed by modern thinkers ; and the object of the present article is
both to inquire into the validity of these charges and to make
an examination into what may be rational grounds for scepticism,
if there be any. As a philosophical system scepticism has not
wanted exponents for its scientific formulation. We find it ex-
pressed with various distinctive modifications from Pyrrho down
to Hume and others of our own day. But it is not here in-
tended to consider it either in its historical development or in
its many formulae. To discuss it in its essence as a rational
principle is alone the object of the present paper. As such it
presents two main divisions : the first, a principle which de-
nies to man the possibility of attaining any truth ; the second,
a system which postulates that man can know just so much
truth as his material nature renders him capable of grasping, but
denies him the knowledge of anything beyond or above his or-
ganic powers. In this latter we may recognize modern agnos-
ticism. Regarding scepticism in its baldest and primary signi-
fication, we find its full expression in the opening passage of
Goethe's Faust, in which the doctor soliloquizes after the fol-
lowing fashion :
244 SCEPTICISM AND [Nov.,
" Philosophy, ah ! and law and medicine,
And, woe is me ! theology also,
Now I have studied through with burning zeal ;
And here I am at last, poor fool ! and am
Wise as I was before : Master yclept,
And doctor too. And now for these ten years
I've led my pupils by the nose
This way and that, and up and down, and see
That we can know just nothing."
Faust has studied philosophy, law, medicine, and theology, and
the conclusion he arrives at is that man "can know just no-
thing." This is scepticism pure. That man can know nothing
is its fundamental principle and its ultimate conclusion. All his
learning Faust regards as an illusion, and ends up where he
supposes he began, in knowing nothing. The aspiration which
he feels within him after truth is but vanity ; the arduous
struggle of a lifetime in search of knowledge terminates only in
the discovery that there is no truth, or, if there is, man cannot
attain it. The seeker after light finds only impenetrable dark-
ness, without a single ray to relieve its awful profound. Know-
ledge is folly, truth a dream, and life a vanity. This is indeed a
dismal creed, and, followed practically, would strangle all action
and finally end in man's annihilation. Faust, believing himself
hopelessly baffled in the pursuit of truth, with a strong natural
inclination to the sensual persuading, falls back upon the ma-
terial and the sensible, which he deludes himself to believe is
the only tangible thing man can grasp. In Faust we have a
fair type of a large class of modern sceptics, with this excep-
tion, however : that they, unlike him, have never labored through
the curriculum of the sciences. Philosophy, law, medicine, and
theology to them are but names imperfectly understood ; but
they let others beat the mazes of learning for them, and then
accept the .conclusion ready-made that man can know nothing.
They do not act practically upon this conclusion, for that is
impossible, and by the law of their being their practical conduct
gives the lie to their theory. But there are results in their prac-
tical life which follow from their speculative belief, and these
results are so serious as to largely affect their moral and social
existence. What are rational grounds for this creed of scepti-
cism is our inquiry.
When the sceptic lays down his principle that man can know
nothing, he enunciates a proposition in which there is an affir-
mation of a truth namely,, the truth of the proposition that man
1883.] ITS RELATIONS TO MODERN THOUGHT. 245
can know nothing-. The form of the proposition itself is negative,
and denies that man can know truth ; but the act of enunciation
is affirmative, and declares that man actually knows a truth to
wit, the truth of this very negative proposition. The position of
the sceptic, then, is this : " It is true that I know this proposition
to be true, and therefore actually know a truth, yet I deny that I
can know any truth." Here, then, in his own words is a direct
contradiction to his first principle the moment he asserts it. He
condemns himself out of his own mouth. In the act of laying
down a fundamental principle he stultifies himself by denying 1
that very principle upon which he would build his whole sys-
tem ! And not only does he do this, but much more that is in
direct conflict with his own method, for he actually lays the
foundation of all truth, unwittingly though it be. In the first
place, he must assume the existence of man before he can
predicate anything of him ; and the sceptic actually predicates
of man the knowledge of a certain truth to wit, the truth of
the proposition that man can know nothing. Underlying the
sceptic's fundamental principle, then, is the necessarily assumed
fact of man's existence. Hence that it is true that man ex-
ists is another truth of which the sceptic cannot doubt, and
must admit in order to declare his own principle. He must
also assume in like manner his own existence, that he may
give utterance to his proposition. In the second place, the
sceptic affirms the truth of the principle of contradiction
namely, that the same thing cannot be and not be at the same
time. For when he declares that man can know nothing he
assumes that nothing is not something; otherwise the contra-
dictory proposition, that man can know something, would be the
same as his proposition, that man can know nothing. Hence he
must admit that a thing cannot be something and nothing at the
same time ; or, to put it differently, the truth of the proposition,
man can know nothing, which the sceptic holds as true, cannot
be the truth of the contradictory proposition that man can know
something ; or, formulated yet more simply, the same truth can-
not be true and not true at the same time. The sceptic, there-
fore, assumes the truth of the principle of contradiction before he
can even state his first principle. In the third place, in asserting
that man can know nothing the sceptic actually declares the con-
trary, as we have seen in his act of enunciation. Now, that he
may enunciate a truth he must first cognize that truth, and that
he may cognize that truth he must have within him a cognizing
principle. That he may know, there must be that by which he
246 SCEPTICISM AND [Nov.,
knows. If this be not so, how does the sceptic come to the
knowledge of the proposition he enunciates? Clearly, then, there
is within him a principle by means of which he knows, and this
is what we call intelligence. That this intelligent principle may
attain the truth he must allow, for he has assumed that it has
already attained the truth of his proposition. Here, then, is a
third truth which he must take for granted to wit, the aptitude
of reason to attain truth. The three primitive truths first, the
existence of the subject, which is called the first fact ; second,
the principle of contradiction, which is called the first principle ;
third, the veracity of reason, which is called the first condition
are denied by the sceptic, and yet in his very denial he is forced
to assume them. In scepticism, therefore, we find its fundamental
principle vicious, and containing a fallacy of so grave a nature
as to be a direct contradiction of itself. Can that be called a ra-
tional system which at the very outset repudiates all reason,
stultifies itself in its first act, and denies the basis of all truth ?
for such are the three primitive truths. Admit the proposition
that man can know nothing, and what is the result ? You have
denied your own existence, for you deny the existence of the
subject ; you annihilate the principle of contradiction, for you de-
clare that truth is not truth ; and you eliminate the first condi-
tion of all philosophical inquiry, for you assert that reason can-
not attain truth. You completely stultify yourself and stagnate
in negation. You take away all terms of action and destroy
thought. What consideration, then, should this system receive
at the hands of honest men? And yet, strange to say, it has
more than once been advocated by men of rare abilities. Unac-
countable as it may seem to us that any rational being could
seriously entertain the sceptical method of inquiry after truth,
yet it is evident that the method in itself is a contradiction to
reason, and it is certain that anything which the sceptics may
have attained in their speculations is due to the tacit assumption
of the three primitive truths, which they would deny, and not to
the application of their own absurd principle of negation.
Pure scepticism, as is evident, is an impossible basis for phi-
losophical inquiry. But what of scepticism in its narrower
meaning, as promulgated by modern agnosticism ? In this latter
there is a strong positive as well as negative element, and at
first sight the positive seems to predominate ; indeed, to such an
extent that this school has received the appellation of positive.
It emphatically affirms that man can know truths of a certain
order, but that this knowledge is confined to the restricted
1883.] ITS RELATIONS TO MODERN THOUGHT. 247
limits of the realm of sensive experience. Matter and its rela-
tions within itself are alone the objects of cognition. As the
material is the only object of perception, so is it the only thing
which exists, as far as man knows. Beyond this point his know-
ledge does not extend. Hence the spiritual is unknowable, and,
as far as he is concerned, has no existence. It may, therefore, be
denied altogether. In this repudiation of the spiritual is also
included, as a matter of course, the rejection of any supernatu-
ral existence. In this denial of any nature beyond or higher
than the material we find the scepticism of agnosticism. In the
avowed declaration that knowledge of the material alone is cer-
tain we have its positivism or dogmatism. Let us contrast these
counter positions of positivism, and see if they may be reconciled
in one harmonious whole. What are rational grounds for the
elimination of the spiritual from the realm of the knowable, and,
with this restriction upon intellectual cognition in view, what
may be rational foundations for the assertion that man can know
even the truths of the material, will constitute the present object
of our inquiry.
The fundamental principle of agnosticism may be stated in
this wise: everything that is is matter. As this principle essen-
tially denies the metaphysical, agnosticism seeks its verification
in physical science, which is assumed to be the only method of
attaining knowledge. It starts out with the hypothesis of evolu-
tion, an<i in this claims that the justification of its first principle
is found. Its fundamental, then, is hypothetical or conditional,
and not scientific. For science is certain knowledge; an hypothe-
sis is an uncertain supposition, which requires the verification of
the condition upon which it depends before it can attain the
dignity of an absolute truth. If all the conditions be fulfilled it
ceases to be an hypothesis and becomes an established thesis.
Therefore the principle that everything that is is matter is
hypothetical, and cannot by any means be called scientific. It
receives no verification whatever in the established principles
of physical science, and it cannot be verified by metaphysical
methods, since it rejects them. It has no verification by any
means known or knowable. This dictum of agnosticism must
not be taken by itself ; place alongside of it the condition of its
verification, and it will present itself in its imbecility: if every-
thing that is is matter, then everything that is is matter. In
evolution agnosticism places its verification. But evolution has
not been verified, and assumes the very point in question ; for the
evolutionary theory, at least in the minds of its chief exponents,
248 SCEPTICISM AND [Nov.,
is based on the supposition that matter is the one and only thing
in the universe. Such verification, then, is nothing than begging
the question. But granting that the evolutionary process is true
and will yet be verified, it is by no means consequent upon its
acceptance that we must admit that everything that is is matter.
This is a question of another order, which must be proved by
whomsoever holds it, whether evolutionist or agnostic. As the
question now lies, it is taken without proof. Furthermore, such
verification makes evolution itself inexplicable ; for unless there
be behind the evolutionary process a non-material something
which transcends and is the cause of evolution, we are only
rejecting one inexplicable for another. If matter be the reason
of the universe, if we can explain existence, essence, life, thought,
as mere correlatives of matter, how can we explain matter itself ?
Either we must give up the problem as insoluble or assume that
matter is the sufficient reason of itself, which is absurd. For
matter to be the sufficient reason of itself, it would be its own
first cause, to speak in contradiction, and its own ultimate end ;
and this is tantamount to saying that matter is the infinite, neces-
sary, self-existent being. It cannot follow, then, upon the evidence
of the truth of evolution, that everything that is is matter.
Therefore to allow to agnosticism the truth of evolution is not
to grant the truth of its first principle. Where, then, is the
verification of the agnostic position ? It has none, unless it be in
the impossible. It is a baseless assumption, without foundation
in fact or reason, and may be therefore dismissed as destitute of
any philosophical value. It is a system based upon an arbitrary
and irrational hypothesis, leads to no truth, and, carried to its
logical sequence, leaves us in pure scepticism. For, placing us
in the purely material, it tells nothing whatever of matter. It
cannot say that matter is even a reality, for with nothing behind
matter what is it that makes matter real, or, in other words,
what is its effect, that matter is matter ? Surely not itself, for
then matter would be its own cause. Then it must be something
beyond the material, which makes it to be material, gives to
matter its truth and its reality. But agnosticism denies this
something beyond matter, and therefore must accept the other
conclusion, that matter is its own cause, which is to adopt as a
fundamental principle an intrinsic contradiction. This certainly
is not philosophical, whatever else it may be. What is irrational
is not philosophical, and the claims of a system which admits a
contradiction as its first principle to the dignity of a philosophi-
cal science may be justly rejected. Agnosticism cannot vindi-
1883.] ITS RELATIONS TO MODERN THOUGHT. 249
cate the reality of matter, and leaves us in doubt whether our
ideas of matter have any objective reality to correspond to them,
or' whether they are mere images without objective validity.
But to deny the objective validity of ideas is idealism. Agnos-
ticism must accept this deplorable position as the result of its
speculations. Whatever it ends with, it begins with an evident
contradiction, and cannot be called philosophical. Therefore, as
a method of inquiry after truth it may be rationally repudiated,
since it begins with the negation of anything beyond matter, and *
logically finishes with the negation of all things.
Having now considered agnosticism in its philosophical atti-
tude towards the objective world, let us proceed to examine its
relations to the subjective or thinking world, and afterwards its
effects upon the moral world. When the agnostic asserts that
everything that is is matter, he denies the immaterial. At the
same time he predicates of himself the knowledge of the truth
of his proposition. He therefore assumes that he himself is a
being who knows and thinks. But his proposition declares that
everything that is is matter ; and since he himself is or exists, he
also is matter. Furthermore, he knows and thinks, or, in other
words, it is a function of matter to know and think. Here, then,
at the very start is placed upon his shoulders the burden of a
proof to wit, can matter perform the functions of thought ? As
a fact of experience he sees that it is only in matter of a certain
structure and in certain relations that the functions of thought
take place. Matter, then, as matter, does not essentially think,
but matter only under peculiar conditions. Therefore thought
is riot essential to matter, and, if of a material nature, must be
regarded as a mere accident of matter. Again, the agnostic does
not see that matter itself thinks, but simply that thought is exer-
cised within matter of a certain structure and in certain relations.
This much he knows, and no more. Upon this knowledge, then,
all he can infer is that thought is not essential to matter, and
that thought, in as far as he knows, requires for the condition of
its exercise an accompanying material action. Therefore, upon
the assumption that everything that is is matter, all that his
experience tells him is that thought is a mere accident of matter,
and is the result of certain material conditions. But does this in
any way go to show that matter can perform the functions of
thought? Far from it the agnostic has begun at the wrong
end, and has assumed the very thing in question. When he
began his inquiry he took for granted that thought is matter, for
at the start he laid down as his principle that everything is
250 SCEPTICISM AND [Nov.,
matter ; and the only conclusion which his method reaches is
the empty result that thought is a material accident. But let us
begin at the other end, with thought itself, and by an analysis of
it see whether it is the accidental result of material conditions,
or whether it be something intrinsically different from matter
and intrinsically independent of matter in its exercise.
Thought is the act of intelligence, by which it cognizes or
sees. The object of this cognition is truth. Now, an act is
specified by its object, and a faculty by its act. Again, the act
or operation follows the essence, since anything acts only inas-
much as it is that which it is, and its essence constitutes it to be
that which it is. For instance, in the physical order seeing is the
act of the eye, and color is its object. The object of seeing, then,
being color, which is material, that act or operation by which
color is perceived, since it takes its species from the material ob-
ject, is also material ; therefore that which acts materially, as in
this case the eye, is also material in its nature. As truth is the
proper object of cognition or the intellectual knowing, and as
the act of cognition is specified by its object, we can know the
nature of the principle of this operation by ascertaining the
nature of that object about which its act is exercised. What,
then, is truth ? Is it something material, made up of parts, with
extension of parts beyond parts? Has it material qualities, such
as hardness, softness, roundness, color, magnitude, etc.? If so,
what sense attains its qualities ? Has any one seen it with the
eye, heard it, felt it, smelt it, tasted it? Plainly it has never been
attained in any of these ways ; but these are the only means
we have of attaining the material. We certainly know truth,
and if it be material it surely must be the object of one of the
senses. It is evident the senses know it not, and yet we have
attained it. Therefore it follows that there must be some fac-
ulty which does grasp it, and that not material, for truth is es-
sentially immaterial. Truth is the harmony (or conformity) be-
tween the intellect knowing and the object known. It is neither
the object nor the intellect, but is the entity of that harmony (or
conformity) between the two. It has not a single material pro-
perty ; it has no dimensions of length, breadth, or thickness, no
parts, no size, no color, no weight in short, not one material
attribute by which it may be known as matter is known. This
immaterial object, then, is attained by some faculty we possess,
which must be immaterial by its very nature, since through its
act it grasps an immaterial object. We have, therefore, within
us an immaterial principle, by which we cognize truth. Agnos-
1883.] ITS RELATIONS TO MODERN THOUGHT. 251
ticism denies this principle when it asserts that everything that
is is matter. As a consequence it denies truth, and the power
in man of knowing" truth. As we have seen, this principle of
agnosticism destroyed the objective world, and now in its logical
results would annihilate the subjective. Agnosticism, therefore,
in reality is nothing else than pure scepticism, since it denies that
there is truth and that man can know it. It must, therefore, bear
all the odium of that " intolerable contradiction " scepticism.
It is not philosophical and is more unsubstantial than the vaguest
of dreams. To hold that a system which denies all truth is a
safe method of arriving at truth can only lead to gross stulti-
fication.
Agnosticism carried to its legitimate conclusion, as we have
just seen, effectually does away with both the objective and
subjective worlds. Let us now proceed to trace its effects in the
moral world. Here also it results in complete destruction. As
is well known, matter acts under necessary laws; therefore it
acts from necessity. Applying, then, the agnostic principle that
everything that is is matter, since men are no more than matter,
following their material nature, they act from necessity. They
have, therefore, no liberty of action ; but without liberty there is
no free-will, without free-will no responsibility, and without re-
sponsibility no morality. When man acts as a purely material
being, and thereby acting from necessity, he could not act other-
wise than he was predetermined to act. Men are, therefore, not
responsible for what they do, since responsibility can only exist
where there is power of choice or freedom, and necessity rigor-
ously excludes choice. A consequence, then, of the agnostic prin-
ciple is the collapse of the moral order, and with it society.
Necessity then becomes the only supreme and paramount law.
As a fact, the whole history of the human race flatly contradicts
the agnostic position, since all men at all times have regarded
man as a free agent, and even agnosticism dare not openly deny
it. The world, therefore, has always recognized the spiritual
principle in man, since it -has ever admitted his free agency ; and
in this fact, as much of a fact as any sensibly experienced pheno-
menon, agnosticism faces a standing refutation of its rash princi-
ple that everything that is is matter.
It is evident, therefore, that a system which flies in the per-
petual experience of man and overthrows the whole moral struc-
ture can have no just claims to be called philosophical. It pur-
ports to be the most positive system of inquiry after truth ever
formulated, but in reality is the greatest monstrosity of negation
252 BANCROFT'S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. [Nov.,
to which error has yet given birth. It begins at zero and re-
mains there. Its essence is nonentity, and its chief characteristic
inanity. It negates itself and subsists on ignorance. It is a true
intellectual imbecility. It arrogates to itself the dignity of a
philosophy, and yet would annihilate all philosophy. It boasts
itself the offspring of reason, and in its boast repudiates its gene-
sis. It is, in short, what has been aptly termed an " intolerable
contradiction." As we have seen, a logical inquiry into its tenets
sustains the charges of scepticism and idealism. Its scepticism
lies in its denial of anything beyond or above matter, and, as a
consequence, in the denial of truth. Its idealism lies in its denial
of objective reality,' and therefore the objective validity of ideas.
In the assertion of its first principle, that everything that is is
matter, it is pure materialism. Its materialism forces it into
scepticism, its scepticism into idealism, and at last it finds its logi-
cal outcome in absolute negation. It is the nightmare of science
and the confounding of reason :
" Confusion and illusion and relation,
Elusion and occasion and evasion."
BANCROFT'S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.*
III. MARYLAND TOLERATION.
IN our last article, reviewing Mr. Bancroft's History of the
United States in respect to the altered views expressed by the
historian in his two last editions, 1876 and 1883, in regard to the
motives of Lord Baltimore and the character of the Maryland
colony founded by him, we endeavored to show, and we think
successfully, that one of the motives of that illustrious states-
man was to promote the cause of that religion which he had
just embraced, and to which he was zealously attached ; that his
son Caecilius, the second Lord Baltimore/inherited his father's
zeal and motives in the same cause ; that neither of them was
actuated by mercenary motives ; and that Csecilius wisely re-
mained in England, in order to protect and promote the success
of the colony, which he placed under the lieutenancy of his
* History of the United States of America from the Discovery of the Continent. By
George Bancroft. The Author's Last Revision. Vols. i. and ii. New York : D. Appleton &
Co. 1883.
1883.] BANCROFT* 's HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 253
brother Leonard in Maryland, and to struggle for the mainte-
nance of the charter and colony against the opposition of his
enemies and the enemies of his religion.
In the present article we propose to show that another
motive of both of these noblemen was to provide an asylum in
the New World for their fellow-Catholics from the persecution
they were then, enduring in England; that Csecilius Calvert
having succeeded in obtaining a charter which fully enabled him
to accomplish this great and noble purpose, its terms had from
the beginning, and with this purpose, been so enlarged and
elaborated as to enable him to extend the same protection of
civil rights and liberty of conscience to all the oppressed of his
countrymen and to all from whatever country they might come
and of whatever sect or creed ; that the colony of Maryland was
founded upon this principle, which was carried into practice
and became the common law of the province from the founda-
tion of the new commonwealth.
That the Catholics of England suffered a most relentless and
bloody persecution under the penal statutes enacted in the
time of Elizabeth is too well known. Under James I. and
Charles I. the penalties of recusancy were continued, and, the
same laws being still in force, the persecution was still raging.
Lord Baltimore, having joined the persecuted Catholics, endured,
as we have shown in our last article, sufferings and persecu-
tions, in common with his co-religionists, from which the personal
friendship of those sovereigns could not save him. Charges
were preferred against him before the English authorities on
account of his carrying Catholic priests to his Newfoundland
colony of Avalon and having the holy sacrifice of the Mass
celebrated there. These circumstances showed an intention on
his part of making that colony a refuge for his persecuted fellow-
Catholics, where they might practise their religion. He was
prevented from leaving England for Avalon on another occasion
by a writ of ne exeat issued by the very king, his friend, doubt-
lessly on the instigation of his enemies. On another occasion he
was ordered by the king to return to England from Virginia,
and was thus separated from his family, whom he was by this
hurried order of return compelled to leave among his enemies
in Virginia. In Virginia he was repelled from that then inhos-
pitable shore, and the device of tendering to him the oath of
spiritual supremacy, which they knew he could not conscien-
tiously take and would not take, was resorted to designedly in
order to exclude him from that country and to afford his
254 BANCROFT" s HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. [Nov.,
enemies the pretext of accusing- him before the king. His
speedy and compulsory return to England, under such circum-
stances, and the consequent leaving of his family and a consid-
erable amount of plate and treasure behind him, resulting in
the loss of all at sea, are facts which at once place him among
the foremost of English Catholics who had lost and suffered all
for the faith. His son Caecilius came near witnessing the utter
destruction of his colony firstly in England after it was gathered
on board the Ark and Dove, and ready to sail, and secondly and
repeatedly by the machinations and open warfare of Clayborne
and other enemies of the ancient faith after it was settled in
Maryland. He, too, was impoverished by his efforts to found
and save that same colony. Indeed, he had been compelled to
abandon his cherished purpose of leading his colony in person
to a wilderness where their consciences would enjoy liberty, on
account of the religious animosities of the age.
At that time Catholics, by the laws of England, were for-
bidden to maintain their religious services, or to express or
manifest their worship of God by the grand and devotional
ceremonial of their church, and were even required to attend the
worship of the Protestant Church, under penalty of twenty
pounds for each month of absence. Catholic priests were for-
bidden to offer the holy sacrifice of the Mass, under penalty of
two hundred marks for each offence ; and every one assisting or
being present was subjected to a fine of one hundred marks ;
a'nd both priest and layman so worshipping were subjected to
one year's imprisonment. By a subsequent law every priest
was banished from England and could not return under penalty
of death ; and every person harboring, receiving, or assisting such
priest returning to his own country was adjudged guilty of a
capital offence. All Catholics who absented themselves from
Protestant worship were thrown into prison and refused bail
until they conformed to that worship and to the law proscrib-
ing it ; and three months' refusal to conform subjected the poor
Catholic to banishment from his native land. All this was not
enough : by a still later law all Catholics refusing to conform
were forbidden to appear at court, or dwell within ten miles of
London, or go on any occasion more than five miles from their
own houses ; were disqualified and forbidden from practising
medicine, or surgery, or the common or civil law ; or of being
judges, clerks, and such like ; of making presentations to the
church livings within their own gift, or of acting as executors,
guardians, etc. ; and Catholics who were married otherwise than
1883.] BANCROFTS HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 255
by a Protestant minister forfeited all the property received in
such marriage ; if their children were not baptized by a Protes-
tant minister the parents were subjected to a fine of one hun-
dred pounds for each case ; and wherever deceased Catholics
were not buried in a Protestant cemetery the executor was
liable to a fine of twenty pounds for each corpse.' Every child
sent to another country for education forfeited all property to
which he or she was entitled by descent or gift. The house
of every Catholic, though made his castle by the common law
of England, was now made liable to search, and his books and
articles of furniture pertaining to religion might be burned, and
his horses and arms taken from him. The appetite of bigotry
was only stimulated by this legislation to demand something
more odious, and finally a law was enacted by which Catholics
were required by an oath of supremacy to renounce the pope's
temporal power, or suffer imprisonment for life and the con-
fiscation of their property. For the slightest relaxation, or
rather forbearance, on the part of the king to enforce these laws
enormous sums of money were exacted, so that even the rich
were impoverished and the poor annihilated. It is a most im-
portant fact, and one bearing most directly upon our subject as
showing the motives and causes leading to the founding of the
Man-land colony, that many of the Catholic nobility, gentry, and
well-to-do people remonstrated with and petitioned the king,
and in their petition announced to him that if such exactions and
persecutions continued they would be reduced to beggary, and
that unless relief were granted to them they would be com-
pelled to seek in other lands that safety as to their property and
their consciences which they were denied in England.
Now, the argument we make upon these facts is this : The
Catholics of England needed an asylum from religious persecu-
tion outside of their own country ; they had at hand a leader
experienced in colonization, one of their own number, one who
had, like them, suffered for the faith, who was on such terms
personally with the king as to be able to secure a charter and
a grant of land, and who was ready and anxious for this great
and noble work. Here we have the embryo Catholic colony
in the persons of the Catholic gentlemen, their families and
servants, who either were ready to embark in the first expedi-
tion or in those that were soon to follow in the Cal verts, the
Cormvallises, the Brents, the Clarkes, the Fenwicks, the Man-
ners, the Lewgers, the Medleys, and others and the leader and
founder of the proposed asylum in the person of Lord Balti-
256 BANCROFT'S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. [Nov.,
more. And in the preceding facts, detailing the persecutions
they endured at home, we have the motive. Now add the
crowning fact, that they who had the motive did in fact unite
together and perform the very act to which they were thus
impelled by so strong and overpowering a motive did in fact
fly from the hand of persecution to a distant land to which the
persecuting laws did not reach, arid founded a model common-
wealth, and decreed that no man should be persecuted there
for conscience' sake. They had warned their king that if the
persecution did not cease or relax they would fly to a land
of safety, of peace and liberty ; the persecution did not cease
or relax, and they fled to a land where they and all that came
enjoyed safety, peace, and liberty. From such premises who
would dare to draw a conclusion other than that the motive
which prompted the founding of Maryland was to provide an
asylum for human conscience from the ruthless hand of persecu-
tion?
The foregoing view is strongly sustained by that able and
exhaustive treatise on The Foundation of Maryland, by General
Bradley T: Johnson, recently published by the Maryland Histo-
rical Society. From numerous passages to this effect we quote
the following: "It seemed as if England was no longer a place
where men could be free ; and while the Protestants were thus
preparing to seek new homes for themselves in the wilderness,
the Roman Catholics, impelled by the same necessity and driven
by even more cruel laws, began 'to concert among themselves
measures by which a sanctuary for their religion and their liber-
ties could be provided on the same continent where so many
other Englishmen were finding refuge. . . . Thus it was that the
principle of freedom of conscience, as a perfect, concrete polity,
grew up in the mind of Lord Baltimore. . . . This purpose,
wisely conceived and bravely persisted in through all obstacles,
explains everything that has heretofore appeared ambiguous in
the career of Lord Baltimore."
Noscitur a sociis is an old maxim, which justifies us in judging
of the motives of men from the companions and co-laborers in
their enterprises. Let us apply this rule to the first Lord Balti-
more in the earliest stages of his project for the colonization of
Maryland. Catholics were his associates and partners through-
out. Lord Arundel of Wardour, a prominent Catholic noble-
man, was his associate and partner in his earliest efforts in this
direction. Thus as early as February, 1630, we find Lords Balti-
more and Arundel applying to the attorney-general for a grant
1883.] BANCROFTS HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 257
of land south of the James River in the " Province of Carolina."
The death of Lord Arundel on November 7, 1630, deprived Lord
Baltimore of the co-operation of that nobleman. Another friend
and leading counsellor of Lord Baltimore in his noble work was
Father Richard Blount, provincial of the English Jesuits, him-
self a scion of the old Catholic houses of Norfolk, Howard, and
Warwick. Subsequently, when Lord Baltimore visited Vir-
ginia after his abandonment of Avalon, this purpose was still
held in view, though attention was now diverted from Carolina
to the country north of the James and on both sides of Chesa-
peake Bay, which was explored by him ; his companions were
now again Catholics, priests and members of the Society of Jesus
-Father White and two other Jesuits. They must have been
specially charged with this task by their superior, for they made
a report in writing to the provincial, approving the selection
of that region for " the proposed Roman Catholic Refuge," as
stated by General Bradley T. Johnson on the authority of the
Woodstock Letters and Archbishop Carroll's Narrative. The De~
claratio, or " prospectus," so to speak, of the proposed colony,
which we quoted in our last article, and which is attributed to
the pen of Lord Baltimore, or to his direction, was probably con-
curred in by these fathers, and is probably the report referred
to. Its object was to induce the provincial to send some of his
brethren as missionaries with the colonists. That it was by de-
sign and in fact a Catholic colony is thus further seen from the
fact that to provide missionary priests of their own faith to at-
tend to the spiritual wants of the colonists was one of the earli-
est and most earnest efforts of Lord Baltimore.
Not only were Lord Baltimore's associates and partners taken
from among the Catholic noblemen ; his chief advisers and con-
suitors were Catholic priests of the most strictly Catholic and
papal kind the Jesuits. In addition to the counsel and encour-
agement of Father Blount, Father Henry More, another Jesuit
who stood high in the Society during the Lords Baltimore's ef-
forts to secure their charter, but was afterwards provincial of
the Society when the colony had been established under Cascilius
Calvert, was one of his most steadfast friends and advisers. Fa-
ther More was a great-grandson of Sir Thomas More, the great
English chancellor under Henry VIII., who suffered persecution
even unto death for that same faith for which the Catholics of
England were now suffering. The very association of his name
with Lord Baltimore's enterprise is suggestive of Catholic suf-
fering and of a Catholic asylum, for it was of an asylum for the
VOL. xxxvin. 17
25& BANCROFT* s HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. [Nov.,
conscience that his illustrious ancestor was dreaming when he
recorded the vision of Utopia. It is well known that Lord Bal-
timore had constant communication with Father More, which is
an additional proof that Catholic interests, motives, and aspira-
tions were the chief inspiration of the movement.
In England every association and concomitant of the proposed
colony was Catholic, and every effort was made to secure Catho-
lic colonists and to remove all objections to the movement from
the Catholic standpoint. The Jesuits were, in fact, the champions
of the enterprise before the Catholic people of England. So dis-
tinctively Catholic was the movement in England, from its incep-
tion to the embarkation, and long afterwards as long as Catholics
could hold their own, that nearly every objection raised against
it was based on anti-Catholic grounds, and these in turn were
answered on Catholic grounds. A storm of opposition was
raised against the movement on the issue of the charter, as " it
was understood," writes General Bradley T. Johnson, " to carry
with it, especially to Roman Catholics, the right to enjoy their
religion without let or hindrance." The same writer states that
on the appeal of Lord Baltimore to the Jesuits it was determined
" to give the whole power of the Society of Jesus to assist the
enterprise." In furtherance of this purpose the Society under-
took to answer, and did answer in a masterly manner, the vari-
ous and numerous objections raised in England to allowing Ca-
tholics to found in the New World an asylum or place of escape
from the penal laws of the mother-country. Thus it was that
during the preparations for organizing the colony the provincial
of the Jesuits issued a series of answers to the objections which
religious animosity had raised. This curious, interesting, and
valuable document has recently been published by the Maryland
Historical Society in General Johnson's book for the first time,
and, as it has never been printed in any Catholic journal, we
deem it well worth spreading upon our pages :
" Objections Answered Touching Maryland.
" Objection I. It may be objected that the Lawes against the Roman
Catholics were made in order to their Conformity to the Protestant Reli-
gion, for the good of their Soules, and by that means to free this King-
dome of Popery rather than of their persons, but such a Licence for them
to depart this Kingdome, and to go into Maryland, or any Country where
they may have free liberty of their Religion, would take away all hopes of
their Conformity to the Church of England.
" Answer. It is evident that reason of State (for the Safety of King
and Kingdome) more than of Religion was the cause of those Lawes, for
1883.] BANCROFT'S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 259
there are no such divers other professions of Religion in England, although
they be as different from the doctrine of the Protestant Church, established
by Law in this Kingdome, as that of the Roman Catholiques is: And the
Reason of State appears also in the Nature of those Lawes, for they ex-
presse great doubts and jealousies of the said Roman Catholiques affection
to, and dependence on, a foraigne power, and tend therefore, most of them,
to disenable them (by confining, disarming, etc.) from plotting or doing any
mischief to the King or State, and to Secure their allegiance to the King
by oathes, etc., and the penalties of divers of them are abjuration of the
Realme, which puts them out of the way of Conformity to the Church of
England. Moreover, Conversion in matters of Religion, if it bee forced,
should give little satisfaction to a wise state, of the conversion of such
convertites, for those who for worldly respects will break their faith with >
God doubtless, will do it upon a fit occasion much sooner with men ; and
for voluntary conversions such Lawes could be of no use, wherefore cer-
tainly the safety of King and Kingdome was the sole ayme and end of
them.
" Object. II. Such a licence will seem to be a kind of toleration of (at
least a connivance at) Popery, which some may find a scruple of Con-
science to allow of in any part of the King's Dominions, because they es-
teeme it a kind of idolatry, and may therefore conceive that it would
scandalize their Brethren and the common people here.
"Answer. Such scrupulous persons may as well have a scruple to let
the Roman Catnolickes live here, although it be under Persecution, as to
give way to such a licence, because such banishment from a pleasant, plen-
tiful, and one's own native Countrey, into a Wilderness among savages and
wild beasts, although it proceed in a manner from one's own election, yet,
in this case, when it is provoked by other wayes of persecution, is but a
change rather than a freedom of punishment, and perhaps, in some men's
opinions, from one persecution to a worse. For divers Malefactors in this
Kingdome have chosen rather to be hanged than to goe into Virginia,
when upon that condition they have been offered their lives, even at the
place of Execution ; and they may with more ground have a scruple of Con-
science to let any of the said Roman Catholiques to go from hence unto
France, which few or none certainely can have in contemplation of religion
only, and this Parliament hath given passes to divers of them for that pur-
pose, that being more properly the Kings Dominion than is all that great
part of North America, wherein Maryland is included, unto which the
crown of England lays claim, upon the Title of discovery only, except such
part thereof as is actually seated and possessed by some of his Subjects ;
and therefore in the Preamble of the Lord Baltimores Patent of Maryland
the enlargement of the Kings Dominions is recited as the motive of the
grant, which inferres that it could not so properly be esteemed his domin-
ions .before as when by virtue of such a grant it should be planted by
some of his subjects, and if it be all the Kings Dominions notwithstand-
ing ; then why have not such scrupulous persons a scruple to suffer the
Indians (who ar.e undoubted idolators), as they do, to live there, which if
they cannot conveniently prevent, as without question they cannot, unless
it be by granting such a licence, they may as well suffer those whom they
esteeme Idolators, as those whom they and all other Christians whatsoever
260 BANCROFT* s HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. [Nov.,
repute and know to be so, to inhabit and possess^ that Countrey. More-
over, they may also (as well as in this) have a scruple to treat or make or
continue a League, or to trade with any Forraigners of that Religion,
because in their opinions they are Idolators, or to permit the Public Min-
isters of any such Forraigne Prince or State to have the free exercise of
their Religion while they are in England, and may cease giving scandall to
others by such tolerations or conivances : All which nevertheless we see
done, even in these times, and allowed of, as well by the Parliament as the
King, upon reason of State, for the good and safety of his Realme. So
may this Licence be also thought by such persons a good expedient for
the same purpose. And if any (of the weaker sort) should be scandalized
at it, the scandall would be, acceptum not datum, and therefore not to be
regarded by a wise and judicious Prince of State.
" Object. III. By it the Kings revenue will be impaired in loosing
the benefit which the said Laves give him, out of Recusants Estates, while
they continue in England of that possession ef Religion.
"Answer. The end of those Lawes was not the Kings profit, but (as is
said before) the freeing of this Kingdome of Recusants, which deprives the
King of any benefit of them, so as His Majesty will have no \vjong don
him by such a licence, because he will loose nothing by it of what was in-
tended him by the said Lawes : this is no ancient Revenue of the Crowne,
for it had inception but in Queen Elizabeths time, and conformity or aliena-
tion to a Protestant deprives the King of this Revenue. If there were no
crimes at all committed in England, the King would loose i any fines and
confiscations, whereby his Revenue would also be impaired (wch in the
other as in this branch of it is but casuall), and yet, without question, the
King and State would both desire it. The same reason holds in this, con-
sidering what opinion is had here of the Recusants, wherefore it cannot
with good manners be doubted that his Majestic will in this business pre-
ferre his owne benifitte before that which the State shall conceive to be
convenient for his safety and the publique good.
" Object. IV. It would much prejudice this Kingdome by drawing con-
siderable number of people, and transporting of a great deal of wealth
from hence.
"Answer. The number of the Recusants in England is not so great as
that the departure of them all from hence would make any sensible dimi-
nution of people in it, and the possession in Religion would make them
lesse missed here. If the number were great, then consequently (according
to the maximes of this State) they were the more dangerous, and there
would be the more reason by this means to lessen it : And if it bee but
small (as indeed it is), then their absence would little prejudice the King-
dome in the decrease of people, nor will such a Licence occasion the trans-
portation of much wealth out of England, for they shall not need to carey
any considerable summes of money with them, nor is it desired that they
should have leave to do so, but only useful things for a Plantation, as
provisions for clothing and Building and Planting tooles, etc., which will
advantage this Kingdome by increase of trade and vent of its Native Com-
modities, and transferre the rest of their Estates, by Bills of Exchange, into
Bankes beyond Sea, which tends also to the advantage of the Trade of
England, for more stock by this means will be employed in it.
1883.] BANCROFT' s HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 261
" Object. V. It may prove dangerous to Virginia and New England,
where many English Protestants are planted, Maryland being situated
between them both, because it may be suspected that the said Roman
Catholiques will bring in the Spaniards or some other forraigne enemy to
suppresse the Protestants in those parts, or perhaps grow strong enough
to doe it of themselves, or that in time (having the Government of that
Province of Maryland in their hands) they may and will shake off any de-
pendance on the Crown of England.
" Answer. The English Colonies in New England are at least five hun-
dred miles, and that of Virginia one hundred miles, distant from Maryland,
and it will be a long time before planters can be of leisure to think of any
such designe, and there is little cause to doubt that any people as long as
they live peaceably under their own Gouvernment, without Oppression
either in Spiritualls or Temporalls, will desire to bring in any Forraigners
to domineire over them, which misery they would undoubtedly fall into if
any considerable forraigne Prince or State (who are only in this case to be
feared) had the possession of the English Colonies in Virginia or New
England ; But the number of English Protestants already in Virginia and
New England, together with the poverty of those parts, makes it very im-
probable that any Forraigne Prince or State will bee tempted to undergo
the charge and hazard of such a remote designe, it being well known that
the Spanish Colonies in the West Indies are further distant than Europe
is from thence ; if any danger were to be suspected in that way from the
said Recusants, the like suspicion of bringing in a Forraigne Enemy into
England may (as indeed it hath often beene) be had of them while they
are here, for the difference of scituation may balance the difference of the
power between this Kingdome and those parts, for the accomplishment
of such a designe, and certainly (of the two) it were much better to throw
that hazard, if it were any, upon Virginia and New England than to have
it continuee here, much lesse cause is there to feare that they should grow
strong enough of themselves to suppresse the Protestants in those parts:
For there are already at least three times as many Protestants there as
there are Roman Catholiques in England : And the Protestants in Vir-
ginia and New England are like to increase much faster by new supplies
of people yearly from England, etc., than are the Roman Catholiques in
Maryland. Moreover although they should (which God forbid, and which
the English Protestants in those parts will in all probability be still able to
prevent) shake off any dependance on the Crowne of England, yet first
England would by this means be freed of so many suspected persons now
in it.
" Secondly, it would loose little by it : And lastly, even in that case, it
were notwithstanding more for the Honor of the English Nation that
Englishmen, although Roman Catholiques, and although not dependant on
the Crowne of England, should possesse that Countrey than Forraigners,
who otherwise are like to do it : for the Swedes and Dutch have two
severall Plantations already in New England and upon the confines of
Maryland (between the English Colonies in New England and Maryland),
and doe incroach every day more and more upon that Continent, where
there is much more Land than all the Kings Protestant Subjects in all his
Dominions (were they there) would be able to possesse. But the as-
262 BANCROFTS HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. [Nov.,
surance of Protection from the Crowne and Sfate of England, upon all
just occasions, either of danger from a Forraigne Enemy or of any wrongs
which may be done unto them by his Majesties Protestant Subjects in
those parts, and the benefit of trade with England for yearly supplies,
without which they will not be able to subsist, will be strong tyes, if there
were no other, to bind them to continue their dependance on it."
It is a circumstance well worthy of notice that throughout the
foregoing interesting and remarkable document both the ob-
jections raised against the proposed colony of Lord Baltimore
and the answers and defence of the project treat it as entirely
in the light of a Catholic movement and as a Catholic colony.
The name of Maryland Terra Marias which it received way
also in honor of a Catholic queen, Henrietta Maria. But such
were the piety and devotion of the colonists on the voyage out,
and on their landing and always afterwards, that one would sup-
pose that Maryland was named in honor of the Blessed Virgin
Mary, the Queen of Heaven. Thus, too, their first city and
county, their first altar, were named, in her honor, St. Mary's.
The charter of Maryland bears an important relation to the
motives of the Lords Baltimore and their principal associates.
While there is in it an apparent or formal recognition of the then
existing ecclesiastical laws of England, so broad a scope of power
is granted to Lord Baltimore, the Catholic proprietary, that no
English Protestant church or chapel, no minister or adherent
of the Established Church of England, no ecclesiastical law of
England, need ever be seen or tolerated or felt within the colo-
ny, for all these are expressly placed within the free discretion,
control, and power of Lord Baltimore, and he was a pronounced
Catholic. " The charter," writes General Johnson in his Founda-
tion of Maryland, " was considered in itself to be a license to liberal
opinions. It was understood to carry with it, especially to Ro-
man Catholics, the right to enjoy their religion without let or
hindrance. And its liberal provisions were made the ground of
grave objections to permitting them to enjoy its benefits." Im-
pressed with this view of the entire control over ecclesiastical
and religious interests, being by the charter conferred on Lord
Baltimore, the Rev. Ethan Allen, " presbyter of the Protestant
Episcopal Church, Baltimore Co., Md.," in his pamphlet on
Maryland Toleration, publishes the following passages :
" This " (the charter), " it will be perceived, confined the erecting and
founding of churches and chapels, and all places of ^worship, to his " (Lord
Baltimore's) " license and faculty. None, consequently, could be built but
such as he should permit and authorize. It placed thus the erecting of
1883.] BANCROFT'S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 263
Protestant churches, and Roman Catholic ones also, at his will and plea-
sure, so that, if he saw fit, he could forbid and prevent any of either name
from being built."
"Again, it gave him alone the right and power of presenting such
ministers to the churches built as he should choose. . . . The conferring
these powers thus placed the church, whether Romanist or Protestant, in
his hands ; it could not move a step in the matter mentioned, only as he
should see good."
The charter, in respect to the civil, political, and proprietary
rights, powers, and grants, was most comprehensive. The laws
of the colony were to be enacted by the concurrent act of the
lord proprietary and the freemen of the province, a clause
distinctly recognizing the right of popular assemblies to partici-
pate in the law-making power. On this branch of our subject it
is an important fact, which deserves especial mention here, that
shortly before the issue of the Maryland charter that is, in 1628
the Petition of Right was passed in England, by which the great
rights of the English people and principles of English liberty, as
contained in Magna Charta, were reiterated and reaffirmed. It
is true this had been done thirty-two times since the reign of
Henry I. ; its being done at the time now mentioned is signifi-
cant as throwing light upon a broad and liberal principle con-
tained in the charter of Maryland, the tenth section, in these
words :
"We will also, and of our more abundant grace, for us, our heirs and
successors, do firmly charge, constitute, ordain, and command, that the
said province be of our allegiance ; and that all and singular the subjects
and liege-men of us, our heirs and successors, transplanted or to be trans-
planted into the province aforesaid, and the children of them, etc., be and
shall be natives and liege-men of us, our heirs and successors of our
kingdom of England and Ireland, and in all things shall be held reputed
and esteemed as the faithful liege-men of us, etc., also lands, tenements,
revenues, services, and other hereditaments whatsoever, within our king-
dom of England, and other our dominions, to inherit or otherwise purchase,
receive, take, have, hold, buy, possess, and the same to use and enjoy, and
the same to give, sell, alien, and bequeath ; and likewise all privileges,
franchises, and liberties of this our kingdom of England, freely, quietly,
and peaceably to have and possess, and the same may use and enjoy, in the
same manner as our liege-men of England, without impediment, molesta-
tion, vexation, impeachment, or grievance of us, or any of our heirs or
successors ; any statute, act, ordinance, or provision to the contrary
thereof notwithstanding."
It is only necessary to compare the legal and political condi-
tion of the Catholics in Maryland under this clause, which makes
no discrimination between religious creeds, with the miserable
264 BANCROFT'S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. [Nov.,
and unjust condition of the Catholics of England under the per-
secuting laws of Elizabeth, which, as we have already seen, were
at this time enforced against them in the mother-country under
James and Charles. It is not, therefore, a matter of surprise
that bigotry in England was loudly arrayed against the charter
and the colony then and there organizing under it, whereby a
secure asylum was provided for Catholics in Maryland from the
persecution then raging against them in England.
As we have already seen in a previous article, the charter of
Maryland was originally prepared at the instance of the first
Lord Baltimore and in his name, and' that it was in all proba-
bility prepared by himself. Owing to his death it was not issued
to him, but to his son Csecilius, the second Lord Baltimore, who
is represented by his contemporaries and by all subsequent his-
torians as having inherited also his illustrious father's spirit
and intentions. It thus devolved upon this latter nobleman to
carry -those intentions into effect, to announce to the public the
plan or propositions for the colony, to organize it and establish it
as a commonwealth, to shape and direct its policy and laws, and
to defend it before the world. It would not appear from the
Declaratio, or prospectus, of the colony, which is attributed to
his pen or to his direct inspiration, and which we quoted in a
previous article, nor from the answers to the objections raised
against the enterprise, which were prepared by the Jesuits of the
English province and which we have set forth in this article
above, that any effort was made in England prior to the sailing
of the Ark and Dove to obtain other than Catholic colonists, for
the only Protestants known with certainty to have come over
with the expedition were the servants of the Catholic planters.
It is claimed upon mere conjecture that Mr. Cornwallis and Mr.
Hawley, two of the most prominent gentlemen in the early
colony, were Protestants a claim which we will examine here-
after. In any event they were merely the business representa-
tives of the Catholic proprietary, moving and acting as his com-
missioners and under his guidance and direction. In performing
the task thus confided to him Lord Csecilius Baltimore, in ac-
cordance with the spirit and intentions of his father, aimed
chiefly at first at securing a Catholic colony which was exclu-
sively under Catholic auspices and Catholic authority. But it
was intentionally elaborated in the charter that the proprietary
was empowered to shape the future commonwealth so as to
enlarge its sphere of liberty and happiness, and make it the
asylum for the oppressed of all creeds and nations. It is thus
1883.] BANCROFT'S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 265
believed that the second Lord Baltimore applied the liberal
principles of the charter far beyond the scope and purpose of his
father, and that in doing so he proved himself worthy to be
ranked among the foremost, most benevolent, and wisest legis-
lators of the world. The following striking passages from the
document already quoted, The Foundation of Maryland, by
General Johnson, give a pleasing view of the enlightened policy
and enlarged statesmanship of Csecilius Calvert :
',' The minds and hearts of the great body of Englishmen, Protestant
and Roman Catholic alike, were then intent on preserving these great
muniments of liberty.
"When the charter was issued Lord Baltimore must have been im-
pressed with the imminent peril impending over all the free institutions of
England.
" Therefore it was that the undertaking of Arundel, and Baltimore, and
Blount, of Norfolk and Howard " and here let it be remarked how exclu-
sively Catholic is this honored roll of the patrons of the Maryland colony,
as cited by a Protestant writer "committed to his hands alone, broadened
and widened far beyond the aspirations of his father, or the hopes and ex-
pectations of his father's associates ; instead of founding a Roman Catholic
colony in Maryland, as the Pilgrims had founded a Puritan colony in New
England, it became apparent to his wise mind that to secure any liberty
at all he must secure it by the safeguards which, experience had proved,
had protected it for so many centuries in England, and that to make these
safeguards more efficient than they had been in England there must be
extended to all the rights of all men, to the rights of person, of property,
and of thought. He therefore determined to invite all men, of all Chris-
tian people, to emigrate to the new colony, under the conditions of the
charter. . . .
" Lord Baltimore, from the very initiation of his enterprise, deliberately,
maturely, and wisely, upon consultation and advice, determined to devote
his life and fortune to the work of founding a free English state, with its
institutions deeply planted upon the ancient customs, rights, and safe-
guards of free Englishmen, and which should be a sanctuary for all Chris-
tian people for ever."
The view thus presented is creditable to the learned writer
of The Foundation of Maryland. But historically there is nothing
to show that such was the scope of the first Lord Baltimore's
plan, and that the second Lord Baltimore designed at the be-
ginning the foundation of a simply political community, however
excellent in its constitution, rather than to provide an asylum for
his fellow-Catholics from the direful effects of the religious per-
secutions they had to endure in England. Had his policy been
to found a model civil state or commonwealth there would have
been nothing in this plan, noble as it would have been, to have
266 BANCROFT'S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. [Nov.,
engaged the special co-operation of the Catholic noblemen
named above to the exclusion of all Protestant noblemen ; no-
thing to cause the Society of Jesus to throw the whole power of
the Jesuits into its support ; nothing to have caused the selec-
tion of religious men to accompany the colony as chaplains and
missionaries to be made exclusively from Catholic priests, and
they were Jesuits ; nothing to have caused the lack of provision
for the spiritual and religious wants of " all Christian people "
who were thus included in the scheme, according to General
Johnson ; for there was no Protestant minister, nor any minister
besides the Jesuit chaplains of the Catholic colonists, in the
colony for fifteen years from the foundation of Maryland. The
more correct view would seem to be that, having succeeded in
providing an asylum for the persecuted Catholics, the charity
he felt for all men under persecution, the justice he practised in
his dealings with mankind, the consistency which always marked
his well-balanced character, naturally and logically led his mind
to the result which General Johnson so eloquently describes.
Cardinal Manning, in The Vatican Decrees in their bearing on Civil
Allegiance, states the case more correctly as one of consistency
on the part of Lord Baltimore consistency with his own aspira-
tions as the leader of the persecuted Catholics in search of an
asylum, and consistency with a well-known Catholic principle
and on page 88 writes : " Such was the commonwealth founded
by a Catholic upon the broad moral law I have here laid down :
that faith is an act of the will, and that to force men to profess what
they do not believe is contrary to the law of God, and that to
generate faith by force is morally impossible." If the minds of
Protestants as well as of Catholics were, as General Johnson
states, impressed with the necessity of preserving free English
institutions, either at home or by English colonization in Ame-
rica, why did they leave the task to the persecuted Catholics?
When the latter undertook the work why did not the Protestants,
who were thus impressed with the perils impending over En-
glish liberties and institutions, not unite with Lord Baltimore ?
If such was the character of the undertaking, if it was purely
secular and political, why does General Johnson himself attri-
bute it to Catholics and speak of it as their work, characterizing
it as " the undertaking of Arundel, and Baltimore, and Blount, of
Norfolk and of Howard " ? Why does he speak of it as a work
" committed to his [Lord Baltimore's] hands alone " ? It is true
the Catholics of that period of English history have been praised
by the voice of history for their patriotism, for their unselfish
1883.] BANCROFT* s HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 267
devotion to their country and allegiance to their king in the
midst of the most unjust persecution which they were then
enduring at the hands of the king and the authorities and people
of England ; but is it supposable that a people thus circumstanced,
and thus goaded on to seek relief from their torturing position,
should forget their sufferings and their very necessities, and
provide a secular and political asylum where Magna Charta
might be preserved and maintained, perhaps, no better than
in England, and where, perhaps (and this actually happened
afterwards), they would find new persecutors of their faith and
new enemies ot religious liberty ? How could a purely secular
and political enterprise be inaugurated under religious auspices
alone ? The very ships that bore the colonists from the mother-
country to the new land of promise, and the various parts of them,
were committed by Father White to the protection of God, of
course, especially, and then to that of the Blessed Virgin Mary,
St. Ignatius, and the guardian angels of Maryland ; the voyage, as
described by Father White, was a religious and Catholic pil-
grimage across the ocean ; and the first act of the colonists on
landing upon the shores of their new home was to erect a cross
and bear it in solemn and triumphal procession, and recite on
bended knees the Litanies of the Holy Cross. All this was to
the secular and political sentiment of England the rankest super-
stition. That Lord Baltimore, through a magnanimous policy,
extended to all Englishmen the blessings of civil and religious lib-
erty which he had succeeded in securing for his persecuted co-
religionists does not show that he was a theorist in political in-
terests and an experimenter in statecraft. Not only do his own
acts and measures show that the relief of his Catholic people
from persecution was his chief object, but this is also confirmed
of the concurrent voice of history.
The charter was the work of the Baltimores, father and son,
and its provisions were such as to enable the lord-proprietary
to carry their exalted purpose into effect. Skilfully drawn, it
was calculated to allay the fears of the Established Church, while
it afforded ample protection and control of affairs to the Catho-
lics. The source from which the Baltimores derived the model
or plan of their commonwealth is also Catholic, and we are in-
debted to the author of The Foundation of Maryland for this
valuable and interesting suggestion and information. We have al-
ready referred with pleasure to the connection which Father More,
the great-grandson of that illustrious Catholic jurist, statesman,
and martyr, Sir Thomas More, had with the Maryland colony,
268
BANCROFT'S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. [Nov.,
and we shall have. more to say on this subject in another article ;
it is with equal satisfaction that we can now connect even the
name of Sir Thomas himself with our model Catholic American
colony. The prototype of the wise and benevolent polity
founded by Lord Baltimore in Maryland can be found nowhere
else than in the writings of Sir Thomas More, and we think
General Johnson clearly shows that the Catholic commonwealth
on the banks of the Chesapeake was modelled after " the best com-
monwealth" the Utopia of the illustrious Catholic lay chancellor
of England, Sir Thomas More. General Johnson writes : " The
religious institutions of the ideal state were exactly such as
Baltimore founded in Maryland." The points of resemblance
between the Utopia of Sir Thomas More and the Maryland act
of religious liberty of 1649 are interesting and instructive. We
think our readers will appreciate an opportunity of reading both,
and of then comparing them together. For this purpose we will
transcribe them both in the following parallel columns :
fj SIR THOMAS MORE'S UTOPIA.
"There be divers kindes of reli-
gion, not only in sondrie partes of
the Islande, but also in divers places
in every citie. Some worship for
God the sonne, some the moon,
some some other of the pianettes.
" They received the Christian re-
ligion with gladness, but they would
not allow unreasonable disputations
concerning it.
"They also which do not agree
to Christ's religion feare no man
frome it, nor speak against any
man that hath received it, saving
that one of our company, in my
presence, was sharply punished.
He, as soon as he was baptised,
began, against our willes, with more
earneste affection than wisdome, to
reason of Christ's religion, and be-
gan to waxe so hote in his matter
that he did not onlye preferre our
religion before al other, but also
did utterly despise and condempne
all other, calling them profane, and
the followers of them wicked and
develish, and the children of ever-
lasting dampnation.
THE MARYLAND ACT CONCERNING
RELIGION.
" Confirmed by the lord proprietor by an in-
strument under his hand and seal, the a6th
day of August, 1650.
"PHILIP CALVERT."
" Forasmuch as, in a well-gouv-
erned and Christian commonwealth,
matters concerning religion and the
honour of our God ought in the
first place to bee taken into serious
consideration, and indevoured to
bee settled, Bee it therefore or-
dayned and enacted by the right
honourable Cecilius lord baron of
Baltimore, absolute lord and pro-
prietary of this province, with the
advice and consent of the upper
and lower house of this general as-
sembly, that whatsoever person or
persons within this province and
the islands thereto belonging shall
from henceforth blaspheme God,
that is, to curse him, or shall deny
our Savior Jesus Christ to be the
Son of God,, or shall deny the Holy
Trinity, the Father, Son, and the
Holy Ghost, or the Godhead, or any
of the said Three persons of the
1883.] BANCROFTS HISTORY OF THE UNITED STA TES. 269
" When he had thus long reason-
ed the matter, they laid hold on
him, accused him, and condemned
him into exile, not as a despiser of
religion, but as -a sedicious person
and a raiser up of dissention amonge
the people.
"For this is one of the ancientest
lawes among them, that no man
shall be blamed for resoninge in
the maintenance of his own reli-
gion. For Kynge Utopus, even at
the first beginning, hearing that the
inhabitantes of the land were, be-
fqre his coming thether, at contin-
uajl dissention and strife among
themselves for their religions ; per-
ceiving also that this common dis-
sention (whiles every severall secte
took several parties in fighting for
their countrey) was the only occa-
sion for his conquest over them al,
as soon as he had gotten the vic-
tory : firste of all he made a decree
that it should be lawful for everie
man to favoure and folowe what re-
ligion he would, and that he mighte
do the best he could to bring other
to his opinion, so that he did it
peaceablie, gentelie, quietlie, and
soberlie, without hastie and conten-
tions, rebuking and inveheing
against other.
" If he could not by faire and gen-
tle speeche induce them unto his.
opinion, yet he should use no kinde
of violence, and refraine from dis-
pleasante and seditious wordes. To
him that would vehemently and fer-
vently in this cause strive and con-
tende. was decreed banishment or
bondage.
" This lawe did Kynge Utopus
make not only for the maintenance
of peace which he sawe through
continuall contention and mutual
hatred utterly extinguished, but
also because he thought the decrie
would make for the furtherance of
religion, whereof he durst define and
Trinity, or the Unity of the God-
head, or shall use or utter any re-
proachful speeches, words, or lan-
guage concerning the Holy Trinity
or any of the sayd three persons
thereof, shall be punished with
death, and confiscation or forfeiture
of all his or her land and goods to
the Lord proprietary and his heires.
"And bee it also enacted by the
authority and with the advice and
consent aforesaid, That whatso-
ever person or persons shall from
henceforth use or utter any re-
proachful words or speeches con-
cerning the blessed Virgin Mary the
mother of- our Savior ; or the Holy
Apostles or Evangelists, or any of
them, shall in such case for the first
offence forfeit to the sayd lord pro-
prietary and his heires, lords and
proprietaries of this province, the
sum of 5;. sterling, or the value
thereof, to bee levied on the goods
and chattels of every such person
so offending ; but in case such of-
fender or offenders shall not then
have goods and chattels sufficient
for the satisfying of such forfeiture,
or that the same be not otherwise
speedily satisfied, that then such
offender or offenders shall be pub-
lickly whipt, and be imprisoned dur-
ing the pleasure of the lord proprie-
tary or the lieutenant or the chiefe
gouvernour of this province for the
time being ; and that every such
offender or offenders for every sec-
ond offence shall forfeit io. ster-
ling, or the value thereof to be levied
as aforesayd, or in case such offend-
er or offenders shall not then have
goods or chattels within this pro-
vince sufficient for that purpose,
then to be publickly and severely
whipt and imprisoned, as is before
expressed ; and that every person
or persons before mentioned offend-
ing herein the third time shall for
such third offence forfeit all his
270 BANCROFT'S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. [Nov.,
determine nothing unadvised, he as
doubting whether God, desiring
manifold and divers sortes of honour,
would inspire sundry men with son-
drie kinds of religion, and this sure-
ly he thought a very unmete and
foolish thing, and a point of arro-
gant presumption to compell all
other by violence and threatenings
to agre to the same that thou be-
levest to be trew. Furthermore,
thoughe there be one religion which
alone is trew, and all other vain and
superstitious, yet did he wel foresee
(so that the matter were handeled
with reason and sober modestie)
that the trueth of the owne powre
would at last issue out and come to
lyghte. But if contention and de-
bate in that behalfe should contin-
uallye be used, as the woorste men
be mooste obstinate and stubbourne,
and in their evyll opinion mooste
contrary, he perceaved that then
the beste and holyest religion
woulde be troden underfote and de-
stroyed by most vain supersticions,
even as good corne by thornes and
weedes overgrowen and chooked.
Therefore all this matter he lefte
undiscussed, and gave to every man
free libertie and choise to beleve
what he woulde."
lands and goods and be forever
banisht and expelled out of this
province.
"And be it also further enacted
by the same authority, advice, and
assent, that whatsoever person or
persons shall from henceforth upon
any occasion of offence or otherwise
in a reproachful manner or way,
declare, call, or denominate any per-
son or persons whatsoever inhabit-
ing, residing, trafficking, trading, or
commercing within this province, or
within any of the ports, harbour,
creeks, Or havens to the same be-
longing, an Heretick, Schismatic,
Idolator, Puritan, Presbyterian, In-
dependant, Popish Priest, Jesuit,
Jesuited Papist, Lutheran, Calvinist,
Anabaptist, Brownist, Antinomian,
Barrowist, Roundhead, Separatist,
or other name or terme in a re-
proachful manner, relating to a
matter of religion, shall for every
such offence forfeit and lose the
sum of 10^. sterling, or the value
thereof to be levied on the goods
and chattels of every such offend-
ers, the one halfe thereof to be for-
feited and paid unto the person or
persons of whom such reproachful
words are or shall be spoken or ut-
tered, and the other halfe to the lord
proprietary and his heires, lords and
proprietaries of this province; but
if such person or persons who shall
at any time utter or speak any such
reproachful words or language shall
not have goods or chattels sufficient
or overt within this province to be
taken to satisfy the penalty afore-
sayd, or that the same be not other-
wise speedily satisfied, that then the
person or persons so offending shall
be publickly whipt and suffer im-
prisonment without bayle or main-
prize until he, she, or they shall
respectfully satisfie the party of-
fended or grieved by such reproach-
ful language, by asking him or her
1883.] BANCROFT'S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 271
respectively forgiveness publickly
for such his offence before the mag-
istrate or chiefe officer or officers of
the towne or place where such of-
fence shall be given.
"And be it further likewise en-
acted by the authority and consent
aforesayd, that every person or
persons within this province that
shall at any time hereafter prophane
the Sabaoth or Lord's day, called
Sunday, by frequent swearing, drunk-
enesse, or by any unciville or dis-
orderly recreation, or by working
on that day when absolute neces-
sity doth not require, shall for every
first offence forfeit 2s. 6d. sterling
or the value thereof ; and for the
second offence $s. sterling or the
value thereof ; and for the third
offence, and for every time he shall
offend in like manner afterwards,
los. sterling or the value there-
of; and in case such offender or
offenders shall not have sufficient
goods or chattels within this pro-
vince to satisfie any of the afore-
sayd penalties respectively hereby
imposed for prophaning the Sabaoth
or Lord's day, called Sunday as
aforesayd, then in every such case
the party so offending shall for the
first and second offence in that kind
be imprisoned till hee or she shall
publickly in open court, before the
chief commander, Judge, or magis-
trate of that county, towne, or pre-
cinct wherein such offence shall be
committed, acknowledge the scan-
dall and offence he hath in that re-
spect given against God and the
good and civil gouvernment of this
province ; and for the third offence
and for every time after shall be
publickly whipt.
"And whereas the inforcing of
the conscience in matters of religion
hath frequently fallen out to be
of dangerous consequence in those
commonwealths where it hath been
272 BANCROFT'S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. [Nov.,
practised, and for the more quiet
and peaceable gouvernment of this
province, and the better to preserve
mutuall love and unity among the
inhabitants here, Bee it, therefore,
also by the lord proprietary, with
the advice and assent of this assem-
bly, ordained and enacted, except as
in this present act is before declared
and set Jorth, that no person or
persons whatsoever in this province
or the islands, ports, harbours,
creeks, or havens thereunto belong-
ing, professing to believe in Jesus
Christ, shall from henceforth be any
waies troubled, molested, or discoun-
tenanced for or in his or her reli-
gion, nor in the free exercise there-
of within this province or the isl-
ands thereto belonging, nor any
way compelled to beleefe or exer-
cise of any other religion against
his or her consent, so as they be
not unfaithful unto the lord pro-
prietary, or molest or conspire the
civil gouvernment, established or to
be established in this province
under him and his heyres ; and that
all and every person or persons that
shall presume contrary to this act
and the true intent and meaning
thereof, directly or indirectly, eyther
in person or estate, wilfully to
wrong, disturb, or trouble or molest,
any person or persons within this
province professing to believe in
Jesus Christ, for or in respect of his
or her religion, or the free exercise
thereof within this prcrvince, other-
wise than is provided for in this act,
that such person or persons so of-
fending shall be compelled to pay
treble damages to the party so
wronged or molested, and for every
such offence shall also forfeit zos.
sterling in money, or the value
thereof, for the use of the lord pro-
prietary and his heires, lords and
proprietaries of this province, and
the other half thereof for the use of
1883.] BANCROFT* s HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 273
the party so wronged or molested as
aforesayd ; or if the party so offend-
ing as aforesayd shall refuse or bee
unable to recompence the party so
wronged or to satisfie such fine or
forfeiture, then such offender shall
be severely punished by publick
whipping and imprisonment during
the pleasure of the lord proprietary
or his lieutenant, or the chiefe
gouvernour of this province for the
time being, without bail or main-
prize.
" And be it further also enacted
by the authority and consent afore-
sayd, that the sheriffe or. other
officer or officers from time to time
to be appointed and authorized for
that purpose of the county, town, or
precinct where every particular of-
fence in this present act contained
shall happen at any time to be com-
mitted, and whereupon there is
hereby a forfeiture, fine, or penalty
imposed, shall from time to time
distrain and seize the goods and
estate of every such person so of-
fending as aforesayd against this
present act or any part thereof, and
sell the same or any part thereof
for the full satisfaction of such for-
feiture, fine, or penalty as aforesayd
restoring to the party so offending
the remainder or overplus of the
sayd goods and estate after such
satisfaction so made as aforesayd."
Another singular and interesting- circumstance in the history
of the early colony of Maryland, one showing how completely
that country was under Catholic r6gime, is the claim of the
Jesuit fathers in the province that the canon law prevailed and
should be observed and enforced in Maryland, and that the
benefit of clergy privilegium clericale existed there. Father
White insisted on these points, and was met with strenuous
opposition by Mr. Lewger, the secretary of the province, a
zealous Catholic. The controversy waxed hot and bitter.
Father White appealed to the provincial, and Mr. Secretary
Lewger to Lord Baltimore, in England ; and they in turn ap-
VOL. XXXVIII. 1 8
274 BANCROFT' s HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. [Nov.,
pealed to Rome. The Jesuits made their claim that the state
should " ye aid and mayntaine to the Church all her rights and liber-
ties which shee hath in other CatJiolick Countryes"
Such strange and crude notions have we often heard ex-
pressed by intelligent laymen, both Catholic and Protestant,
on this subject, that we will briefly, state what is the canon law
and what is the benefit of clergy. Canon law is the general
public code of laws of the Catholic Church. It includes selec-
tions from the civil law of the Romans, selections also from the
Sacred Scriptures relating to discipline ; the decrees of eccle-
siastical councils ; decretal letters of the popes ; extracts from the
writings of the Fathers ; extravagantes, or laws of exceptional
character or outside of the regular code ; ecclesiastical customs,
or common law ; bulls and briefs of the popes ; and, lastly, the
concordats, or treaties, entered into between the popes and par-
ticular kings or nations, which are made " in order to regulate
those modifications of general legislation that the exigencies of
times or other circumstances may demand, are a prominent
feature in the present state of ecclesiastical polity, and are gradu-
ally effecting important changes by making what was before but
a solitary exception to become an almost universal rule."
The benefit of clergy is^he exemption claimed for the clergy,
and indeed for all, even laymen, aiding and engaged in the eccle-
siastical service, from the penalties denounced by the secular
laws of the land against certain crimes, exemption from the ju-
risdiction of the secular courts in such cases, and the creation
and maintenance of ecclesiastical courts with jurisdiction over
such persons and offences.
These claims are based upon the principle that the church,
though a human institution, has a divine origin oi creation, and
is a perfect, visible organization, possessing inherently all that is
necessary for a complete and independent body, such as the
power of legislation and jurisdiction over ecclesiastical persons
and cases.
No formal decision from Rome on the controversy between
Lord Baltimore and the Maryland Jesuits has been made known,
beyond the fact that Lord Baltimore received authority from
Rome to displace the Jesuits in Maryland and supply their
places with secular clergymen. The Jesuits, however, never
left their missions nor relaxed their labors either amongst the
English Catholics or among the Indian tribes. It is alleged by
Father White that the new-comers, or secular priests sent out
to supplant them, on hearing the case of the fathers, united in
1883.] BANCROFTS HISTORY OF THE UNITED SPATES. 275
sustaining their side. At this juncture the whole controversy
was amicably arranged in England between Lord Baltimore, the
proprietary of the province, and Father More, the provincial of
the Jesuits, whereby the jurisdiction of the canon law and the
benefit of clergy were surrendered and abandoned by the So-
ciety, and the Jesuits remained in undisputed possession of their
beloved mission.
The canon law, or corpus juris canonici, has never been pro-
claimed or enforced in this country, nor are we aware of any
other instance where the benefit of clergy has ever been claimed ;
but in some particular sections of our country the canon law is
considered as applicable and in force as far as circumstances will
permit, in consequence of those sections having been colonized
by European countries in which the canon law at the time of
the colonization was in full force, and having received their ec-
clesiastical organization therefrom. In England the claim of
the benefit of clergy was resisted with traditional animosity from
Catholic times, and from the time of Henry VIII. the En-
glish lawyers and legislators had a superstitious hatred and fear
of the long-extinguished pretension equal to that entertained by
Lucifer for holy water ; and it was customary, in preparing
English statutes of a criminal nature, to add after the denuncia-
tion of the punishment the words "without benefit of clergy" even
within a recent time. Some of the old colonial statutes of this
country contained the same meaningless formula. In England
the benefit of clergy was utterly abolished by the statutes of
7 and 8 George IV. Although benefit of clergy never existed
in the United States, we find, singularly enough, an act of Con-
gress of April 30, 1790, wherein it is expressly provided that
there shall be no benefit of clergy for any capital offences under
the statute.
The United States have always been and still remain a mis-
sionary country under the jurisdiction of the Propaganda, as dis-
tinguished from countries in which the full organization of the
church is perfected and canon law promulgated and enforced.
Beyond an occasional newspaper discussion and one or two cases
in which a priest, resisting his bishop, appealed to the courts of
law and claimed the benefits of the canon law, that system of
ecclesiastical jurisprudence has seldom been even discussed or
attempted to be introduced here. In recent years, however, the
Propaganda has introduced a system of ecclesiastical tribunals
into this country, by which in each diocese judices causarum were
selected from among the priests of the diocese to hear and report
276 BANCROFT' s HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. [Nov.,
to the ordinary in cases of ecclesiastical offences charged against
any priest of the diocese. Otherwise we are without the canon
law, though its principles must necessarily be constantly invoked
to a considerable extent by ordinaries of dioceses in deciding ec-
clesiastical questions. During the accumulations of so many
ages the corpus juris canonici has swollen into an enormous mass,
equal in bulk and in the number of volumes to the gigantic pro-
portions of corpus juris civilis of the Romans, perhaps even be-
yond this. Great portions of the canon law are now obsolete,
other portions are too cumbersome now for practical use, and
still greater portions are wholly inapplicable and unsuited to the
wants of the church, of society, and of the world in the nine-
teenth century.
A thorough revision of the canon law seems to be now a
crying necessity. The present illustrious pontiff, Leo XIII.,
seems to us to be peculiarly fitted for the task. His great learn-
ing, his profound research, his untiring habits of labor and study,
his broad and comprehensive statesmanship, his able and skilful
methods of handling the most difficult ecclesiastical affairs, and
his marvellous energy and enlightened enterprise mark him out
as a pope most eminently suited and perhaps providentially ele-
vated to the chair of Peter for attempting and accomplishing
this grand work. To direct and inspire the labors of those
whom he would appoint for this gigantic and erudite task would
be a congenial undertaking with so great and learned a pontiff.
A pontiff who has, with profound intellect, grasped the wants of
the church and of society throughout the Christian world ; who
has revived in our colleges and universities the study of St.
Thomas Aquinas and the Christian philosophy of his school ;
who has raised the Roman doctorate to be a true diploma of
theological and ecclesiastical learning; who, by his prudent,
brave, and skilful diplomacy, has ameliorated the condition of
Catholics under persecuting governments ; who has brought
imperial Prussia and is now bringing republican France to
Canossa; who has taught the world that patriotism cannot be
used as a cloak to cover dynamite and secret societies ; who has
thrown open the treasures of the Vatican Library to the Muse of
History such a pontiff might well attempt, by the aid of learned
.commissions acting under his guidance and inspiration, the revi-
sion, reformation, condensation, simplification, and codification of
the canon law, that it might be made suited to the wants of
the universal church, and of society throughout the world ; that
it might be made applicable to all countries alike and without
1883.] BANCROFT' s HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 277
evasion, and, remaining no longer a dead letter, should become
again a living code, of which every patriarch, prelate, ecclesiastic,
and layman in Christendom would take cognizance on its procla-
mation once for all at Rome, and to which all should render un-
qualified obedience. Such an achievement would be the crown-
ing glory of the already glorious pontificate of Leo XIII. Such
a code we would receive with joy, and hail its introduction into
our own country with reverence and loyalty.
The canon law as it existed in 1641, the introduction of
which into Maryland Lord Baltimore and his Catholic secretary,
Mr. Lewger, so strenuously resisted, and were finally sustained
therein by the great-grandson of Sir Thomas More, the pro-
vincial of the Society of Jesus, was a code vastly different from
that which, under revision, would emanate from the pontificate
of Leo XIII.
We will resume in another article the consideration of Mr.
Bancroft's alterations of the History of the United States, in those
parts especially which relate to the Catholic character of the
Maryland colony. And here we would remind the learned his-
torian of those burning words of Lacordaire in his twentieth
conference of Notre Dame: "Mais on n'emprisonne pas la
raison, on ne brftle pas les faits, on ne deshonore pas la vertu,
on n'assassine pas la logique" You cannot imprison reason, you
cannot burn up facts, you cannot dishonor virtue, you cannot assassi-
nate logic.
278 THE RETURNING COMET OF 1812. [Nov.,
THE RETURNING COMET OF 1812.
ON the 2oth of July, 1812, while the grand army of Napoleon
was entering Russia, a peaceful Frenchman, whose thoughts were
more occupied with conquests in the heavens than on the earth,
succeeded in adding another comet to the list of his discoveries.
It was the tenth which he had been the first among men to set
eyes on ; he had averaged one each year since 1802, when he first
began searching for these mysterious bodies. Strange and mor-
tifying as it must have seemed to him, the magnificent comet of
1811 had been the prize of another observer, though he himself
succeeded in capturing a tolerably bright one in the latter part
of that year.
Seeking for comets seems to have been a real passion^ with
Pons. From 1802 till 1827 he continued perse veringly at it,
being the original discoverer of twenty-eight, few of which, how-
ever, had any special astronomical interest. But the one which
rewarded his labors in 1812, though not attaining any very great
brilliancy, proved, when its orbit was accurately computed, to be
indeed a remarkable object. It was the first after that of Halley
which could, on the ground of the shape of its path alone, be
predicted to return after a long period and an excursion far be-
yond the limits of the solar system as then known. In fact, only
a few years had elapsed since the illustrious Gauss had made the
computation of an elliptic orbit for a body never before observed
a comparatively easy matter ; and the prediction of return for
Halley 's comet, though possible from observations at one appear-
ance, had really been based primarily on its supposed identity
' with those of 1531 and 1607. The comet of 1812 was, then, the
first one of long period the return of which was- definitely an-
nounced on the basis of calculations made from one apparition
alone ; and it was quite a daring assertion on the part of the
great computer Encke that it would return to the neighborhood
of the sun in the early part of 1883.
During the many years which have since elapsed interest in the
fulfilment of this prediction was necessarily postponed ; and the
comet of 1812 passed into temporary oblivion in the number of
short-period ones the returns of which have since been verified.
But as the time for its reappearance approached, the calculations
on it, long shelved, were taken down and re-examined, and its
1883.] THE RETURNING COMET OF 1812. 279
whole supposed path gone over with a view of ascertaining what
disturbances it might have experienced from the action of the
great planets of our system, including the recently-discovered
Neptune. The result of this re-examination, made by Messrs.
Schulhof and Bossert, was that the comet would not pass its
perihelion, or nearest point to the sun, till September of next
year ; and as there seemed little probability of seeing it at a much
longer time before perihelion than three months, no great in-
terest was felt in searching for it as yet. A sweeping epheme-
ris, as it is called, was, however, computed for the convenience of
those who might wish to try their chance of picking it up.
Let us explain briefly what this sweeping ephemeris was. It
must be understood that the position of the comet's orbit in
space was well enough known ; there it was, a clear and distinct
elliptical curve, every point of which was as easily ascertainable
by astronomers as if the comet in 1812 had left a line or trail of
light along its whole path. Let us suppose for a moment that
such a brilliant line, marking its path, had been left. There it
would have been, standing out against the sky, following at any
one time a definite course among the stars, but slowly shifting
its apparent position among them, as this earth swung round
through its own orbit about the sun. Sometimes this line would
have seemed to have nearly its true elliptical shape ; sometimes,
on the other hand, as we passed through the plane in which it
lay, and saw it, as it were, edgeways, it would have appeared
quite straight.
Now, the orbit or path of the comet, of course, was not in fact
a line of light, nor was it naturally visible in any way. But it
could be made practically visible by the knowledge of astrono-
mers as to its real position. The course it would follow over its
background of stars at any time of year could be calculated, and
this course plotted on a celestial map. These plottings, being
made for dates at regular intervals, say of five or ten days,
through the year, constitute, then, the sweeping ephemeris so
called because if any one should wish to find the expected comet
at any one of these dates, he would only have to sweep with his
telescope along the plotted curve corresponding to that particu-
lar date. If the comet could be seen at all it would be seen
somewhere on that curve, for the simple reason that it is really
somewhere on the actual curve in space which has thus, as has
been said, been made practically visible.
But why not, it may be asked, instead of putting down this
curve on the map for various times, put down the place which
280 THE RETURNING COMET OF 1812. [Nov.,
the comet itself would apparently occupy among the stars at
those times? To this it must be answered that such a thing
would be highly desirable ; it is often done when our knowledge
is precise enough, and the result is what we call an ephemeris
simply, without any " sweeping " about it. But the difficulty of
doing it in this case was this : that though, as has been said, we
knew the position and shape of the orbit very accurately, at least
in its nearer portions, we did not know with sufficient accuracy
the position of the comet in that orbit. It had, indeed, been pre-
dicted that it would arrive at perihelion in September, 1884; but
this result was confessedly liable to great error one way or the
other, so that no one could say with certainty at any time whe-
ther the comet would be one hundred millions or three hundred
millions of miles] from the sun. It was like an expected train,
with the telegraph broken down : we know it is somewhere on
the track, but where it is no one can tell till he sees it.
Such was the state of things at the beginning of September
just past. At that time Mr. W. R. Brooks, of Phelps, N. Y., an-
nounced the detection by himself of an object suspected to be a
comet. He telegraphed its position among the stars to other as-
tronomers, that they might observe it and help to determine its
orbit, should it be a comet, as soon as possible. After a few
days, observations were obtained sufficient for the computation
of an orbit, which was assumed, as it is always with new comets,
to be parabolic in form.
Well, now, it may be asked, was this comet of Mr. Brooks
anywhere on the line corresponding to that date in the sweeping
ephemeris for the comet of 1812? If so, surely it would have
been suspected at once as being that object. The answer is that
it was not on that line, or rather that the line was not on it ;
though it ought to have been, as will be seen subsequently. The
new comet was, therefore, not suspected of identity with the
expected visitor, and various calculations of its path from the
present observations alone were made, which did not agree very
well with each other. This discordance was probably partly
owing to the considerable error of the assumption which had
been made as to the parabolic form of the orbit ; but it was
ascribed rather to the shortness of time as yet elapsed since
discovery and the slowness of the comet's apparent motion.
Further calculation was, therefore, postponed till more observa-
tions should have been made.
It is principally by the discordance of these orbits, and the
want of confidence in them, that the failure of astronomers to
1883.] THE RETURNING COMET OF 1812. 281
recognize the similarity of one of them to that of the comet of
1812 should, as it would seem, be explained ; though the general
belief that the latter was not coming yet may have had some-
thing to do with it, as well as the fact that the line of the sweep-
ing ephemeris was not on the Brooks comet, as has been said.
However, be the reason what it may, this similarity remained
without any practical recognition for several days. When it did
at last succeed in making an impression, it of course naturally
occurred to settle the question of identity by seeing if, after all,
the Brooks comet would not fall on the path of the 1812 comet
projected in the heavens ; and the calculation being made, it
appeared, somewhat to the surprise of the astronomical world,
that such was actually the case. The Brooks comet was found
to be really on the path of that of 1812, and was therefore rea-
sonably assumed to be that body ; and from the definite place
which it occupied in that elliptical orbit it was computed, with
great probability of exactness, that its perihelion passage would
be made on the 25th of January, 1884.
But why was it that the lines marked out in the heavens by
the sweeping ephemeris did not cover it? It was simply that
they were not carried out far enough. It had not been supposed,
as has been said above, that the returning comet of 1812 would
be seen more than about three months before its perihelion ; and,
therefore, the calculations necessary for the projection of its
orbit on the heavens being somewhat laborious, it had not been
considered worth while to make them for a less advanced posi-
tion of the comet in its path. In other words, only a part of the
ellipse, extending to the place the comet would occupy three
months before perihelion, had been thus projected for the various
dates ; but at the time of discovery it actually lacked, as will be
seen by reference to the dates above given, nearly five months of
the time of perihelion. Of course, therefore, the Brooks comet
was not on the lines as actually drawn ; if they had been ex-
tended they would have covered it. The improvement in in-
struments, the skill, vigilance, and assiduity of comet-finders, had
strangely in this case defeated their own ends in causing the
failure to recognize the comet of 1812 by picking it up too soon.
Observations since made confirm the identity of the two
bodies discovered by M. Pons and Mr. Brooks ; and by the in-
formation which we now possess, unusually accurate for such an
early period in a comet's apparition, we are able to predict with
confidence its future course in the heavens. Its apparent path
will be through a part of the sky lying east of the sun, so that at
282 THE RETURNING COMET OF 1812. [Nov.,
the time of its greatest brilliancy, in January, it will be seen in the
western sky after sunset, thus having an advantage over its mag-
nificent predecessor of last year. It is a little curious, by the
way, that this comet should at both apparitions be put in com-
parative obscurity by an unusually splendid one just preceding
it. It will disappear in the southwest early in February.
With regard to its future brightness nothing certain can be
affirmed. The only way we have of calculating it is by assum-
ing it to shine simply by reflected light from the sun, like a
planet ; on this assumption it will be in the middle of January
about seventy times as bright as now (September 27), and ought,
therefore, to be equal then to a star of about the third magnitude,
and easily, though not brilliantly, visible to the naked eye. But
the assumption that comets shine only by reflected light is mani-
festly incorrect in many cases ; and since its discovery this comet
has discountenanced it by suddenly multiplying its light ten or
fifteen times within forty-eight hours. At its apparition in 1812
it was visible to the naked eye with a tail two degrees long ; at
the present one it ought, from its relative position to us, to be
three or four times brighter than then, and will show its tail with
little foreshortening. The chances, therefore, are good for its
making a fairly fine show.
The peculiar interest attached to it is its return on time from
the immense depths of space into which it has plunged, and the
interesting verification which it gives of the laws which govern
the movements of the heavenly bodies ; though, of course, to
professional astronomers no such verification is needed. It will
help to redeem its fellows from the suspicion of being "erratic"
in their movements, and will show that the reason others do not
come back as it has done is simply that the calculations made on
them, giving no indication of anything but a parabolic or infinite
orbit, have not justified any expectation that they would do so.
The ordinary or parabolic comet, while in sight, keeps on its line
as perfectly as this one does ; but the curve on which it runs is
not a closed one, and therefore it would be folly to expect it to
renew its course.
Be it remembered, then, here is the first long-period comet
which has been predicted to return from calculations made on
the shape of its path alone ; and here it is.
One question arises now : If this comet is a periodic one,
why was it not seen before 1812? To this it may be answered
that there was only one previous apparition at which it could JDC
expected to have been noticed, at about 1741 or thereabouts;
1883.] NEW PUBLICATIONS. 283
for previously telescopic comets, as this one would sometimes be
in its whole course, were seldom seen, and even faint, naked-eye
comets would attract little attention. In April, 1742, we have an
account of a comet seen by several persons in the Southern
Ocean, occupying the position that this would have had after
perihelion. But it may be that its first visit to our system was
in 1812, and that it was then, on its approach to the sun, thrown
into an elliptic orbit by the action of one of the outlying planets.
Such tricks have been played with comets before ; in fact, it is
not impossible that such has been the origin of all periodicity or
ellipticity in cometary orbits.
The next similar return of a long-period comet now expected
from calculation is that of the one of 1815, the date of its next
perihelion passage having been assigned by Bessel, one of the
greatest astronomers of this century, for February 9, 1887. Let
us hope that it, too, will sustain the reputation of the discoverer
of gravitation by coming back with the punctuality which that
of 1812 has shown.
NEW PUBLICATIONS.
Pious AFFECTIONS TOWARDS GOD AND THE SAINTS : Meditations for every
day in the year, and for the principal festivals. From the Latin of the
Venerable Nicolas Lancicius, S.J. With a preface by George Porter, of
the same society. London : Burns & Gates. 1883.
We give this book a hearty recommendation. It is an excellent manual
for daily meditation. The matter is plain, well chosen, easily remembered,
conveniently divided, and has about it a sort of suggestiveness or fruitful-
ness which is the charm of any good meditation book. As slovenly pre-
paration is the great fault of meditation, Father Porter, himself an expe-
rienced teacher of mental prayer, has wisely dwelt especially upon it in his
preface. Whoever will lay his suggestions to heart and faithfully use this
book, and (we will venture to add) will daily commit to memory a few
sentences from Scripture illustrating the points presented by the saintly
author, will be likely to find relief from the distractions and barrenness
often besetting mental prayer.
THE LIFE OF MARTIN LUTHER. Compiled from reliable sources by the
Rev. William Stang. New York : Fr. Pustet & Co. 1883.
This is a short, timely, and authentic record of the life of the father of
the so-called Reformation. The author has done well in allowing Luther
to depict himself. Its readers who are convincible cannot help making
the reflection that when such a man as Martin Luther turns reformer one
284 NEW PUBLICATIONS. [Nov.,
might as well expect to gather figs of thistles or grails of thorns as the
purification, from such hands, of the church of God. This fourth centen-
nial, by spreading genuine information of the life of Martin Luther, appears
destined to cover the originator of the religious revolution of the sixteenth
century with merited disgrace. All seekers after truth, and lovers of it,
should read this book.
SERMONS AND DISCOURSES BY THE LATE MOST REV. JOHN MACHALE, D.D.,
ARCHBISHOP OF TUAM. Edited by Thomas MacHale, D.D., Ph.D.
Dublin : M. H. Gill & Son. New York : The Catholic Publication
Society Co., 9 Barclay Street. 1883.
An admirable collection ot sermons on general subjects and for par-
ticular occasions, marked throughout by the eloquence, thought, and
learning of their distinguished author, whose name only needs to be men-
tioned to command attention and interest for these discourses, and to as-
sure them to be models of sacred oratory, as indeed they are.
GROWTH IN THE KNOWLEDGE OF OUR LORD. Meditations adapted from
the French original of the Abbe De Brandt, by a Daughter of the
Cross. Vols. iii. and iv. London : Burns & Gates. 1883.
In the January number of this magazine we called attention to the first
volume of these Meditations as promising to be a real addition to this par-
ticular kind of spiritual and ascetic works.
Now that the series is complete, and we are in a position to judge with
knowledge and to praise with discrimination, it is due the compiler and
translator to say that the promise has been fulfilled, and we trust many
souls will profit by her labor. For solidity, for a fulness of treatment at
once sufficient and yet suggestive, for a completeness of subjects suited
to the great devotions, to the greater feast-days, days of retreat, etc., we
know of none for general use in private or for communities equal to these
.here published.
THE SERAPHIC OCTAVE ; or, Spiritual Retreat of Eight Days for all the
Children of St. Francis of Assisi. Adapted for the use of all Religious.
St. Louis: B. Herder. 1883.
This is a practical, solid, and most useful work for those who make
retreats. There is needed a variety of this kind of books, and we are glad
to have this one from a Franciscan source. The translation reads well, and
the get-up of the volume is creditable to the publisher.
Jus CANONICUM JUXTA ORDINEM DECRETALIUM RECENTIORIBUS SEDIS
APOSTOLIOE DECRETIS ET RECIVE RATIONI IN OMNIBUS CONSONUM.
Auctore E. Grandclaude, Vicario Generali, Doctore in Sacra Theo-
logia et in Jure Canonico. Parisiis : apud Victorem Lecoffre. 1882.
This is a very profound, extensive, and able treatise on canon law, in
three volumes, containing in all about eighteen hundred pages. It follows,
as intimated in 4 the title, the order of the five books of Decretals, and is
prefaced by a general treatise on canon and civil law, and on the Roman
Curia. From what examination we have been able to give it, it strikes us
1883.] NEW PUBLICATIONS. 285
as being the most satisfactory and thorough work on the subject which
has appeared in recent times.
THE ILLUSTRATED CATHOLIC FAMILY ANNUAL FOR 1884. With Calen-
dars calculated for different parallels of latitude and adapted for use
throughout the United States. New York: The Catholic Publica-
tion Society Co.
This is the sixteenth year of the Annual, and it is a pleasure to see
that, excellent as it has always been, it continues to improve, especially in
the engravings. The portraits particularly are good ; for instance, that of
Cardinal Cheverus, who was the first bishop of Boston, and that of the late
Father Pise, of Brooklyn. A fine face, too, is that of the first bishop of St.
Louis, the polished yet energetic and warm-hearted Italian, Rosati. There
is also the keen yet true and earnest Scotch face of the late Mr. James
Burns, the founder of the well-known London Catholic publishing house
of Burns & Gates, who, the son of a Presbyterian minister and for many
years one of the most noted Protestant publishers in England, sacrificed
many advantages on becoming a Catholic, and devoted the rest of his life
.to the formation of a good Catholic literature for his countrymen. Besides
the many well-written articles of contemporary Catholic biography, includ-
ing, in addition to those already named, Archbishop Hannan of Halifax,
Louis Veuillot, Father Saint-Cyr, "the pioneer priest of Chicago," Father
Thomas Burke, O.P., Archbishop Wood of Philadelphia, all gone to their
reward within the last year, there are several interesting historical sketches.
Among the last are " The Albigenses," " St. Dominic," "The Waldenses,"
" St. Teresa and the Carmelites," " St. Francis Xavier," " The Baron of St.
Castine," " Mary Ward," foundress in the sixteenth century of the English
Institute of the Blessed Virgin, and " Frances Mary Teresa Ball," foundress
in this century of the Irish Institute of the Blessed Virgin. There are
statistics too, such as many readers are apt to pass unnoticed, though
their compilation requires skill and labor, and a sagacious scrutiny of them
is very instructive. Then there are interesting accounts of historical
localities, and there is one of the clearest and best-written descriptions
yet published of the great suspension bridge between New York and
Brooklyn, a description which its author has had revised by the chief
engineer of the bridge. In fact, the one hundred and fifty-six pages of the
deservedly successful Annual are full of interesting and highly instructive
articles by competent writers.
ANNALS OF FORT MACKINAC. By Dwight H. Kelton, Lieutenant United
States Army. Revised edition. 1883.
In 1877 the Very Rev. Father Jacket, who is dean of the district, dis-
covered the remains of the heroic missionary Father Marquette at the vil-
lage of St. Ignace, on the site of the little Jesuit church, where they had
been interred June 9, 1677, just two hundred years before. The pamphlet
above, by Lieut. Kelton, of the Tenth United States Infantry, even though
it follows the dry method of annals, is interesting reading, and in a greater
degree is valuable for those who have anything to do with keeping the
annals of the church in the region about the upper great lakes.
Michilimackinac, Lieut. Kelton says, means the country of the Mishini-
286 NEW PUBLICATIONS. [Nov.,
maki, and was originally applied to the eastern half of the upper penin-
sula, and now in its shortened form of Mackinac it is applied to the island
and the strait just south of Pointe St. Ignace. These Annals cover the his-
tory of the region from 1634, when it was first visited by Jean Nicolet, to
the present time. Many vicissitudes have overtaken the little village of
St. Ignace and the island of Mackinac, with its fort begun by the English
in 1780 to replace the fort at "Old Mackinac," on the north shore. In the
winter of 1680-1 the famous explorer, Father Hennepin, of the Recollects
of St. Francis, was at St. Ignace and enrolled the fur-traders there in the
third order of St. Francis. By the surrender of Quebec in 1759 this region
passed to the English, though Pontiac took the fort at Old Mackinac from
them and held it for a short while. By various devices the English, in
spite of the treaty of 1783, maintained possession of the new fort until 1796,
and again in 1812 captured it from us. In 1814 our troops made an assault,
but in vain. The British garrison at that time consisted principally of the
Glengarry Light Infantry, a force enlisted among the Catholic Scotch
Highlanders of Glengarry in Canada. Lieut. Kelton's pamphlet gives lists
of the priests who have served this mission from 1670 to 1883, as well as
of the respective French and English commandants previous to American '
possession, and of the officers of the garrison of Fort Mackinac since.
CROWN OF THORNS, and other Tales. 24mo, pp. 69. Baltimore : John B.
Piet & Co.
SIMON VERDE ; or, The Good-Natured Man. By the author of Tasso's
f Enchanted Ground. 24010, pp. 105. Baltimore : John B. Piet & Co.
THE FEAST OF FLOWERS, and other Tales. 24mo, pp. 70. Baltimore : John
B. Piet & Co.
FILIAL LOVE BEFORE ALL, and other Tales. 24010, pp. 104. Baltimore :
John B. Piet & Co.
THE QUEEN'S CONFESSION ; or, The Martyrdom of St. John Nepomucene.
From the French of Raoul de Navery. i8mo, pp. 174. Baltimore : John
B. Piet & Co.
There can be no hesitation in recommending the above five books to
those selecting reading matter for the younger Catholic children. The
Queen's Confession, though, it must be said, is adapted for more advanced chil-
dren also, and would not be uninteresting to older readers even. Its story
deals with the great patron saint of the Czechs, that holy priest, John of
Nepomuk, who sacrificed his life rather than break the seal of confession.
The preface is written by a Franciscan friar of the Irish province, who hides
himself under initials; and, as he well says, "the story of Queen Jane's [of.
Bohemia] life is worth telling. She had all the virtues of a modest maiden,
a suffering queen, and a saintly woman. St. John Nepomucene is one of
the martyrs of the church. His courage, piety, fortitude, and death
demand the reverence of the priest and the esteem of every one that reads
the history of his life."
ROSE PARNELL, THE FLOWER OF AVONDALE. A Tale of the Rebellion, '98.
By D. P. Conyngham, LL.D. New York : D. & J. Sadlier & Co. 1883.
Under the guise of a romance, the heroine of which is a member of a
well-known Irish family that for some generations has been identified with
the patriotic party in Ireland, the author has made a skilful and interest-
1883.] NEW PUBLICATIONS. 287
ing historical picture of some of the scenes in the ill-conducted and luckless
attempt of a part of the Irish people in 1798 to win freedom. The author
himself a gentleman who, besides being a man of literary experience, had
made an honorable record of another kind by what might be called ama-
teur military services in the Union army during the late civil war passed
to his rest only a few months ago, so that any success his book may meet
with cannot profit him now. The scenes of '98 here described are suffi-
ciently soul-stirring, yet, as history vouches, it would be hard to exaggerate
the cruelty of the outrages^ committed at that time by the English troops,
or by the Protestant yeomanry acting in the English service in Ireland.
It is to be hoped that the day of such horrors for Ireland has passed, and
that there is yet in store for the fateful isle a period of peace and of pros-
perity.
THE NORMAL Music COURSE. A series of exercises, studies, and songs, de-
fining and illustrating the art of sight-reading ; progressively arranged
from the first conception and production of tones to the most ad-
vanced choral practice. First Reader. By John W. Tufts and H. E.
Holt, New York.
THE NORMAL Music COURSE, ETC. Second Reader.
MANUAL FOR THE USE OF TEACHERS, to accompany the Readers and
Charts of the Normal Music Course. By John W. Tufts and H. E.
Holt. New York, Boston, Chicago, and San Francisco : D. Appleton &
Co. 1883.
These two musical readers are of a small quarto shape, and both by
their tasteful covers and their handsomely and clearly printed music ought
to prove very attractive to the younger classes in schools, for whom they
are intended. The Manual gives a key to the method followed in the two
readers. The First Reader, which is divided into two parts, contains, first,
so much of theoretical instruction as is necessary, and, secondly, a selec-
tion of very pretty childish songs. The Second Reader, intended for more
advanced classes, develops the theory and contains a still larger collection
of songs than the First Reader.
THE MARTYRS OF CASTELFIDARDO. Translated from the French by a
member of the Presentation Convent, Lixnaw, Co. Kerry. 181110, pp.
vi.-24o. Dublin: M. H. Gill & Son. 1883.
THE LITTLE HUNCHBACK. By the Countess de Segur. Translated by
Clara Mulholland. New edition. i8mo, pp. 287. Dublin : M. H. Gill &
Son. 1883.
WITHOUT BEAUTY; or, The Story of a Plain Woman. Translated from the
French of Mile. Zenaide Fleurot, by Alice Wilmot Chetwode. i8mo,
pp. 304. Dublin : M. H. Gill & Son. 1883.
TALES BY CANON SCHMID. Newly translated by H. J. G. (Containing fif-
teen of the tales.) i8mo, pp. 384. Dublin : M. H. Gill & Son. 1883.
(For sale by the Catholic Publication Society Co.)
The above four little books can be heartily recommended to all who are
looking for something for their children to read. The last-named book
especially, the famous little German tales, will go on its own well-known
and well-appreciated merits, the translation itself being easy, clear, and
idiomatic in its style.
288 NE w PUB LIC A TIONS. [Nov. , 1883.
HISTOIRE DE MADEMOISELLE LE GRAS (LOUISE DE MARILLAC.) FONDA-
TRICE DES FlLLES DE LA CHARITE". PR^CE'DE'E DBS LETTRES DE MGR.
MERMILLOD, EVEQUE D'HE'BRON, VICAIRE APOSTOLIQUE DE GENEVE,
ET DE M. FIAT, SUP^RIEUR GE'NE'RAL DES PR&TRES DE LA MISSION ET
DES FILLES DE LA CHARITY. Paris : Poussielgue Freres. 1883.
This book will be noticed soon.
THE ROSE OF VENICE : A Story of Love, Hatred, and Remorse. By S. Christopher. Balti-
more : John B. Piet & Co. 1883.
LADY GLASTONBURY'S BOUDOIR ; or, The History of Two Weeks. By the author of The New
Utopia, i8mo, pp. 279. London : Burns & Gates. 1883.
VADE MECUM AD INFIRMOS, pro Missionariis America: Septen. Continens preces lingua anglica
et germanica pro cura infirmorum utiles. S. Ludovici. 1883.
NANO NAGLK : her Life, her Labors, and their Fruits. By William Hutch, D.D., president of
St. Colman's College, Fermoy. New edition. Crown 8vo, pp. xvi.-sis. Dublin : M. H.
Gill & Son. 1882.
SHORT MEDITATIONS TO AID Pious SOULS IN THE RECITATION OF THE HOLY ROSARY.
Translated from the French by a Member of the Order of St. Dominic. 32010, pp. vi.~3o8.
New York and Cincinnati : Fr. Pustet. 1883.
BERTHA DE MORNAY, SISTER OF CHARITY : her Life and Writings. With preface by Natalis
de Wailly, member of the French Institute. Translated from the French. i8mo, xvi.-
271. Dublin : Browne & Nolan. 1883.
A NEW DEPARTURE IN THE THEORY AND PRACTICE OF MEDICINE, WITH THEORIES UPON
THE NERVE FORCE, FEVER, CONTAGION, ETC. By C. A. Hardey, M.D., Graduate of the
University of Pennsylvania. New York : P. O'Shea. 1883.
OUR AMERICAN SICILY ; where they grow the genuine Sicily lemon, as well as
" The Orange, Banana, and Guava,
The Pine- Apple, Date, and Cassava."
[A pamphlet description, for Catholic colonization purposes, of the San Antonio colony re-
servation in Florida. By Judge Edmund F. Dunne, the president at San Antonio, Florida.]
THE
CATHOLIC WORLD.
VOL. XXXVIII. DECEMBER, 1883. No. 225.
HENDRIK CONSCIENCE*
HE was a deep thinker who gave the name of the three theo-
logical virtues to the three Catholic countries of Europe whose
destiny it has been to be persecuted for their faith or to have
their rights to independence and autonomy disregarded by
neighboring nations who envied them their prosperity and held
them in subjection. That subjection has been all the more gall-
ing from the fact that in language and character no people could
be conceived less congenial to their powerful masters. Ireland
still has unabated faith in the future which will separate her from
stolid England ; Poland still clings to the hope of shaking off the
iron hand of barbaric Russia ; and Flanders, full of charity, has,
under the common name of Belgium, shared with the Walloon
Provinces her hard-won liberty, after having been for centuries
the battle-ground of the European powers and experiencing in
turn the yoke of Spain, Austria, and France.
As is ..Iways the case, the language has shared the fate of its
conquered people. Tfie poetical strains of the Irish bards and
the quaint periods of the Four Masters sound weird and strange
in the ears of the majority of Erin's children. Government op-
pression has well-nigh silenced the literary voice of Poland's rich
but proscribed tongue. And it is only since Belgium's success-
ful revolution of 1830 that the remembrance of the musical old
* Cfr. Conscience : twee redevoeringen door N. Nelis, Leeraar by 't Athenaeum van Brugge
Rond den Heerd, Bruges, 1882.
Copyright. REV. I. T. HKCKEK. 1883.
290 HENDRIK CONSCIENCE. [Dec.,
rhymes of Van Maerlandt and Simon Stevens have spurred the
free Flemings on to renewed efforts in the field of national litera-
ture. For the last half-century a movement of revival in lett-i's,
architecture, music, and art, none the less effective because con-
fined to so narrow a strip of territory, has steadily been gaining
ground in Flanders. Were its authors less outspoken in the ex-
pression of their Catholic convictions, and did not its leaders
fight in the foremost and fearless ranks of the Catholic ^rty,
their works would long ago have. been brought to the attention
of the outside world and been recognized as not unworthy of the
Flemish masters of the glorious past. But the noble men who
voice their religious sentiments in terse, soul-stirring verse and
mellow, picturesque prose have to contend against a government
of free-mason gueux who became traitors to the faith of their fa-
thers and who are shamefully ignorant of their mothers' tongue.
The rich, musical strains of Peter Benoit's oratorios are wrung
from the melodious chords of a Catholic harp ; the grand con-
ceptions of Baron Bethune, whorii Germany honored as the only
artist whose genius was capable of restoring and completing Co-
logne's historic cathedral, are influenced by the Catholic remi-
niscences of the ages of faith ; Geefs' marble groups and Baron
Wappers' national canvases were created under the masterly in-
fluence of Catholic inspiration ; the historical studies of David,
Willems, and Duclos are stamped with the seal of Catholic truth.
Hence they are ignored at home by the government, who alone
disposes of the means to give them fitting recognition ; they are
belittled or not so much as mentioned abroad by the infidel for-
eign agents of our periodical literature. Not until an American
bard shall display in an English setting the hidden gems of Flem-
ish poetry will Ledeganck's harmonious verse, Gezelle's " Grave-
yard Flowers," and De Coninck's " Mankind Redeemed " ob-
tain their well-earned praise.
That graceful service was rendered years ago . to one whose
works did not become household words in every civilized lan-
guage of the world until they were brought out in English
dress, and who died the other day at the ripe old age of seventy-
one the Catholic and patriot Hendrik Conscience.
It is passing strange that this most renowned of Flemish writ-
ers, whose first work marked fifty years ago the dawn of a splen-
did era of literary wealth, should have been born of a French
father. Pierre Conscience was a native of Besanon, and was ap-
pointed by Napoleon I. harbor-master of Antwerprin recognition
1883.] HENDRIK CONSCIENCE. 291
of repeated deeds of bravery whilst serving in the French navy.
He had been three times in irons on British pontoons as a pris-
oner of war, and the emperor paid the French debt with an office
in conquered Belgium. A Flemish maiden of one of Antwerp's
suburbs gained the affections of the ancient marine, and Hen-
drik, the first-fruit of what proved a happy but short union, was
born December n, 1812.
Pompstreet, situated in St. Andrew's neighborhood, one of
the most populous and picturesque of the ancient city of Ant-
werp, where our hero was born, proved a rich field of observa-
tion to the future delineator of the manners and inner life of the
Flemish people. Pompstreet was what I call a catholic street,
possessing in itself all the elements that go to make up these odd,
irregular thoroughfares of our mediaeval cities, "which modern
travellers admire so much because of their quaintness. In Pomp-
street the neat wooden structure of the modest burgher set off the
gray stone mansion of the noble Salm-Salms, and the poor tene-
ment of the laborer added a bit of quiet color to the broken lines
of the old-fashioned borough. In Pompstreet the tradesman el-
bowed his rich neighbor, who daily witnessed the poverty of his
humbler fellow-citizens, knew their names, took an interest in
their welfare, and learned to practise the precept of Christian
benevolence without wounding their sensitiveness. To the no-
bleman poverty was no distressing and unusual sight, as it is in
these days of magnificent avenues for the rich and of squalid
alleys for the poor. The latter conceded with thankful accept-
ance the rich man's coveted right of unostentatiously alleviat-
ing their distress, and thus they both carried out the beautiful
ideal of universal brotherhood which Christ preached and which
the Catholic Church has ever upheld in society as well as in the
church. To that familiar intercourse of prince and plebeian we
owe many of the most touching pages of The Poor Gentleman, a
powerful drama of family pride struggling with misfortune and
want.
Day after day little Hendrik untiringly watched from a win-
dow of the parental house the ever-varying scenes of busy
Flemish life. For the boy was weak and unable to walk. Fas-
tened in his little arm-chair, the child-invalid would envy the
sports of the other boys romping in the street. His heart yearn-
ed for the sweet companionship of the children of his age, in
whose games he could not share, and the monotony of his
young existence was only broken by the loving caresses of his
mother and the not infrequent visits of gold-spectacled Mr.
292 HENDRIK CONSCIENCE. [Dec,
Tartare, the family doctor. The child's ailments appealed to the
sympathies of the kind-hearted old gentleman. He bestowed the
best of care on his little prote'ge', determined to leave no means
untried to prolong his life, and thus give a chance to nature and
an unimpaired constitution to prove true his assertion, that if
Hendrik lived to be seven years old he would live to be an old
man. Little Hendrik appreciated the sympathetic care of Dr.
Tartare. Like all invalid children whose youthful spirits are
trammelled by bodily infirmities, he became thoughtful and ob-
serving. Whoever has read Conscience's glowing sketch of the
doctor in Siska van Roosemael need not be told that the mature
writer graciously paid the debt contracted by the sickly child.
We are all familiar with the self-denying love of a mother's heart,
and are not surprised to learn that suffering Hendrik was his
mother's pet. To shorten the weary hours of the long day-
each day is an epoch in the life of the child Madame Conscience
would tell, with a woman's tender appreciation of child-nature,
the touching drama of Little Red Ridinghood with a wealth of
details which made the little sufferer forget his own ailments
whilst deeply sympathizing with the cruel fate of the wolf's
gentle victim. The romancer's power of description and pro-
found analysis of the mysterious passions of the human heart, as
exhibited in What a Mother can Suffer and other works, may
be traced to those instructive hours which the doting mother
devoted to the amusement and delight of her story-loving
boy.
Thanks to the unremitting attentions of the doctor, the criti-
cal period was safely passed and Hendrik gained the use of his
limbs when seven years of age. He was not slow in availing
himself of his long-delayed freedom of action, and he now passed
the swift-spent days roaming about the quaint streets of St.
Andrew's parish, every turn of which revealed something new
to the eager eyes of the wondering boy. His father rather en-
couraged this thirst for street information, which filled the mo-
ther with just alarm. The old gentleman was an uncompromis-
ing partisan of the unsound doctrines on education which Jean
Jacques Rousseau's mile had made so popular in revolutionary
France. He left Hendrik to his own devices. Nor was Madame
Conscience's anxiety about the boy diminished when, the fall of
Napoleon having deprived her husband of his official position,
the latter sought in the occupation of shipbreaker and dealer in
waste paper a means of livelihood. Little Hendrik now spent
his days in hunting up books from among the heaps of mis-
1883.] HENDRIK CONSCIENCE. 293
cellaneous discarded literature in his father's junk-shop, and de-
voured their contents with feverish assiduity. However, the
frequent warnings of his mother made a deep impression on the
child's precocious mind, intensified when her death left the eight-
year-old lad without a guide. Two years later Pierre Con-
science moved about half a mile outside the then city walls with
the young wife who had replaced the former in his own if not in
the boy's affections. Unrestrained in the use of his time, Hen-
drik now spent all the hours not devoted to reading in running
about in the fields. In his rambles he frequently met the parish
priest of a neighboring village, who took an interest in him and
invited him to his house. The old priest was deeply versed in
the natural sciences, and whilst preparing the bright lad for his
first Holy Communion gave him an insight in the mysteries of
the laws of nature and taught him to admire its beauties. Con-
science, indeed, grew passionately fond of nature, and, thanks to
his reverend teacher, acquired that appreciation of the beautiful
and that scientific knowledge which assert themselves in almost
every one of his novels. He has embalmed his grateful remem-
brance of the gray old priest, his benefactor, in his fragrant
Leaves from the Book of Nature. It is, no doubt, to his intimacy
with this worthy man that Conscience owed the true religious
feeling which permeates his works.
Hendrik was sixteen years of age when the Conscience family
moved again, this time to the village of Borgerhout. His father
had now seven children by his second wife, and found it hard
work to supply them with the necessaries of life. He intimated
to the youth that it was time he should look out for his own
support. The old gentleman had surely done very little to
enable Hendrik to work for his living ; but young Conscience
was as noble-hearted as he was courageous, and he bravely
looked about him for something to do. The village school-
master, the worthy Mr. Vercammen, having offered him the
position of assistant teacher, he eagerly and thankfully accepted
it. Devoting all the free time which his duties in the class-room
left him to the study of botany and English, he soon came to be
known among the educators of the day as a conscientious and
painstaking teacher. His ability attracted the attention of Mr.
Delin, a schoolmaster of Antwerp, who secured Hendrik's ser-
vices in the larger field of usefulness which his native city af-
forded, and who, an enthusiastic friend of Willems and a tho-
rough Fleming, communicated his own love for the mother-
tongue to the studious youth.
294 HENDRIK CONSCIENCE. [Dec.,
Conscience was diligently performing the duties of his modest
position when the shout for freedom which had startled the
Nassau dynasty within the palace walls and sent them flying
across the border reverberated in the hearts of the people in
every city and hamlet of Belgium. L' Union fait la Force was the
battle-cry which the restless burghers of Brussels sang to the
wild strains of the Muette de Portici. The Flemish Catholics,
goaded to desperation by the religious proscriptions of William
of Holland, who had repeatedly turned a deaf ear to the legiti-
mate complaints respectfully urged by their representatives, took
up the cry and enthusiastically rallied under the banner of
liberty. The patriotic heart of Conscience could not resist the
appeal for " faith and fatherland." In a few days he overcame
his father's opposition and joined the ranks of the volunteers.
But the youth of seventeen soon found out that the school-room
was a poor preparation for a soldier's life with all the privations
which a hastily-declared a"nd unlooked-for war implied. The
hardships of the campaign soon exhausted his untrained strength,
and he found himself sick in the hospital tent of Baelen even
before he had made a stroke or aimed a shot in the cause cf
freedom. The tender ministrations of a young girl of the village,
who nursed him to restored vigor and strength, made the im-
pressive youth almost regret the day he had again to shoulder
the knapsack and the musket. However, he did his duty man-
fully, and, having rejoined his regiment, he fought desperately
at the battle of the Iron Mountain, near Louvain, where his
comrade was shot dead and he himself was seriously wounded.
His adventures during the campaign form the narrative of one
of the best of his books, The Revolution of 1830.
As soon as Conscience's wounds were healed he was sent to
another regiment doing garrison duty in Dendermonde. Here
his youthful appearance and refined feelings attracted the un-
complimentary attention of a rude, ignorant captain, who, bronzed
in the service, had risen from the ranks without acquiring know-
ledge or manners befitting his station. The sensitive school-
master, after having unflinchingly faced shot and shell, now
meekly bowed under the insulting tongue-lash of ill-mannered
Captain Turc, who made him undergo all manner of indignities.
Conscience found a solace, however, in literature ; whilst quar-
tered in Dendermonde he published several patriotic songs in
French which delighted his companions in arms and earned him
the title of chansonnier du rt'giment. And when he took a
scholar's revenge on the captain, who was cordially detested by
1883.] HENDRIK CONSCIENCE. 295
all, by writing satirical verses, the soldiers gleefully made the
echoes of the old barracks resound with the welcome poetical
effusions embodying their grievances set to mirth-provoking
music. There is no telling what punishment the brutal captain
might have visited upon the suffering youth had not a longed-
for furlough freed Conscience from the petty tyranny.
Whilst spending his vacation in Antwerp he made the ac-
quaintance of another poet-soldier, the witty Theodore van
Ryswyck. By a not unusual yet strange law of contrast a last-
ing friendship sprang up between this frolicksome, independent
wag, who found a wild delight in playing practical jokes on his
fellows, and the tender-hearted, thoughtful Conscience, whose
retiring disposition was a perfect antithesis of Van Ryswyck's.
Mutual sympathy, on the other hand, drew Conscience to an-
other most strenuous advocate of the Flemish movement, the
talented John de Laet. This author soon discovered his young
friend's endowments of mind, and encouraged him to devote
them to efforts in the mother-tongue, although he himself was
still giving vent to his soul-stirring writings in unadulterated
French. Mustered out in 1836, Conscience retraced his steps to
the fatherly mansion, which harbored a growth of progeny, but
no corresponding increase of worldly goods. The young man's
exertions to find remunerative employment were but ill-repaid.
The revolution had caused hundreds of students to abandon
college, and six years of a soldier's life had unfitted them for the
liberal professions, which none could enter without a high degree
of literary proficiency. As a result commercial pursuits were
overcrowded. Conscience tried the tramping life of a civil
engineer, but soon came to the rueful conclusion that he had not
the required mathematical training or taste. In sheer despera-
tion he was on the point of keeping the wolf of hunger from the
door by manual labor when a kind Providence threw his literary
friends, Van Ryswyck and De Laet, in his way. This happy
meeting proved the turning-point in his career. Together they
discussed the situation of the Flemish element in the new-formed
nation. They deplored the action of the government, which dis-
criminated against the Flemish tongue by shutting it out of its
administrative bureaus ; they protested against the party spirit
which treated a native idiom as a foreign language, whilst thou-
sands of Flemings could not even understand the official French ;
and from the banks of the Schelde emerged in his literary cradle
the Moses of a persecuted people, who was to emancipate them
and lead them to victory Conscience.
296 HENDRIK CONSCIENCE. [Dec.,
The outlook was anything but encouraging for the Flemish
movement after the successful revolution which culminated in
the independence of the Belgian provinces. Years of French
domination had thrown the native tongue into discredit and had
made the knowledge of French a necessity for all those who as-
pired to an office or a prominent position in public affairs. Nor
had the advent of the Orange dynasty to the government of the
Netherlands bettered the condition of the Flemings. Far from
putting an end to their grievances, the Nassaus, deeming their
language an unwarrantable idiom of the Dutch, treated it as a
rebellious expression of their Catholic faith, and did all in their
power to stifle its local genius under the stately periods of the
less pliant Dutch. After 1830, under the new re'gime, the promi-
nent men of the Belgian nation, in their hatred for the northern
language of the oppressor, sought to thrust the Flemish entirely
aside. The fact that some of the most prominent defenders of
the Flemish tongue, like Van Ryswyck, were publicly known to
be Orangeists gave a color of right to the attempted proscription.
Both Catholic and Liberal parties affected to ignore the language
of the Flemings. Yet the Flemings had stood the brunt of the
battles for independence. But now that liberty was secured, like
the daughters of the priest of Madian who had filled the troughs
with water, they were driven away and prevented from water-
ing Raguel's flocks. A few of their leaders, notably Willems,
loudly asserted their rights and found some encouragement
among the middle classes of the cities where they resided. But
the government made them pay dearly for the -plaudits of the
people. The whole weight of administrative influence was thrown
against them, and old Willems was removed from a prominent
position which he had filled with honor for years in the city of
Antwerp to a petty office in the obscure town of Eecloo. He
threw it up in disgust, and, encouraged by his friends, he went
to Ghent and founded the Belgian Museum. But that learned
periodical, which deserved the plaudits of Germany's most able
writers, which Jacob Grimm admired as the best literary maga-
zine of the day, had to suspend publication for lack of apprecia-
tive subscribers.
However, some of Willems former pupils in Antwerp re-
mained true to his teachings and kept alive the only remnant of
the once famous literary guilds worthy of the name " The Olive-
Branch." Priests and judges, lawyers and doctors, teachers and
letter-loving merchants, all enthusiastic admirers of the then
popular writers, such as Van der Palm, Bilderdyk, and Tollens>
1883.] HENDRIK CONSCIENCE. 297
made up its membership. Theodore van Ryswyck and John de
Laet had just joined the club when Conscience fell in with them.
Both were anxious to add to the strength of its youthful ele-
ment. De Laet, a thorough nationalist, was convinced that new
Flemish blood was wanted to keep up the standard of excellence
of the famous guild and to counteract its Dutch literary tenden-
cies. Both urged him to apply for admission to "The Olive-
Branch." An applicant for membership had to write a Flemish
essay to be submitted for approval to the guild. Following the
tastes of the day with all the more willingness and ease from
the fact that French was his father's tongue, Conscience had up
to that time confined his efforts to French. But now the im-
portunities of his friends overcame his misgivings and he set
about looking for a theme. Rummaging among his father's old
books, he finds an antiquated history of the Netherlands by
Guicciardini, reads therein a graphic description of the ravages
caused by the iconoclasts and of the devastation of the cathedral
of Antwerp in the sixteenth century, and Conscience has found
his subject. Not daring to attempt composition in Flemish, he
intended to write in French, trusting to a laborious translation
for success in his undertaking. For a whole day he painfully
struggles to set down his thoughts in French, but in vain ; his
head was too filled with the exciting scenes of Flemish history.
Finally he seizes his pen, and the hidden spring which was to
flow for fifty years in clear and sparkling streams of living
Flemish prose bubbles forth. He writes with feverish haste and
anxiety until midnight, and before the timid youth seeks his
humble cot for a few hours' rest the first eighteen pages of his
maiden book have been written. He resumes his now pleasing
task the next day. For almost two weeks he scarcely stops to
take his scanty meals. When his story is pretty well under way
he runs to John de Laet, who applauds. Within a month The
Year of Wonders was completed.
In St. James' parish, and not far from the Academy of Fine
Arts, there exists, unaltered to this day, an ancient Flemish inn
styled " The Little Black Horse," a picture of said animal adorn-
ing its old-fashioned signboard. Here the young artists, painters,
and sculptors gathered fifty years ago, and spent the time from
eight to eleven P.M. in discussing art news, the master's tech-
nique and the recent methods of the craft. They aimed at creat-
ing a distinctive Flemish art which should revive the historic
glories of Flanders. The ambitious youths were led to the now
acknowledged realisation of their art-dreams under such able
298 HENDRIK CONSCIENCE. [Dec,,
colorists as Wappers, Leys, and others. Conscience and his two
literary friends were always welcome guests to the merry circle,
and there is no doubt that his companionship with the artists of
the Antwerp school had the most salutary influence on his mind,
adding color to his thought and refinement to his mode of ex.
pressing it. To the habitu6s of " The Little Black Horse " Con-
science first read his manuscript. He possessed to an unusual
degree the charming and rare gift of a powerful and dramatic
reader ; the modulations of his clear, resonant voice swayed the
feelings of his hearers at his will. His sympathetic audience in-
creased night after night, and when the story of The Year of
Wonders was told his enthusiastic friends unanimously agreed
that it should be published. But the young author was un-
known and he had no money ! With the reckless generosity
characteristic of impecunious artists, they all agreed to pledge
their purse to make good any losses the publisher might suffer.
The next day John de Laet, then editor of the Journal d'An-
vcrs, wrote a flaming article in praise of the new Flemish won-
der, and the population of Antwerp was on the tiptoe of ex-
pectation : Who was Conscience ? An old friend of Pierre
Conscience, the author's father, took it upon himself to enlighten
Pierre as to the doings of his son. The old gentleman got into
a French rage. He swore a soldier's oath that Henri should stop
writing in the despicable Flemish tongue and should tear up his
manuscript, or never again set foot across the threshold of the
paternal mansion. Young Conscience had little reason to re-
member with any fondness the family circle or to fear being
taxed with ingratitude. Yet his sensitive soul suffered very
much from this unreasonable opposition, for he truly loved his
aged parent. But the struggle was short ; faith in his future and
love of country gained the day. With a heavy heart he packed
up his scanty wardrobe and sallied forth into the streets of
Borgerhout, not knowing where he would repose his weary
head that night. God watched over him. The unusual sight
of Hendrik Conscience walking along the Antwerp highway,
traveller's fashion, with a bundle on his back, attracted the at-
tention of his friend Charles van Geert, a clever and successful
landscape gardener. As soon as the latter had ascertained his
situation he caught him by the arm and hurried him to Mrs.
Van Geert's house. Van Geert's mother readily agreed to her
son's wishes, and, with a delicate hint not to mind the bill,
directed Conscience to take lodgings at " The King of Spain," a
respectable Borgerhout inn. Much to the disgust of the elder
1883.] HENDRIK CONSCIENCE.
Conscience, The Year of Wonders was printed; and much to the
relief of the son, and to the delight of his generous but poor
friends, it sold rapidly and was read. A few days after the ap-
pearance of the book Wappers sent for the young author and
handed him a formidable-looking envelope with big red seals ;
it contained a letter from a government official announcing to
the timid writer, who as yet shrank from his newly-acquired
fame, that Leopold I. summoned him to Brussels. The king re-
ceived him kindly, and at the end of an hour's audience, during
which he encouraged Conscience to continue his literary labors,
dismissed him with a handsome donation from the royal casket.
Leopold was a far-seeing politician : to make Flemings love their
mother-tongue and to foster its literary renown meant death to
French sympathies and unassailable autonomy to the struggling
little kingdom of Belgium.
The Year of Wonders was far from being a finished work. A
feeble style, imperfect unity, and weak delineation of character
were its least faults in Catholic eyes. Conscience had broached
some dangerous ideas which his religious convictions soon led
him to deplore. He revised and corrected subsequent editions
of the book, and wished henceforth to write nothing in the least
offensive to the Catholic faith. Flushed with his early success,
which, notwithstanding the mentioned defects of the work, was
fully merited by masterly descriptions of events, Conscience
soon produced his second work, a collection of prose and verse
called Phantasy. Our youthful author had the good sense to
realize that it had only an unwarranted success, which was due
to friendly good-will only. Nothing daunted, he resolved to
turn to Belgium's historic heroes for a subject worthy his im-
proving pen and ripening powers. The glorious deeds of
Breidel and De Coninck, which for a time checked French inter-
ference in Flanders, were selected for his patriotic theme. The
result was the world-renowned Lion of Flanders, considered by
most of Conscience's numerous admirers his masterpiece ; it is a
literary gem which would grace the greatest author's jewelled
crown. Published in 1838, it was soon heralded throughout the
land as the triumph of the Flemish cause. Its fast-appearing
editions gave an unwonted impetus to the Catholic Flemish move-
ment, which, at first laughed out of court, has been steadily gaining
ground ever since, and has forced honorable recognition even from
its enemies. Bowing to the verdict of the country, the provincial
government rewarded Conscience with a modest office, which
he soon resigned to go and live with his friend John de Laet.
3oo HENDRIK CONSCIENCE. [Dec.,
\Ve arrive at the eventful year 1839. The European powers
had decided to rob independent Belgium of part of its freed ter-
ritory, Russia insisting on Eastern Limburg, and Luxemburg
being restored to King William of Holland. The " Treaty of the
Twenty-four Articles," consummating the injustice, raised a perfect
storm of indignation, none the less outspoken because impotent,
in Belgium and in the two dismembered provinces. The artis-
tic club of " The Little Black Horse " was not the least vehement
in its denunciation of Machiavelian politics. In February, 1839, a
meeting was called the forerunner of the now famous Antwerp
Meeting and Conscience denounced the treaty in impassioned
tones. He was an eloquent speaker at all times, but on this occa-
sion he surpassed himself and was applauded to the echo. The
results of the meeting were lamentable : threats of death to the
Orangeists were made and acts of violence took place, notably
against the residence of Mayor Legrelle, who had counselled
moderation. The next day all the blame of the disorders was
laid at the door of Conscience, who had not said a word to incite
the riots caused by an irresponsible populace. Deeply resenting
the injustice of the imputation, which found credence even among
his friends, he resolved to retire from public life. Hearing that
Charles van Geert advertised for a gardener, he applied for the
vacant place, to the surprise and mortification of his friend.
However, convinced that his sojourn in the country would help
the embittered man to forget the deplorable occurrence, Van
Geert gave him the superintendence of his Borgerhout gardens.
Conscience was not incompetent to fill the position ; the lessons
of botany given him in boyhood by the old priest had not been
forgotten ; but what he wanted was hard work. For eight
months he indulged with wild energy from morning till night in
manual labor, laying out flower-beds, weeding borders, grading
walks. The high-strung youth was determined to smother the
latent fire which consumed his soul, and to pluck out of his heart
the noble ambition of benefiting his countrymen. Happily, he
struggled in vain. When a committee of his friends called upon
him with the request to deliver a funeral oration at the burial of
Van Bree, the director of the academy, whose death he sincerely
deplored, Conscience could not resist their entreaties, and he was
triumphantly brought back to Antwerp by his jubilant ad-
mirers. The eloquent author did more than justice to their high
expectations of his ability. With such ^loquent diction did he
clothe his noble thoughts that Mayor Legrelle himself, who up
to that day had been unable to hide his resentment, walked up to
1883.] HENDRIK CONSCIENCE. 301
the young orator and publicly complimented him on his talent-
ed effort. The discourse is printed in Conscience's volume of
Speeches. His friend Wappers succeeded Van Bree in the direc-
tion of the Academy of Fine Arts, and procured him the appoint-
ment of secretary to the board of directors a position which he
held for many years. Henceforth above the reach of want, Con-
science in 1842 married Miss Mary Pynen, a native of Antwerp,
who, although she had received the best education, never, says
Mrs. Ida von Duringsfeld, knew a word of French.
From 1839 dates the epoch of Conscience's greatest literary
activity. He published in rapid succession How to become a
Painter ; What a Mother can Suffer, a tragical gem ; Siska van
Roosemael ; History of Belgium; Count Hugo van Craenhove ; Even*
ing Hours ; Leaves from the Book of Nature ; LambrecJit Hensmans ;
Jacob van Artevelde. All these works were read with increasing
avidity by the people, and caused doughty champions of the
Flemish language to come forward and enrich its literature with
the fruits of their busy pen. We mention August Snieders, Van
de Kerckhove, Sleeckx, Jan van Rotterdam, Zettermans, and
Henderickx, nearly all worthy disciples of so illustrious a leader.
Nor was old Father Willems forgotten in his voluntary exile at
Ghent. To make him share in the tardy but popular triumph of
his hopes and aspirations, such distinguished writers as Lede-
ganck, Blommaert, and Rens gathered round him as vernal and
glorious a crown as ever pressed the white locks and careworn
temples of so old and tenacious a gladiator. For years alone he
had struggled with the angel of his fatherland, and he had retired
from the arena lamed but not conquered.
The growing party of Flemings who insisted on the use of
the Flemish language in the courts and legislative halls, being
looked upon as too radical for a country of mixed languages like
Belgium, had been styled Flamingants. Down to 1847 they were
still the Helots of political life. But so bright a galaxy of youth-
ful speakers and writers as those referred to above could not be
expected to submit much longer to political ostracism, as they
could not but see that the public encouraged their efforts. The
Flamingants began to grow restless under the anomalous regime
of a government which they accused of discussing their interests
and sending forth its edicts thereon in a foreign tongue, without
giving them an opportunity to have a representative of their own
give his advice.
Two parties then, as now, strove for the mastery at the polls ;
302 HENDRIK CONSCIENCE. [Dec.,
the Conservatives and the Liberals. Many Catholics still be-
longed to the latter; in fact, the bulk of the party persisted in
claiming that they were thoroughly in sympathy with the
church. The rude awakening from their delusion a few years
later proved how dangerous it is to trifle with the warnings of
ecclesiastical authority and to disobey its rules of action. How-
ever, this much is true : that in those early days the Liberal party
was far from being what it has since become the sink in which
all that attacks religion or seeks to cover the church with its
vituperous slime has gradually settled down, until the more
modern distinction of Catholic Conservatives and Gueux Libe-
ratres has become a descriptive shibboleth of the character of the
members of each political creed. Preparatory to the elections of
1847 the Flemish Antwerp Meeting called on the leaders of the
Liberal party, then in the majority, and demanded the right to
name on their ticket one distinctively Flamingant representative
among the sixteen candidates for the city council. They pre-
sented a man well known for his liberal views. But they were
treated with supreme contempt ; in fact, the Liberal leaders told
the Meeting, " From the very woof-thread unto the shoe latchet,
I will not take of any things that are thine, lest thou say : I have
enriched thee." About the same time John de Laet and Vlees-
chouwer applied for the position of professor of history in the
Antwerp Athenaeum. Their application was not even noticed,
because, said their friends, they belonged to the Flamingant part)'.
These studied slights embittered the Flamingants, and in a
spirit of revenge they started a satirical weekly, De Roskam (The
Currycomb), edited by John de Laet and managed by Vlees-
chouwer, later editor of the bright and well-known Reinaert de
Vos, a paper of *the same saucy class 'of political literature. As
might be expected under the circumstances of its birth, the Curry-
comb was harsh and indulged freely in insulting personalities.
Conscience regularly contributed to the paper ; but, true to his
generous instincts and refined feelings, being no politician, he
never indulged in captious invective. The Currycomb was as
ephemeral in its existence as the overwrought bad feelings which
had engendered it, and it disappeared in 1848. In 1849 t- ne
Flamingants cast their fortunes with the Catholic Conservatives,
who accepted Conscience as their representative candidate.
Conscience had become so popular that, notwithstanding the
utter defeat of the Catholic party, he ran far ahead of his ticket
and came within a few votes of being elected. This was a great
moral victory. It had bee^ won in the face of the most out-
1883.] HENDRIK CONSCIENCE. 303
rageous warfare, such a one as only the enemies of the Catholic
name can stoop to. Indeed, their personal abuse wounded Con-
science's finer sensibilities so much that he left the city in dis-
gust and retired with his family to the Kempen, where he had
formerly tramped to war with knapsack and musket. Fear of
cholera contagion, which had already attacked one of his children,
made his wife urge this step with all the more success.
In the Kempen Conscience enjoyed for a time the beauties
of nature and the quiet of rural life. The recollections of his
youth became more vivid, and he here picked up the subject of
two of his works, The Recruit and Baes Gansendonck. But he was
not allowed to remain long away from the scene of his former
triumphs ; deputation after deputation waited on him and im-
plored him to return to Antwerp. They assured him that the
whole population condemned and deplored the villanous war of
abuse so unjustly waged against him. Conscience, too religious
to harbor revenge and too genial to condemn himself to a per-
petual exile from the city of his birth, gave in and returned amid
the thankful plaudits of the people. He signalized his return to
Antwerp by co-operating most effectively in the establishment of
the first great Flemish popular league, Voor Tael en Kunst (" for
Language and Art "). When asked what its programme should
be he wrote the following noble motto : " Thou sJialt love thy
fatherland, its language, and its fame!" Within a very few
years the league counted more than a thousand members ; the
eloquent lectures of Conscience and the spirited verses of other
gifted writers made its soir6es the most brilliant and sought-for
gatherings of the winter season in the commercial metropolis of
Belgium. Nor did Conscience rest at social success : in the club
were formed arid prepared for public life men eminent in poli-
tics, like Coomans and Jacobs, who to this day fight the noble
battles of law and order, morality and Catholic rights men emi-
nent in literature and art, who have made the traditions of Flem-
ish ascendency in these branches a living reality, the influence of
which is felt to-day all over the European Continent.
Deriving by this time a sufficient income from his publishers
not to depend any longer on the good-will of others, Conscience
resigned his position of secretary to the Antwerp academy
when his friend, the painter Wappers, stepped out as director in
1851. During the following years he published Blind Rosa,
Wooden Clara, Rikketikketak, The Poor Gentleman, The Usurer, The
Grandmother, The War of the Peasants, Hlodwig and Clothildis, The
Plague of the Village, The Happiness of being Rich, Mother Job, Jubilee
304 HENDRIK CONSCIENCE. [Dec.,
Feasts, and The Money Devil. In the meantime the Catholic party
followed up its hard-earned successes which, alas! it lacked the
courage to guard and make stable when in power and had in
1855 honored itself and the Flemish cause by raising Mr. Peter
de Decker to the secretaryship of the interior. Trouble was
brewing in the land which it took all the patriotism of the Ca-
tholics successfully to avert. The Liberal party was finally
showing its hand, now that it had lost its grip on public affairs.
Its leaders, coming out in their true free-mason colors, headed a
campaign of vituperation against their political rivals and against
priests, convents, and churches, of which American Know-no-
things seem to have caught the fanatical spirit about the same
time. Besides, the victories of the French arms in the Crimea
had made the nephew of Napoleon I. as ambitious as his imperial
uncle. He coveted the tempting Belgian morsel, and his emis-
saries were preparing the way for this political boa-constrictor to
swallow it by covering it with the saliva of discontent. They
craftily excited the people to complaints of the existing order of
things and against the party in power complaints which the
Liberals, for purposes of their own, diligently tried to fan into a
flame of rebellion. They descanted on the advantages to com-
merce to be derived from a closer connection with the glorious
empire, and made far more headway than some Liberal indivi-
duals, very patriotic to-day, would care to acknowledge. Secre-
tary De Decker gave proof of far-sighted political wisdom when
he chose Conscience to counteract the imperial machinations,
and to preserve in West Flanders the love for Belgian indepen-
dence, by appointing him commissary of the district with head-
quarters at Courtrai, scarcely six miles from the French frontier.
Conscience fulfilled his mission with enthusiasm and success.
The fire of genuine love of country was burning bright in his
heart, and he who had the pleasure of listening to many of the
speeches which the exigencies of his office gave the commissary
the opportunity of making to the people does not wonder that
West Flanders is to this day the province of Belgium most de-
voted to national independence. During his official career in
Courtrai Conscience, who was always a hard and steady worker,
employed his leisure hours to advantage and wrote successively
Simon 'lurchi, The Evil of the Times, The Young Doctor, The Iron
Coffin, Bella Stock, A Mother s Love, and Bavo and Lievcken.
It was during his ten years' residence in Courtrai that we
learned to know Conscience, then in the manhood of his forty-
seven years. Scarcely above middle height, he was strong,
1883.] HENDRIK CONSCIENCE. 305
broad-shouldered, and well built. His head, covered with long
black hair combed back with some care, was inclined to the
right side. This caused a stoop of the shoulders, which, together
with a very slight halt of gait, a few enthusiasts went so far as
to imitate. We admired his pensive brow ; the slow but pene-
trating glance of his dark, lustrous eyes ; his reserved manners,
at times abrupt owing to a natural nervousness, yet free from all
pedantry. When he appeared in public, arrayed in his gold-em-
broidered dress of office, a double row of ribbons and crosses
with which the potentates of Europe had delighted to honor
him glistening on his patriotic breast, to us college boys Con-
science was a demi-god ! We were proud of the city of our
birth, the ancient Cortoriacum of the Romans, the stronghold of
the middle ages, the modern commercial metropolis of West
Flanders. But who had sung the bloody battle of the Golden
Spurs, fought under its walls in 1302 the most glorious victory
ever won by Flemish arms, that laid low the boasted power of
Philip le Bel of France? Who had added new glories to the
laurels of Breidel and De Coninck, the sturdy burghers under
whose leadership the communes had upheld their rights against
the haughty Gaul's hated power, whose triumphs had made Van
Artevelde's sway possible in imperial Ghent ? Who but our
hero, Conscience, the author of the Lion of Flanders ? Who but
the illustrious writer whose works we devoured and the halo of
whose literary talents shed an unwonted lustre on the bright
escutcheon of our loved Courtrai? Baldwin of Flanders had
marched from our turreted castle to rescue the Holy Land from
the power of the Turk and to wear a royal crown in Jerusalem.
But Conscience was fighting the battles of patriotism and reli-
gion at home. His fame had conquered lands in a manner and
by means which we students valued above swords and cata-
pults. All the peoples of the earth were entwining around his
brow a crown which neither weapons nor insurrections could
wrest from his venerated head. With what enthusiastic yells of
delight and admiration we saluted his appearance on the plat-
form on commencement day! How proud and manly we felt
when he pinned a medal on our breast and pressed the premium
in our hands with words of encouragement that made us cry for
joy ! How we applauded to the echo his burning periods of un-
defiled Flemish as he spurred us on in a well-polished oration to
be true to our language, our God, and our fatherland !
The office of curator of the Wiertz Museum in Brussels hav-
VOL. XXXVIII. 20
306 HENDRIK CONSCIENCE. [Dec.,
ing become vacant in 1867, Conscience was promoted to that
honorable position by Secretary Van den Peereboom. He ac-
cepted the place as a recognition of his labors by the govern-
ment, and moved to the capital with his family in 1868. The
following year was one of sore trials to the now aging father.
His two sons were attacked with a most virulent type of typhus
which proved very contagious in 1869. At the first symptoms
of danger Conscience hurried the boys away to Courtrai ; but
too late : both died. The oldest, Ildephonse Ilde we used to
call him at college was a genius in his way. Of a restless dis-
position, he possessed the unhappy faculty of keeping his pro-
fessors on the jump and his companions in hot water. He had
quite a mechanical and scientific turn of mind, and had dug an
underground cave in his father's garden, where he ensconced
himself, studying chemistry, fooling with powder, and producing
pyrotechnic pieces which a professional would have envied. On
play-days he would give his intimate friends seances which
filled us with amazement, one of his most successful displays
being a miniature volcano which threw up little pebbles and
scoriae, and the lava of which flowed down the sides of the little
mound of sand in the most approved Vesuvius fashion. Every
now and then, to the dismay of the servants, who could not
account for the disappearance to the thrifty housewife, his
mother, Ilde would abstract pieces of furniture with which to
adorn his subterranean den. He would likely have kept his
doings much longer from the gaze of the uninitiated, had not a
gunpowder explosion which burned his hair and singed his eye-
brows and lashes brought down the vault on his cracked head.
In athletic performances he was a marvel of agility, and we have
seen him on the ice leap on skates across five chairs in a row
with a recklessness without parallel outside a circus. His too
tender-hearted father could not find fault with his pranks, but he
felt much grieved when wild Ilde ran away from home and sailed
to America. The boy roamed over the Western prairies for
more than a year, hunting and fishing, now the guest of a friend-
ly tribe, again the welcome visitor to the cabin of the border
pioneer. It was rumored, when he landed in Belgium on his
return, that his father was to make his adventures the subject
of one of his works, but death buried Ilde's adventures with his
father's love for the wayward boy.
Since 1-868 Conscience published The Minute-Men of Flanders,
A Good Heart, Edward 't Serclaes, Felix Roobecti s Uncle, Felix Roo-
beck's Treasure, Money and Nobility, etc. The fiftieth anniversary
1883.] HENDRIK CONSCIENCE. 307
of the day when he first stirred up love of country in the hearts
of his companions in arms with jubilant verse and joyous song
found him still writing with unweakening power for the gratifi-
cation and instruction of his countrymen. The government
commemorated the day by creating him a Grand Commander of
the Order of Leopold, and the people celebrated the golden
jubilee of the Flemish bard with national festivities not unlike the
crowning of Petrarch at the Roman Capitol. For half a century
Conscience had unremittingly and manfully fought for the rights
of his Flemish fellow-citizens ; for half a century he had worked
with untiring energy to revive in their breasts the love of their
mother-tongue ; for half a century he had written to enlight-
en their minds, ennoble their hearts, purify their morals, and
strengthen their Catholic faith. His efforts have been crowned
with success : infidel and immoral books are unknown in the
Flemish tongue ; Flanders is thoroughly imbued with a spirit of
patriotism and love of country, all the more healthy and lasting
because subordinate to a faith as unshaken in its practice as the
divine laws which inspire and enforce it. To-day the Flemings
are a power in the legislative halls of the Belgian nation, and the
time is not distant when they will victoriously sweep away from
the capital the cursed brood of free-thinking vultures who are
eating away the substance of the people, and are making the
Belgian name a reproach to Catholic nations and a stench in the
nostrils of honest governments. All honor to Conscience, who
revealed to them their strength and tested it triumphantly in the
public arena ! All honor to the man who, after the death-dealing
torrent of rotten French novels had swept over the Continent,
leaving moral and physical wreck in its slimy path, taught the
world in a till then despised and unknown tongue, soon translated
into all languages for the benefit of the nations, that a novel is
not necessarily the grave of morality, nor a novel-writer inevita-
; bly a poisoner of souls ! A nation's gratitude was fittingly dis-
played in Belgium's capital on the 25th of September, 1881, when
the laurel wreath encircled a brow beneath which not a thought
was ever conceived that could make a maiden blush. On the
I4th of September, 1883, the pure, patriotic Conscience, the Ca-
tholic romancer, went down to his grave with the gratifying
knowledge that his work has not only produced fruits, but has
been gratefully appreciated by his countrymen.
3o8 THE FOUR SONS OF JAEL. [Dec.,
THE FOUR SONS OF JAEL.
IT was a sultry summer day under the emigrant-sheds at
Kingston, and Jael stood wiping the perspiration from her
homely face and gazing sadly on the blue, shining waters of On-
tario and the green islands beyond the harbor. It does not
matter what her surname was ; in fact, Jael was ugly enough
without the terrible combination of syllables which her English
home had presented to her through her cobbler father. She had
concluded, in leaving England, to leave also to it the one thing
which had been its only free gift to her since she was born, and
she did it with that feeling of indifference and scorn peculiar to the
unthinking poor, certain that better names could be found in free
America, where good things were so plentiful. The crowd of
people with whom she had been associated in a long voyage
knew her only as Jael, the tallest, homeliest, and most feared
woman in the ship, silent always and indifferent to the trifling
cares of daily life, towering in physical height, in experience, and
in strength of character over all the women they had ever
known. She had shown them on one or two occasions that her
voice was the one sweet thing in her natural make-up, and on
other occasions that if she was habitually silent it was not for
want of ideas or language. Indeed, after the first avalanche of
abuse which she had hurled at an offender people were fearful of
disturbing her voice in any manner, lest the thrush's notes might
turn suddenly into the shrill cries of the virago. She kept as
much aloof from her companions as if she travelled in the first
cabin. They liked her none the less, it was true, for Jael was not
averse to assisting mothers in the care of numerous little ones,
provided that no fuss was made over the service and no thanks
attempted ; and it was wonderful how her singing soothed the
children and her sharp epithets quieted the noisy. She was fond
of the children. It was part of her daily routine to sit on the
deck, and, witn her large, hard eyes turned towards England, to
scream out ballads and revival hymns in true Nonconformist
style, while sailors and passengers stood at respectful distances
and laughed and applauded among themselves. The little ones
sat around her, rapt and enthusiastic, and their eager clamor
would keep her singing for an hour at a time. She grew to be a
character aboard as circumstances developed her good and bad
1883.] THE FOUR SONS OF JAEL. 309
acquirements. When a storm came up, and it looked at one mo-
ment as if the ship was to go down, and men and women crept
together trembling and weeping, Jael stood up in their midst and
poured out an extemporaneous prayer of such passionate strength
and profuseness, filled with the oddest and most striking Scrip-
tural allusions, that a great confidence suddenly filled their ter-
rified souls, and in the loud, excited hymn which she began after
the prayer many voices joined and swelled it to proportions
which nearly drowned the wild whistle of the wind. People
came to look on her after a while as a sort of Hebrew prophetess.
She was entered on the ship's books as Jael, aged nineteen ; but
her tall, gaunt form, the absence of bloom or freshness on her
thin face, the long, coarse features, and the sad, stern, experienced
eyes made her appear a woman of thirty. Speculation was rife
concerning her, but it remained speculation until the end of the
voyage. Jael tolerated no inquiries into her past history, and
when they had reached Quebec all evidence of her well-known-
traits disappeared on a sudden. She sang, prayed, scolded no
more, preserving a rigid coldness and reserve of manner up to
the moment when she stands looking sadly out on the waters of
the great inland sea. Her travelling friends are more distant
than ever, repelled by her surly silence, nor does she wish them
one point nearer.
Poor Jael ! Alone in the strange land, without a friend to
aid her in her need, appalled by the thousands of miles which lie
between her and her native soil, she feels at this moment that it
might have been better had she remained with the drunken
father and continued to lead the old life until the bitter end.
Death would not be much harder amid the squalor of England
than in the loneliness of America, and in either case there
yawned the pauper's grave. She had been the daughter of a
preaching cobbler, who left his bench and last to hammer Bethel
pulpits and clothe the spiritual feet of men with the leather of
Scripture, and as her father's clerk for eight years she had
served him faithfully and so far as to take up the office herself
when too much beer had prostrated him. There was a touch
of poetry in her heart. She loved the hymns, the* Bible stories,
the long prayers of the preachers with their stormy imagery, and
the majestic psalms. She had even composed a psalm and a few
hymns, and her father could, not surpass her fervent prayers.
But the filth and uncertainty and meanness of her life tired her
at last. Her father made her heavy life heavier by his abuse and
his senseless beatings of a too faithful child, and one night she
3io THE FOUR SONS OF JAEL. [Dec.,
had left him in the streets of Liverpool and set out in a vague
yet hopeful way to see what a new world had to offer her.
And here were all its offerings around and before her the
quaint, lively city with its red-coated soldiers, the emigrant-sheds,
the great lake, and the awful loneliness. Oh ! better indeed to
have remained with the drunken father and have the life beaten
out of her at least by the hands of her own and not by those of
the stranger. The day was long and hung so heavily on every
one that a few enterprising spirits among the immigrants arrang-
ed an entertainment, and invited Jael to display any of her ac-
complishments for the amusement of the crowd. It was an act
of hardihood, but she was in a mood and consented. When it
came to her turn, and every ear waited in delight for the first
notes of that sweet voice, she disappointed them by reciting in
her broad dialect, yet with a tenderness inconceivable in so
coarse-looking a woman, the poem of " Bingen on the Rhine."
What feeling it was that stirred her to it Jael never knew, for
she was not given to analysis of her own motives; but the loneli-
ness and despair of the soldier dying far from the land of his
love suited her mood at that moment, and drew tears from the
sympathetic immigrants as they thought of the homes they
would never see again. She moved off when her part was over,
and, sitting at one side, shed the first tears that had fallen from
her eyes since she left England.
Luke Bolger, standing in the background with an official of
the place, studied her curiously.
" She is only nineteen," said the official, " and about the style
of a girl you would want."
" Jes' about," said Luke, whose face was not more favored
with beauty than Jael's, and had besides a bargaining expression
and a hard leatheriness which was altogether absent from the
girl's stolid countenance. He stood watching her silently still,
until the official thought fit to arouse him.
" I have an idea," said Luke then, and his face wreathed itself
with a smile of golden meaning. He was going to drive a bar-
gain, and it might require close shaving. " What's the use of
hiring a girl and paying her a dollar a week for a hull summer,
when by marrying her you wouldn't have to pay nawthin' at all ?
See?"
" I see," said the official, " and I. wish you luck ! There's the
girl for you, if you're not afraid to take a strange critter in
hand."
" Trust me to manage the female critter," said Luke, as he
1883.] THE FOUR SONS OF JAEL. 311
snapped his old whip suggestively ; " an' if you'll get me a knock-
down I'll manage the rest."
" Come along," said the official, " and take everything as it
goes, for by all accounts she's a queer one."
He led Luke to where Jael sat with moistened eyes.
" Jael," said he, " this is Luke Bolger, who wants to speak
with you. You can believe whatever he tells you about himself.
It's a pretty safe thing, because he never says more of himself
than he can help."
Luke laughed, but checked himself when he saw from Jael's
manner that she resented his familiarity. She was studying him
in her usual frank way, her great eyes reading his hard face, his
stout limbs, serviceable clothes, and general well-to-do air. He
stood coolly while she inspected him.
" I hope you like the boy," he said with grave humor, " be-
cause I must say I like the girl. I want a wife, a good working-
woman who's fond of a home and able to keep one. I have a
farm big enough to support a dozen or more, no debts, no chil-
dren, and my first wife is dead three months. Do you want to
take her place ? "
There was a dead silence in the shed. The official stood back
laughing, the men whispered smiling comments, and the women
held their breaths in expectation of Jael's torrent of abuse for the
bold stranger ; for Luke shouted- his proposal into every ear, and
stood with his chin up, his legs apart, and his trade eye ready to
close tight on the bargain if Jael consented. She was certainly a
strange woman. Without taking a moment's thought she an-
swered in her solemn way that she would be his wife, and when
he took her in his arms, and kissed her amid cheers and laughter,
she blushed faintly and then began to prepare for her depar-
ture.
The marriage was there and then celebrated in the hasty
business fashion which is characteristic of the time and was
peculiar to Luke Bolger. The women of the sheds stood at her
side, and the men supported the groom, while the justice bound
them together jocularly until such time as the stringent laws of
the country would permit them to obtain an Indiana separation.
Jael had a name at last. Before she could get away from the
sheds she was Mrs. Bolgered to her heart's content, and some of
the women, venturing on Luke's boldness, kissed her good-by
with many tears and good wishes. Jael was seized with an old-
time inspiration at this evidence of affection, and threw Luke
into a brown study by suddenly bursting into a Bethel prayer of
3i2 THE FOUR SONS OF JAEL. [Dec.,
benediction for her friends. It was like a Scriptural whirlwind.
Her lofty and sometimes ridiculous imagery was softened by the
enthusiasm of her face and her burning eyes, and the perfect
tornado of language that roared from her lips turned men into
postures of stony respect and awe. She ceased when a hymn
had been sung, and then followed her husband in meek silence,
while he, poor man, led the way with his trade eye wide open in
astonishment and doubt, lest he had been bitten in his bargain.
The Bolger farm lay forty miles north of Kingston, in the
heart of the wilderness. It was a respectable possession for a
man of Luke's age, but the soil was of a sort that did not
bode well for the future, and the loneliness of the place was a
mighty weight on the spirit of Jael. There were no human faces
seen in that neighborhood oftener than the full moon, there were
no human habitations within ten miles, and Luke was not gener-
ous enough or sociable to invite friends to his log-cabin hos-
pitality. The deer ran across the clearing with curious eyes
for the dwelling and its occupants, and not unfrequently a bear
snuffed suspiciously from a distance and fled into the safety of
the forest again. A wandering trapper or a surveyor or tourist
periodically found his way to the cabin and detailed to the
sombre woman who served his meals the news of the outside
world, wondering that she took so little interest in it and had
such scant language. Luke did all the talking. He was rather
proud of the distinction his wife's silence secured, for it reflected
on him a certain lustre. But he never lost a secret dread of
those occasions which would wake in Jael the exercise of curs-
ing or benediction. They never came. Jael was silent from
year to year, and did her work and bore her children faithfully,
enduring his ill-tempers and his good tempers with stony in-
difference, and growing daily more uncanny, more homely, and,
if possible, more silent. Her marvellous voice never broke the
primeval solitude in song. Even the mother's croon was never
heard in the cabin. Her babies were stolid, silent beings, who
never cried, and never seemed intelligent enough to appreciate
the services of their attendants, and they grew up dark, slow,
wild-eyed animals, with scant ideas and scant speech, coarse,
morose, and entirely wanting in their mother's enthusiasm or
their father's shrewdness.
There was one exception, however. They had four boys
and no girl. The last-born of the family two days after his birth
surprised his mother by a fit of terrible screaming. His red face
grew purple with passion, his fists clenched and his feet kicked,
1883.] THE FOUR SONS OF JAEL. 313
and his blue eyes seemed to flash with rage. She had some
difficulty in quieting him, as her awkward methods did not seem
to please him. It astonished her that he should repeat the per-
formance day after day during a period of two years. After a
time Luke and she became convinced that there was something
superior about this child to anything they had seen in the shape
of infancy. His skin was white and fair, his eyes were blue as
the sky, and his silky hair was almost red. In his moments of
good-humor he laughed at his mother while she worked, and
stretched out his little hands to her, surprising her into that
croon and baby-talk which Luke had missed without knowing
why. When he came to be named Jael dreamed a good deal of
that Jewish king whose Psalms had been her delight and conso-
lation, and finally called him David. He must have looked like
the king, she thought, for he woke in her heart the same feelings
which only the Psalms could formerly rouse, and then he seemed
to her besides like a sweet, living song shining always in her eyes
as well as sounding in her ears. David was the wonder of his
brothers, who could never look at him too long, and were per-
petually testing the quality of his eyes with their fingers and the
strength of his lungs by their pinching. As he grew to years
and understanding he wrought a marvellous change in the house-
hold. It was usually no noisier than the spring woods, but the
tears, the screams, the laugh and the shout, and inquiry of the
child, as he came daily in contact with the sharp and smooth and
surprising things of existence, kept his parents and his brothers
in a state of continual emotion of one kind or another. Jael's
deep nature began to respond slowly but richly to the influence
of heaven. She would sit for hours watching and entertaining
her child, teaching him to sing the old ballads and hymns of her
missionary days, describing the wonders of her sea-voyage and
the peculiar people in England, and mimicking the preachers
of the Bethel congregations. He picked up instruction with
wonderful quickness, and Jael's happiness and triumph were com-
plete when he had learned to recite " Bingen on the Rhine."
Her powers were exhausted at this point. Henceforward David
must look elsewhere to have the vague longings of his nature
satisfied.
The year which saw finished the second decade of Jael's mar-
ried life did not find the family more prosperous than on the day
of her marriage. They lived in the same old house, and around
them stood the solemn woods, whose limits civilization still
avoided. The nearest neighbor was still ten miles away, and if
314 THE FOUR SONS OF J A EL. [Dec.,
the cleared land was more extensive the soil had become less
fruitful. The father and his sons had harder work each year to
produce a crop able to support them. The bank account, small
as it was, had dwindled slowly in spite of the strenuous efforts of
stingy Luke, and then crept up a corresponding debt of two
hundred dollars which drove him almost to suicide as he felt the
impossibility of paying it. He was a dogged and sober man,
however, and held on to his own with the grip of a miser,
hoping and despairing fitfully, more moody than he would have
been, and dreaming of impossible ways of realizing the fortune
he had set out to win. Occasionally he drove to Kingston, but
his moroseness so increased with each visit that he wisely avoided
it altogether, and his last visit was made only at the suggestion of
a friendly trapper, who one day whispered to him some news of
mysterious though agreeable import. When he returned his
spirits seemed to have revived for the moment. He was ex-
tremely talkative with the boys, and began to dilate extravagantly
on the beauties of the world and the advantages of setting forth
to win a fortune. The soldiers at the barracks were his special
theme.
" Jes' see them once," said Luke, as they ate dinner under a
tree in the meadow, " an' you can't take your eyes off 'em all
tricked out in red and gold, dressed like gentlemen all day,
nawthin' to do whatever. Oh ! it's fine, boys, an' they're jes'
the laziest fellows in the hull world."
" That's where we ought to be," said 'Dab, with a yawn and a
laugh, and two of the brothers signified their assent to the idea
by laughing with him ; but David's eye flashed a little and his
lip curled in scorn.
" Them's not sogers," said he wrathfully ; " any one could do
that much. Where's the fightin', where's the guns, where's the
killin' an' stabbin' an' glory ? I wouldn't be a woman-soger."
The three dolts opened their eyes wider at this outburst, as
if to take in the full magnitude of the idea.
"Dave's right," said the father approvingly; "they're only
woman-sogers, after all, but some know how to fight, too, I
reckon, an' they're only takin* a rest now. The fightin's goin'
on in the States. They're havin' a mighty hot time of it, too, an'
crowds of boys are leavin' Kingston every day to jine in. Sech a
crowd as left the day I was there ! Goin' to see the world ! I
wish I had done it when I was a boy."
David's face kindled, and he looked down the Kingston road
as far as the horizon, as if he would like to burst the bars of
1883.] THE FOUR SONS OF JAEL. 315
distance and leap headlong into the battles. Even his brothers
caught a touch of regret from their father's tone and a spark of
David's enthusiasm.
" We ought to git, too," said 'Dab boldly, while he edged
away from the expected blow such a suggestion deserved ; but
Luke pretended not to hear, and David, still bolder, ventured on
the more daring remark :
" This place is too small for such a gang as we be. We could
make somethin' fightin', an' send it home to mam an' dad, instead
o' starvin' here on 'taters an' corn."
There was a gasp from each of the boys at this bold opinion,
and an expectation of seeing David laid senseless at their feet ;
but the father only laughed scornfully and started to his feet.
" Enough o' nonsense," said he, " an' off to yer work ! It's well
enough to talk, but the idea o' you lads earnin' yer own livin'
or standin' up to fight alongside o' men ! G'long, ye babies ! "
The boys accepted this estimate of their abilities with the
meekness natural to them, but David grumbled all the afternoon
in secret and managed to communicate his own defiant spirit to
his brothers before nightfall. Coming home at dark, they lagged
behind their father purposely to discuss the matter. Jael won-
dered, as they came in, at their unusual silence and preoccupation.
She feared .they had had trouble with their father in the field.
Their manner soon dispelled that dread, however, for he and his
sons sat talking together of war and battles until they had worn
out the greater part of the evening. They worked themselves up
to a pitch of enthusiasm, and David never recited " Bingen on the
Rhine " with more fervor or success than he did while the others
were closing up for the night. It was impossible that the fever
which had seized hold on these young hearts should escape the
notice of the mother, but she did not see any evil consequences
from it, and it troubled her not at all. She had read of wars and
slaughters in the Bible, of terrible butcherings, of murders and
stormed cities ; they always appeared to her as the relics of a
bygone age, for she had never more than heard the stor}^ of
modern warfare. What had war to do with her coarse, igno-
rant, simple-hearted sons ? Yet every day saw the boys more
eager to seek the southern battle-fields, and daily at the noon
hour they talked and pleaded with their father for permission
to go.
The stray hunter who had once brought important news to
Luke stopped one morning on his way through the woods -to
exchange a word of friendly greeting with Jael.
316 THE FOUR SONS OF JAEL. [Dec.,
" Family all together yet," he said, with a knowing smile,
" an' all well ? "
" Yes," said Jael, wondering at the form of his question. The
hunter shook his head disparagingly.
" Yer very slow in takin' up a good chance, ma'am. S'pose
the war shet down on a suddint, whar'd ye be? "
" Where we are now," answered Jael briefly ; "what have we
to do with war? " And she wondered the more.
" Four strappin* boys," continued he sadly, " growin' up use-
less in this hole, when they might be earnin' piles o' money for ye
down South fightin' with the Yanks."
Every nerve in Jael's body tingled suddenly with a new,
unknown pain, and a strange fear shook her strong body like an
ague. Was this the key to the excitement which had seized on
her boys ?
" Don't you go puttin' such thoughts into them chicks o*
mine," she said, with repressed passion ; " don't you do it, Master
George, or it'll be the worse for ye."
" Oh ! it's done," said George, laughing ; " but I reckon they
haven't got spunk enough to face gun-music. I told Luke two
weeks ago he could git two hundred dollars apiece for the boys
in Kingston, an' he's a fool if he doesn't take it up. Eight hun-
dred dollars doesn't lie on every stump, ma'am, an' I swow I'm
sorry I haven't a boy o' my own to exchange for so much gold."
He went away and left Jael standing bare-headed in the sun,
yet chilly as if. the winter's snow lay on the ground. Apprehen-
sion had started the drops on her brown forehead, and the wide
mouth quivered and trembled with pain. What blackness was
this coming over her dark life ? What new sorrow was threaten-
ing her, who had suffered so much ? She looked across the shin-
ing, pleasant fields, and saw the boys seated with their father
under the dinner-tree eating ; and immediately there rose another
picture of the same fields desolate and bare, and vpid of the
young lives which had made their loneliness bearable ; of herself
standing at the door when twilight came, and listening vainly for
the voices and footsteps that came up from the meadows so
cheerily ! They might have heard her loud cry of agony had
they been less wrapped up in the subject of their going into the
world, or seen her as she fled towards them across the fields,
with her thin locks streaming and her eyes straining with fright
lest her young be taken from her before she had reached them.
They were too excited to notice her standing a few yards in
their rear, but talked on until the whole story was burned into
1883.] THE FOUR SONS OF JAEL. 317
her heart and Luke himself had pronounced her sentence when
he said gaily :
" Well, boys, we'll try it, anyhow. To-morrow ye shall start
for Kingston, an', if yer courage doesn't fizzle before ye get there,
ye shall start for the war in soldier's clothes in two days."
A shout of rapture from the boys and the opening verse of a
hymn from David were rudely interrupted by the stern, wild
figure which strode in among them silently. She looked from
one to another with burning eyes, hot words trembling on her
lips. All but David and her husband shrank from her. The
boy knew his mother well, and Luke had a sublime confidence in
his own doggedness and cunning.
" Why, Jael," said he in surprise, " what's the matter with
you, woman ? Be you gone crazy ? "
" Naw," said Jael, flinging out the word like a bullet from the
gun. " You an' the boys are clean stark mad, though ! What
is't you would do with 'em, Luke? What ideas has Master
George put into your head ? "
" I s'pose," said Luke, with a swagger, " you may as well
know one time as another. The boys are goin' to see the world,
Jael, jes' as you an' I did years ago goin' to the States to do for
themselves. I didn't care to hurry 'em, but they were set, an'
as I kin make a little spec on 'em I'm willin', an' so will you
be."
" They would never have thought of it on'y for you," Jael
said in such a hoarse voice " on'y for you, Luke Bolger, on'y for
you."
And she stood silent, fighting her emotion secretly, that she
might not break down just yet before her boys. There was an
awkward pause, and the young fellows began to steal away from
the spot to their work.
" They won't go if you say so," she began again. " Tell me
you'll keep 'em, Luke, or I'll go mad I surely will."
" Nonsense, woman ! " said Luke ; " they an't no use here, an'
we'll clear eight hundred by lettin' 'em go. They've got to go
some time ; why not now ? "
" Boys ! " she cried sharply, " you won't go, will you ? You
won't leave Jael?" so they always called her. "I was always
good to you, an' I'd die without you."
With the exception of David the great, coarse sons did not
understand nor appreciate this appeal, but felt inclined to grin
at her strange looks and words and manner. It was so utterly
unlike Jael that they were frightened, not touched, and they said
318 THE FOUR SONS OF JAEL. [Dec.,
nothing 1 , not so much as a sheep would. David was struggling
with his ever-ready tears.
" Now, don't try any of that stuff on 'em," said Luke angrily,
and fearful of her influence ; " they're sot, I tell ye, an' they'll
stay so. You git home an' rig up for a ride to Kingston to-
morrow. We'll see 'em off, an' I'll rig ye out like a swell when
I lay hands on the money. Eight hundred ! Jes' think of it! "
Jael turned on him her angry eyes.
" You're a bad man," she said slowly, " worse nor I ever
thought ye. You'd sell yer boys for gold. You ought k to be
cursed for it, an' p'r'aps you are. They're sot because you
stan' up to 'em. They go because you've lied to 'em 'bout the
glories of war. You've told 'em of the fine dresses, the gilt an'
the lace, the guns, the everything ; but you never told 'em of the
long marches, the shootin' an' killin', the bloody fields where the
cannon tear poor boys to pieces, an' where they stick one another
with bayonets or get nicked with knives an' bullets. You didn't
tell 'em," Jael almost screamed as she worked herself into the
old-time passion, "how the crows an' vultures eat the dead
bodies lyin' in the air, as they eat the soldiers of King Saul ; you
didn't tell 'em about the starvin' an' the cold, an' the way they
treat pris'ners ; or about the hospitals where the wounded die in
heaps groanin' for water, or of the plagues that eat 'em up alive.
No, no, you didn't tell 'em them nice things ! You wanted the
blood-money curses, curses on you ; curses again an' again until
they cover you like the locusts an' eat even your bones ! What
do you care if 'Dab is smashed to pieces by a cannon-ball ? What
do you care if the birds eat Dave's eyes out an' he never gets
burial ? Only the money for you ! If you do this thing, Luke
Bolger " and she sank on her knees to the ground, with her
hands clasped and her eyes starting, a terrible picture of passion
and distress " may all the curses that were since the world be-
gun fall on you ! May Naaman's leprosy rot you an' no Jordan
water help you ; may the devil treat you ten times worse than
Job ; may the Philistines lay you waste an' the robbers o' Jericho
fall upon you ! Oh ! curses like rain on you curses till the last,
you robber, you son of Belial and Moloch, devil and no man ! "
The last word came out in a scream of rage and madness, and
immediately, true to her old habits, she broke out into a fierce
hymn of denunciation and ran, shouting it, back to the house.
There was a long and sad silence until the wild singing had
ceased, while the boys stood fearful of looking at each other or
towards their father. Luke was not at all affected, except by the
1883.] THE FOUR SONS OF J A EL. 319
dread of losing the bounty-money, and he turned to them with a
laugh of hearty mirth and scorn. *
"You needn't laugh," said Dave sharply; "that settles it!
We'll not leave Jael, sence she takes it so bad. We'll stay with
her till she dies."
" It'll be a mighty quick death, then," Luke thought, with a
murderous gleam in his eyes, but he was politic enough to say
nothing more at that moment. They returned to their work,
and he allowed the boys to think and talk about the matter
without interference, hopeful that their own inclinations would
bring them back to the original design. Once or twice he spoke
with David alone.
" It's one of Jael's freaks," said he, " to cut up as she did. She
was brought up that way, an when once she's started kin get off
more curses than a canaller. She knows you boys hes got to
leave home some time, jes' as she an' I did. Why, she ran away
from home. When I fetch back the bounty-money she'll feel
even, an' it's a-mighty hard for you young fellows to miss so
good a chance, anyhow."
Dave was suspicious, however, and reluctant to enter upon
the scheme again with the impression of his mother's agony so
fresh in his mind. The temptation to go was strong enough to
prevent him offering any remonstrance to his father's urging.
As his stupid brothers would follow where the spirited boy led,
Luke was satisfied that within the next twenty-four hours he
would be a rich man. Before they had quitted the field another
change had taken place in Dave. He came to look at the matter
as his father did, and considered that, as the separation of the
family was merely a question of time, the agony might as well be
endured now as later ; and his brothers agreed with him, so that
father and sons presented themselves at the cabin in a very cheer-
ful frame of mind.
Supper was ready for them, and Jael had resumed her ordi-
nary dull manner, but her face was seamed with a most pitiful
anguish. Dave did not dare to look at her. Her wild, fierce
eyes devoured .the boys, resting longer and more lovingly on the
fair features of the latest-born ; but Luke was unnoticed, and his
offensive jocularity brought to her cheeks a flush of anger and
pain. He pretended to be afraid of her present mood, so much
so that he went with the boys to their loft that night to sleep,
and Jael was left to walk about the cabin, in the open air, wring-
ing her hands and weeping, and trying vainly to plan for the
safety of her children. She was already passing through the
320 THE FOUR SONS OF JAEL. [Dec.,
agony of parting, for once Luke's cupidity was aroused nothing
could successfully oppose him. Her great sorrow was come at
last, and she was almost crazed.
When Luke came out at daylight to hitch up the horses for
the day's labor he found her still there, and he guessed that if
the boys were to get away without a scene a stratagem must
be used. In trickery he was an adept, but Jael had an instinct
so sharp and true that to deceive her was almost impossible ;
brought face to face with her agony, like the condemned in sight
of his scaffold, every sense was preternaturally alert. Brute force
was his chief reliance, but to this David offered a serious obstacle.
If the boy were solidly convinced that his mother would take
their departure seriously to heart, there was an end to the fa-
ther's hopes ; and therefore Jael must be tricked and David put
out of the way before the final scene.
" Up early ! " said Luke cordially. " Well, old woman, you've
got your way this turn, but I'll have mine later. The boys have
decided not to go till you are dead."
" You'll murder me, then," said Jael, plainly expressing her
distrust and suspicion. " I'd be glad of it."
" There are better ways o' doin 'things than that," he an-
swered, with a laugh. " Let me tell you, Jael, you're a foolish
woman. Eight hundred dollars is a big thing. Why can't you
be sensible an' let the boys go ? "
She turned away from him in disdainful silence.
" Oh ! let us make a bargain to your likin' as well as mine," he
persisted. " You keep Dave an' let the other three go."
" They are all mine," she said proudly. " You can't have one."
" That settles it," he snorted, with an oath ; " but I'll be even
with you yet"; and to David, who came sleepily from the house
at that moment, he added : " Hitch up, lad, an' bring in a load o*
wood from the stump lot while the boys are at breakfast."
" Don't want to," grumbled Dave ; " let 'Dab wind up what
he begun."
" I'll do it," said Jael briefly ; " it's too hard work for him."
" No, Jael," cried the boy cheerfully, as he ran to the horses.
" I'll bring the wood. I was on'y foolin', an' I don't mind the
work at all."
The mother looked from his father to him, as if trying to read
their hearts, and so hungry and bitter and sad was the glance
that Dave had hard work to keep from crying and giving up the
attempt altogether. Jael stopped him as he was driving past, and
seized his arm.
1883.] THE FOUR SONS OF JAEL. 321
" You're not goin' away, Dave ? " said she. " You're not goin'
to leave Jael? I'd die if I lost my boys ; and to the war, Dave, to
be shot an' torn, an' die alone away from mammy you're not
goin' to do it, are you ? "
" Not if you say so, Jael," said the boy, trembling, while his
father laughed silently at a distance to reassure him.
" I would curse him a thousand times if he took you away,"
she went on. " I'll die soon enough, an' you can all go then.
But wait a little, Dave ; hold 'em back just a little. Time isn't
long to young folks. If you go I'll kill him an' myself. I would
like to kill him now the bad, bad father ! Promise me, Dave, my
boy promise Jael you'll not go away."
" Now see here," said Luke angrily, " if you don't let that boy
go to his work right off, an' shet down on yer nonsense, I'll take
the hull crowd straight to Kingston."
She let him go at this rough command and stood watching
him as he drove away.
" You'd better get us somethin' to eat," said Luke ; " the boys
are jest gettin' up."
But his words* were unheeded until Dave, having loaded his
wagon, was returning ; then, more assured, she entered the cabin
and began her preparations for the meal, while her sleepy sons
washed themselves and snarled at one another, according to cus-
tom, at the front door. It was the fatal moment for Jael. When
she came out into the open air again Dave and the horses had
disappeared, and before she could scream out her terror and de-
spair Luke and 'Dab had thrown a cloth securely over her head,
thrown her on the ground, and bound her hand and foot with
pitiless severity.
"It's hard, old woman," said Luke, "but you must allow
you're the cause of it. Dave had to be got off, an' your shines
were too much for him. I must leave ye this way till to-mor-
row. You won't mind fastin', an' when I git back with eight
hundred dollars it'll cheer ye some."
The boys laughed nervously, and were anxious to get away
from her dreaded presence. Jael made no useless resistance.
The thongs on wrist and arm were strong and the gag perfect,
but the agony eating her heart was stronger and left her weaker
than a child. Luke had to assure himself by peering into her
face that she was not dead. They placed her on her bed, locked
the doors, and ran gleefully down the road to join Dave, waiting
for them two miles away.
" How did she take it?" he asked with tender anxiety.
VOL. XXXVIII 21.
322 INFALLIBILITY AND PRIVATE JUDGMENT. [Dec.,
" Jes' as I said," Luke answered " like a kitten. When a
thing has got to be it's got to be, an' that's all about it. She
kicked while she could. When it wasn't no more use she sat
down without a tear. ' Give my love to Dave,' says she, ' an
don't get drunk an' lose your money.' Oh ! I know the women,
boys, an' you'll know 'em in time."
The boys felt that his knowledge of the opposite sex gave him
an advantage over them which not even their bold flight into
the world could equal, and during the drive to Kingston Luke
" showed off " and gave them much crooked advice as to the
general management of females.
And Jael ? Poor mother, so ruthlessly deprived of her be-
loved ! When Luke returned with his blood-money she was still
lying where they had left her. He unbound her hands and feet,
loosened the gag, and flourished his dollars before her ; but Jael
neither spoke nor stirred. He felt the cold, rigid limbs, and
passed his hands over the clammy features, then stole secretly
and swiftly from the spot and the neighborhood. Death had
bound Jael in bonds which he could not loosen, and had closed
at the same time the gaping, aching wound so cruelly inflicted.
Only the coarse face showed what bitter suffering she had en-
dured before her pulses ceased to beat.
INFALLIBILITY AND PRIVATE JUDGMENT.*
II.
IN order that my readers may gain a more complete under-
standing as to the hopelessly illogical nature of Dr. Pusey's
claim to the possession of " infallible truth resting upon infalli-
ble authority," it is necessary that we should explain more at
length the nature of the church's infallible magisterium. This has
been done with great power and fulness by the late Dr. W. G.
Ward in his Essays upon the Church's Doctrinal Authority, to which
work I would refer those who desire a more extended disserta-
tion upon the subject than can be given here.f I shall, however,
after a few preliminary remarks, proceed to give a brief explana-
tion.
* See THE CATHOLIC WORLD for October.
1 1 do not wish to be understood as endorsing all the personal opinions of the learned writer
in that volume.
1883.] INFALLIBILITY AND PRIVATE JUDGMENT. 323
We saw in our last article that even were everything which
Anglicans claim for themselves granted to them, were their or-
ders, their sacraments, and their symbolic orthodoxy as freely ad-
mitted by Catholics as were those of the Novatians and Dona-
tists, they would still be in as hopeless a state of schism as were
those early separatists, and neither more or less a branch of the
visible Catholic Church than were they. For what essential dif-
ference is there between the high Anglican idea of the church
and that of the early Donatists ? Whatever may have been the
excesses of the Circumcellions, or extremists of that sect ; however
much in their later history they may have become isolated from
the rest of Christendom, not merely in fact but in principle, it is
certain that at first they claimed to be the true representatives
of the visible church in Africa, and in reality, therefore, to be in
communion with the transpontine churches. Theoretically they
no more renounced communion with these latter than does the
Anglican body when she declares that she does not reject " the
churches of Italy, France, and Spain"; but, with the same ab-
surd inconsistency as Anglicans, they denounced as schismat-
ics the Catholic bishops and clergy in their own land, calling
them, as do our modern sectarians, Romanista! If, therefore, the
" churches of Rome, Greece, and England " (three " branches "
without a trunk or root !) form the Catholic Church nowadays,
why not Rome with the Donatists and Novatians in the fourth
and fifth centuries ?
I have asked this question very many times of Anglicans, and
have never yet received any reply but an ignoratio elenchi ; and
yet there ought to be some satisfactory answer, if our friends
would save themselves from the horns of a very serious dilemma.
In the absence of anything of the sort judgment must go by de-
fault. For it is evident that were such a state of affairs as we have
described and as Anglicans dream about possible if the church
could exist in separate parts, each under its own independent
hierarchy and government then the church would not be visibly
one at all, and so, by the strictest logical necessity, she would not
be infallible. The fact that the Novatians and Donatists were
doctrinally sound was merely accidental ; there was nothing except
the force of conservatism to keep them so ; and we know but too
well from the history of French, Swiss, and New England Cal-
vinism, to say nothing of other phases of Protestantism, how
feeble a barrier that is when the perverse mind of man, led on by
curiosity, begins to speculate upon matters which can only be
rightly apprehended by the light of faith. There is no reason,
324 INFALLIBILITY AND PRIVA TE JUDGMENT. [Dec.,
then, to suppose that had either Novatianism or Donatism lasted
longer, or had even during their brief history produced some
daring heresiarch, they would not straightway have fallen from
the purity of the faith. What was there to preserve them from
it? Tradition, doubtless our Anglican friends would exclaim, at
all events as referring to their own case. We cling, they would
say, to the tradition of the .church, the " unanimous consent of
the Fathers," to those doctrines which, according to the canon of
St. Vincentius, have been handed down semper, ubique, et ab omni-
bus ; and so doing we are safe.
Let us examine the position thus taken up ; let us investigate
its meaning and see if there is anything in it. It will serve to
bring this question of infallibility and private judgment to an im-
mediate issue.
This appeal to tradition the tradition of what they are pleased
to call the undivided church is common, it is only fair to add,
both to modern Ritualists and to the historic High-Church party.
The expression " undivided church " is, however, somewhat mis-
leading, as very few Anglican theologians are willing to take into
consideration the whole body of tradition even up to the schism
of Photius, and still less up to the final rupture between East and
West. Many stop short at the end of the third century ; others,
again, take in the period of those first four oecumenical councils
Nicaea, Ephesus, Constantinople, and Chalcedon whose decrees
the Established Church in the reign of Queen Elizabeth declared
to be a part of its rule of faith together with the definitions of the
high court of Parliament ! Dr. Pusey, if I remember rightly, ac-
knowledged six general councils, sufficient to bring him up to the
times of St. Gregory the Great, whose supposed witness against
the cecumenicity of papal supremacy was too delicious a morsel
to be foregone. I doubt if any Anglican theologians pay the
slightest attention to the witness of tradition after his time, and
yet the Greek schism was not finally consummated until about
the time of the Norman conquest. But the mere fact of indivi-
duals thus placing limits of their own upon the duration of time
during which the tradition of the church was sufficiently pure to
be available as a witness to divine revelation is simply a reductio
ad absurdum of the claim to the possession of any " infallible truth
resting upon infallible authority."
Tradition, according to Catholic theologians, may be viewed
under two distinct aspects first, objectives* material; and, second,
active or formal.
By objective or material tradition is signified the whole body
1883.] INFALLIBILITY AND PRIVATE JUDGMENT. 325
of doctrine delivered to the apostles by the mouth of our Lord
Jesus Christ, or'by the inspiration of the Holy Ghost, handed
down (traditunt) from age to age in the church through certain
recognized channels, chief among which are, I. The general and
constant teaching of the church ; 2. The acta of the oecumenical
councils ; 3. The acts of the martyrs ; 4. The sacred liturgy
and other religious forms and practices (lex orandi, lex credendis) ;
5. The writings of the Fathers. To these channels of objective
tradition, which are called general, may be added certain others
which are termed particular e.g., epigraphs, coins, etc. with
which we are not here concerned. By active tradition, on the
other hand, is intended those doctrines which the Ecclesia Docens,
divinely guided by the perpetual indwelling of the Holy Spirit,
according to Christ's promise, deduces and collects from the
matter of tradition, and proposes to the faithful for their assent
as matters of faith.
The channels or means by which material tradition is handed
down from age to age may be compared to the bed of a river,
or, still better, one of those hydraulic flumes familiar to those
who have visited the mining districts of California, whose waters
contain grains of gold. It is the part of the expert, the trained
and experienced miner, to detect and separate the grains of pre-
cious metal from the dross in which they are concealed, and it
is for the hand of the goldsmith and the skilled artificer to
take the gold and mould and fashion it into the chalice or the
diadem.
And just such is the office of the Ecclesia Docens. She alone,
informed by the abiding presence of the Holy Ghost, is the ex-
pert who can detect and cull the grains of divine and apostolical
tradition from the channels in which they run ; she is the gold-
smith who alone, by the hand of her trained artificers, the school-
men and theologians, can formulate the grains of tradition so
collected into the golden chain of dogma.
This element of the active infallibility of the church Angli-
cans entirely ignore, and this is their fundamental error.
Confining, by a strange delusion, the idea of tradition entirely
to the works of the Fathers, they proceed to treat these produc-
tions just as Protestants treat the Bible simply as a collection
of writings which every one has a right to approach and in-
vestigate, and to deduce thence his own doctrines, deciding for
himself what the writers meant and what they did not mean, and
where they agreed with each other and where they did not. If
such a course as this is an exercise of the use of private judgment
326 INFALLIBILITY AND PRIVA TE JUDGMENT. [Dec.,
with regard to the Holy Scriptures, why is it not equally so
when adopted with reference to the writings of the Fathers ?
When a Protestant layman tells -his Ritualistic pastor that he
cannot bring himself to believe that our Lord, when he said,
" This is my Body, this is my Blood," intended that the apostles
should understand that he had changed the substance of the
bread and wine into the substance of his body and blood, on ac-
count of its extreme unlikeliness, and that his common sense tells
him that it is much more probable that he was merely using a
metaphor, he is immediately informed that he has no right to
have any opinion upon the matter at all ; that a member of the
" Holy Anglican Catholic Church " has no business to exercise
his private judgment, which is a heresy and a sin, and that he is
bound to believe the interpretation which the church places upon
it the mouthpiece of the church in this instance being the Rev.
E. B. Pusey, D.D., and the Rev. R. F. Littledale, D.C.L.
And yet when advanced Anglicans proceed to treat St. Ire-
naeus and St. Cyprian and St. Jerome in precisely the same
manner as that in which their Protestant parishioners treat the
Bible, and are reminded that they are exercising their private
judgment just as really and just as unequivocally as any Evange-
lical, they are apparently entirely blind to the force of the ana-
logy. Still, I feel confident myself that if, instead of reading Dr.
Pusey's Eirenicon and other untrustworthy works of that de-
scription, they would only systematically study the De Unitate
EccZesitz of St. Cyprian and the De Baptismate contra Donatistas of
St. Augustine, their eyes would be opened and they would see
the folly and wickedness of their present course. They would
see, unless they are determined not to perceive the truth and I
do not think that this is the case with many that those holy
Fathers regard the church as a living, teaching body, a body
which was known to all and could not be mistaken by reason of
its visible oneness; one in hierarchy and government, one in
doctrine, one in the mutual intercommunion of its members.
Even supposing that all reference to the pope had been omitted,
that none of the Fathers had ever spoken of the Holy See as a
centre of unity and inculcated obedience to it as such ; even sup-
posing that it were of human origin, the production of the early
middle ages and of the "forged decretals," the position of An-
glicans would be in no wise bettered, for they are not one with
the "rest of the Catholic Church," they do not communicate,
except by fraud, at the same altars as do we, and they are mani-
festly no more " one body " with the church united to the see of
1883.] INFALLIBILITY AND PRIVATE JUDGMENT. 327
Peter than were the Novatians or the Donatists. But the papal
centre of unity is not a mere accident or after-thought ; it is an
essential and absolutely necessary factor in the constitution of
Christ's church. I think it was Voltaire who observed that had
there been no God it would have been necessary for mankind to
create one. And so, too, may we say of the Roman primacy.
that if our Lord had not provided for it, it would have been
necessary to supply it, otherwise his promise of unity to the
church could not have been fulfilled, except by the extinction of
free-will and making- man a mere machine.* But that which is
absolutely necessary to the very existence of the church cannot
be of merely human origin ; it is, therefore, divine. The church
in respect of its unity is like a circle, whose essence consists in its
being enclosed by a line called the circumference, which is such
that all straight lines drawn from a given point within it, called
the centre, are equal ; that is to say, all the points along the line
of the circumference have precisely the same relation to the
centre. A point which ceases to bear the same relation to the
centre as the others does not form part of the circle ; and should
a given portion of the circumference cease to have the same
relation to the centre as it had before, it too would cease to
form part of the circle. A circle which is forced out of shape into
an oval or a pear-shaped figure ceases any longer to be a circle.
And so likewise of a circle from which a segment of its circumfer-
ence has been removed : it is no longer a circle. Which things
are an allegory, for thus it is with the Catholic Church. There
is only one conceivable way in which such a society as the
church was manifestly intended by our Lord to be a body teach-
ing with authority, exercising spiritual jurisdiction over the en-
tire world, and known to all mankind by its note of visible one-
ness there is, I say, but one conceivable way in which such a so-
ciety could be preserved as one to the end of time, and that is
that just as all the points along the line of the circumference have
the same relation to the centre, so do all the members of th'e
Catholic Church hold the same relation to their head. Break the
circumference, and you no longer have a circle ; break (per impos-
sibile) the unity of the church, and the church is not disunited
it is destroyed. But the church, by Christ's ordinance, cannot be
destroyed ; therefore the church of Christ cannot be divided.
As a matter of fact, not even by miraculous interposition
could this unity be effected otherwise without, as I have said, in-
*The Anglican hypothesis denies this, and with what result ? We have an " Association
for Promoting the Reunion (!) of Christendom."
328 INFALLIBILITY AND PRIVATE JUDGMENT. [Dec.,
terfering with man's free-will ; and this is really a metaphysical
impossibility, for if man during this state of probation were de-
prived of his free-will he would cease to be a moral and respon-
sible agent that is, he would no longer be man at all.
As, then, our Lord promised that his church should be one, as
he declared that by this visible oneness it should be manifest to
all men, and inasmuch as the only conceivable means by which
this visible oneness could be maintained through all time, in all
places, and under all circumstances is by visible union with a
visible head, we have, as a purely human argument, the strongest
primd facie evidence that that church which now, as in the be-
ginning, is visibly one, and that through visible union with a
visible head ; and which, moreover, is the only society which in
its unity and its totality claims to be that one communion we
have, I say, the strongest grounds for believing that the Catholic
Apostolic Roman Church, and it only, is that one fold under one
shepherd which must exist somewhere, unless the promises of
Jesus Christ have failed and Christianity is a dream.
But we are by no means thrown back upon any merely
humanly-constructed hypothesis in this matter. Space forbids
me even to touch upon the evidences from the holy Gospels that
our Lord did choose one individual and give him a singular and
extraordinary commission of teaching and governing the one
church, which constituted just such a position and just such an
office as we should expect to find in a society which was to be
visibly maintained as one to " the consummation of the world,"
and without which we cannot conceive the possibility of such
unity being maintained for hundreds of years and against all
odds.
The church of Christ, then, is not only a collection of indivi-
dual human beings, nor is the mind of the church the aggregate
of their minds, nor the will of the church the aggregate of their
wills, any more than the body of man is simply a collection of
particles of matter, and his mind and his will and his soul only
the exhibition of material functions. This is a very popular
theory among positivists, like Mr. Frederic Harrison, who will
tell you that because every act of the human mind is accom-
panied or preceded by some revolution of the molecules of the
brain, therefore the mind itself is nothing but the manifestation
of molecular motion, and that the mind cannot even be conceived
of as existing without the molecules of whose functions it is
simply an exhibition. And what these materialists have done
for man our ecclesiastical materialists have done for the church
1883.] INFALLIBILITY AND PRIVATE JUDGMENT. 329
of Christ, and with equal success. For in spite of all the bab-
bling- of Huxley, and Tyndall, and Spencer, and Darwin, man
has an immortal, immaterial soul, a soul which will exist apart
from his body when the " molecules " of that body shall have
passed off into the gases of the atmosphere and into the dust of
the earth, and which, for weal or for woe, shall come forth to
judgment and be reunited with that body at the last day, to
spend with it an eternity of bliss or an eternity of misery.
And in spite of all the heretics and schismatics that have ever
pestered the earth from Cerinthus to Dr. Littledale, the one
church visibly united with the one head is the living body of
Christ, informed and vivified by the indwelling of God the Holy
Ghost, whose voice it is we hear when the church speaks, whose
hand it is that moulds and guides every action of her life.
The Sovereign Pontiff and the bishops alone constitute the
Ecdesia Docens* These alone are the judges of the faith and the
pastors properly so called. The rest of the faithful, whether lay
or clerical, have no judicial voice by divine right. Neverthe-
less they may be admitted as consultors, and the presbyters
teach and preach (especially such as have the cure of souls), but
simply as locum tenentes of the bishop whose subjects they are.
The organs, then, of the active infallibility of the church are,
I. The pope, who holds the " place of Peter/'f " to whom the
Lord commends his sheep to be fed," \ who, when defining
matters of faith and morals ex cathedra, is infallible ; 2. The
bishops in union with the pope. That a bishop separated from
the pope and differing from him in doctrine should retain his
rights as a teacher and ruler is a theory destructive of that unity
which our Lord promised to the church, that oneness by which all
men might know which was the Ecdesia Docens and which was
not ; for inasmuch as this oneness was conferred by the church's
divine Founder as one of its notes, and since, as we have seen, the
only way in which the episcopate can be essentially and per-
petually one is by being visibly united to one visible head, we
know that none can be truly bishops of the Catholic Church, and
so form part of the Ecdesia Docens, save those who are in union
with the pope.
But these bishops are not individually infallible ; it is only
in their collective capacity, when representing the Ecdesia Docens
(the pope being one of them and their head), and as the mouth-
* Murray, De Ecdesia CAristt, vol. ii. d. n, 16.
t Locus Petri. St. Cyprian, Ep. lit. ad Antomanwn.
\ St. Cyprian, De Hab. Virg., 10.
33O INFALLIBILITY AND PRIVATE JUDGMENT. [Dec.,
pieces of the tradition of their respective dioceses, that they
enjoy this gift, whether they exercise this office when living
apart in their dioceses or assembled in council.
Now, this body constituting the Ecclesia Docens is perpetually
teaching without any intermission, as the prophet Isaias says :
" Upon thy walls, O Jerusalem, I have appointed watchmen ; all
the day and all the night they shall never hold their peace " ; *
and as Philip, the Roman legate at Ephesus, declared : " Peter
the prince and head of the apostles, up to this time and always
(sea? rov vvv, H<X dft) both lives and exercises judgment in his
successors." f Still, this does not mean that the pope and the
bishops are perpetually teaching physically, but that they are
always ready to teach when occasion calls ; that they are daily
teaching through animate and inanimate organs, and that they
are always there, a living authority, attending to all the needs of
the church, ever present in their places for instruction, for judg-
ment, and for correction.
I have said that the pope and the bishops, the Ecclesia Docens,
are daily teaching through animate and inanimate organs ; and
this brings me to say a few words upon the church's " ordinary
magisterium"
I think that the meaning of this expression can be best ex-
plained by quoting the following passage from the eminent theo-
logian, Father Perrone, which Dr. Ward, in the work above
referred to, has thus translated :
"The church, when she discharges her function of teaching, performs a
threefold office : the office (i) of 'witness,' (2) of 'judge,' (3) of 'magistra.'l
She performs the office of . . . ' magistra ' in her daily ministry, wherein
by verbal and by practical inculcation (vivd voce et praxi) she instructs
the faithful in all those things which conduce to their training in pure
doctrine and morality, and leads them, as it were, by the hand along
the path of eternal salvation. That Christ has endowed his church with
infallibility for the performance of these duties is the truth which Catholics
maintain and all non-Catholics deny."
The primary organs of the church's infallibility, then, are the
pope, speaking ex cathedrd, and the bishops in union with the
pope ; but the ordinary way in which the dogmas of the faith
(for of these only I am now speaking) are brought home to the
intelligence of the individual faithful is through that ordinary
magisterium which Father Perrone has described above as a
* Isaias Ixii. 6. t Concil. Ephes., Act. iii.
I have already referred to this threefold office in my first article.
Perrone, De Loci's Nos. 347-8.
1883.] INFALLIBILITY AND PRIVATE JUDGMENT. 331
system in which they are " led by the hand " along the path of
salvation by preaching, by instruction in Christian doctrine,
catechetical or otherwise, by her public devotions, by authorized
literature, and by the general atmosphere of Catholic life. And
all this is one harmonious whole. What the pope or the coun-
cil define dogmatically the bishops promulgate authoritatively,
the clergy teach, and the people receive. It is one faith, issuing
from one centre, shedding abroad its rays over all the world ;
and it is one simply and solely because it issues from one centre.
Our Lord's promise of unity is here literally and luminously ful-
filled by means of that very institution which is, as I have said,
the only conceivable instrument through which, humanly speak-
ing, it could be fulfilled ; and this majestic phenomenon is summed
up in those words which in letters of gold circle round the awful
dome of St. Peter's :
" Hinc sacerdotii unitas exoritur,
Hinc Una Fides mundo refulget." *
It is by means of this perfect oneness of all the members of
the Catholic Church with their visible head that they know with
certainty the dogmas of the faith which are proposed to their
belief in a word, that they possess " infallible truth resting upon
infallible authority," and that, therefore, their faith is preserved
as one. And what is the vital principle of all this ? What is it
that prevents the pope and the bishops from going wrong and
leading the whole Catholic Church astray after them ? It is the
indwelling of God the Holy Ghost. " But the Paraclete, the
Holy Ghost, whom the Father will send in my name, he will
teach you all things, and bring all things to your mind whatsoever
I have said to you. When he, the Spirit of Truth, is come, he
will teach you all truth. Going, therefore, teach ye all nations,
baptizing them in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of
the Holy Ghost, teaching them to observe all things whatsoever
I have commanded you ; and behold I am with you all days,
even to the consummation 'of the world." The infallible teach-
ing voice of the Catholic Apostolic Roman Church is the fulfil-
ment of these divine promises. If they are not fulfilled in her
they have come to naught.
Now, Anglicans are outside of all this; they have no part
nor lot in this matter. They cannot, as do we, point to an in-
fallible authority and say : From hence I derive my doctrines, and
* From hence the unity of the priesthood takes its rise,
From hence One Faith shines forth to all the world.
32 INFALLIBILITY AND PRIVATE JUDGMENT. [Dec.,
because I know that the authority which gives me these doc-
trines is infallible, therefore I know with certainty that what I
believe is true. They do, indeed, as we have seen, make loud
professions of believing 1 in an infallible church ; but their church,
even if. it were infallible, is not of the slightest use to them, for
it is dumb. It treats them like a medical man who should take
a sick patient utterly ignorant of medicine and place him among
the bottles in his surgery, and say : Here are the remedies ; pick
and choose for yourself ; I have nothing to say. That is how the
imaginary church of the Ritualists treats them with regard to
the Bible and the patristic writings. Why should the Bible,
which is the written word of God, and which in spite of diffi-
culties contains not a single error, require an authorized and in-
fallible interpreter, and not the miscellaneous writings of differ-
ent authors of very various degrees of learning and accuracy ?
Our Lord's rule was to hear the church the living church and
that only. If private judgment is unlawful in the one case, why
not in the other?
How different the action of the Catholic Church ! The office
of collecting the doctrines of the faith from the writings of the
Fathers, who were simply the accidental witnesses of tradition,
must necessarily be the duty of an infallible authority ; but this
office the Anglican usurps to himself, and thus virtually denies
the infallibility of the church indeed, one of the foremost Ritual-
istic controversialists does not hesitate to do this categorically.
" There is in Scripture," says Dr. Littledale,* " no promise of in-
fallibility to the church at any given time." " The church is in-
defectible in the long run, though the teaching voice may be
fallible at any given time." Indefectible in the long run ! I will
not insult a man of Dr. Littledale's intelligence by supposing for
a moment that he imagined these words to have any meaning ;
they were doubtless intended to lull the disquieted consciences
of certain advanced Ritualists whose ratiocinative faculties were
not of a high order, and to whom a big-sounding word operates
like a pleasing opiate. It is just such a phrase as the late Mr.
Charles Dickens puts into the mouth of the " member for the
gentlemanly interest," who quashes every objection and raises
the utmost enthusiasm in the breasts of his rustic constituents
by his constant references to the " illimitable perspective." One
cannot help thinking that the perspective of the infallibility of a
church which is only " indefectible in the long run " must be so
* Plain Reasons against Joining the Church of Rome, p. 132.
1883.] INFALLIBILITY AND PRIVATE JUDGMENT. 333
" illimitable " as to be entirely beyond the ken of ordinary
mortals !
I suppose that it can be scarcely necessary to point out that
a church which is only "indefectible in the long run " cannot be
of the slightest use to mankind, its teachings could in no sense be
a rule of faith, because, according to this astute theologian, it
may " at any given time " be teaching error. Nor can it anywise
be said to be a fulfilment of our Lord's promises. In the church
which he founded he solemnly assured them that he would be
present with them "all days," and he declared that the Holy
Ghost should " abide with them for ever," "leading them into all
truth." Upon its perpetual and unceasing infallibility rests the
whole scheme of Christian revelation, including the canon of
Scripture itself. Take this away, and give us only " indefectibility
in the long run," and you have shattered at one blow the whole
edifice of Christianity, and given us back in exchange only the
enigmas which of erst puzzled the brains of Socrates and Plato
and Seneca.
Of course one source of this strangely contradictory behavior
on the part of Anglicans arises from the fact that they entirely
misapprehend the nature of the office performed by the Fathers
in the transmission of divine tradition. All that these writers
do is to bear witness (human witness) to the tradition of the
church that is to say, to the doctrines which have been handed
down through the channels above referred to from the apostles
but they were not infallible in so doing ; so that unless there is
always in the church some living authority perpetually infallible
to decide on matters of faith and morals, there is no infallibility at
all. It is this which is entirely wanting in the Anglican system,
and it is this fact to which I refer when I say that, in spite of
their professing to believe in the infallibility of the church, they
in reality assert nothing but their own private judgment, which
for them is the ultimate arbiter of all doctrine. They deny this,
I know ; they say that the voice of the church contained in
tradition is their supreme guide, but they immediately give the
lie to this by setting themselves above tradition in claiming to
decide for themselves what the Fathers meant, wherein they
agreed together, and when they were stating the apostolic tradi-
tion and when not. Take, for instance, that passage from St.
Irenasus which we have examined in a previous article in THE
CATHOLIC WORLD. On whose authority is it that Anglicans
depend for the various conflicting interpretations they have
placed upon it, contrary even, as I trust I have shown, to its plain
334 INFALLIBILITY AND PRIVATE JUDGMENT. [Dec,,
logical and grammatical signification? Simply upon their own
authority. They form their own judgment in the matter ; they
make their own decision. Thus they, each one for himself, are
the supreme judges of it all, and there is in reality no one above
them. Could Martin Luther himself have asserted a more com-
plete right of private judgment than this? Asa matter of fact
it is Luther's doctrine pure and simple, who declared that a lay-
man with the Bible in his hand knew more than the pope him-
self.* Still, Luther was the more honest and did not pretend to
believe in the infallibility of a church which he immediately pro-
ceeded to deprive of all reality, and in regard to whose doctrines
he himself was, after all, the supreme referee. It has been re-
served for Anglican Ritualists thus to develop this last stage of
the absurdity of Protestantism.
Nor is it open to them to claim the right of private judgment
for the purpose of examining the claims of the church and the
sources and channels of tradition, which, of course, we concede to
one who is avowedly non-Catholic. For, with singular perversity,
they at once declare themselves to be Catholics, they assert that
there is an infallible church claiming their obedience, and then
set to work incontinently to frame a theory of religion and ec-
clesiastical polity for themselves, independent of any external
authority whatever, and relying entirely upon the results of their
own study and discernment, making use, in the course of this
proceeding, of the writings of the Fathers precisely in the same
manner as ordinary Protestants employ the Bible. When, how-
ever, we remember the extraordinary misconceptions that exist
both as to the true nature of infallibility and even as to the
meaning of the expression, one cannot help feeling that these
vagaries are perhaps more deserving of pity than of reprobation.
As an instance of the manner in which the rank and file of the
Ritualistic party is hoodwinked by its teachers, I may cite the
following from the replies " To Correspondents " in the English
Church Times of January 21, 1881 :
" ONE IN DOUBT. Do you not see that all your Roman Catholic friend
can give you as proof is his own fallible private opinion that the pope is
infallible? Unless he be himself infallible he cannot know for certain
whether the pope be right or wrong on any given occasion. It is just as if
you were to give some one your word that you knew Mr. A to be a
first-rate Chinese scholar, without your being able to tell whether he spoke
any Chinese at all, not to say speak and write it well. You would have to
* "Quod laico auctoritatem (Scripturarum) plus sit credendum quam papas, quam concilio,
into quam ecdesttz, hoc etiam juristae decent, et adeo est Catholicum, ut August.inus in multis
locis, hoc pro regultl habent legendi auctores." Cf. Audin's Life of Luther, vol. i. p. 167.
1883.] INFALLIBILITY AND PRIVATE JUDGMENT. 335
be a first-rate Chinese scholar yourself before your opinion on any one
else's qualifications would be of value."
In another number of this ingenuous journal this subject is
still further treated in reply to an " inquirer " :
" INQUIRER. Unless the [Vatican] Council was infallible itself it could
not tell whether the pope is infallible or not ; but by saying that he is in-
fallible without the consent of the church, all it proved was that itself was
fallible, and so incompetent to settle the question at all, which is just the
point we made when answering ' One in Doubt.' What value is the testi-
mony of a thousand school-boys to the fitness of a man to be prime minis-
ter or lord chancellor ? "
This is Dr. Samuel Johnson's old joke over again, gravely set
forth to salve the consciences of inquirers and those in doubt :
Who drives fat oxen must himself be fat !
I beg that the reader will look attentively at the last words
in the former of the above extracts : " You would have to be a
first-rate Chinese scholar yourself before your opinion on any
one else's qualifications would be of value." Surely the patent
sophism contained in these words, and repeated in the statement
that the Vatican Council by defining papal infallibility declared
itself to be fallible, require no elaborate refutation. Still, it is
only fair to the editor of the Church Times to say that neither
he nor Dr. Littledale was the inventor of this strange idea, that
in order to know another to be infallible one must first be in-
fallible one's self. The late Dr. Whately, in a work entitled The
Search after Infallibility, published in 1847, enunciated what is
virtually the same idea viz., " he who is infallibly following an
infallible authority is himself infallible." *
The late Dr. Murray, of Maynooth, treats this subject at
length in his Theological Essays, and I trust that I may be par-
doned if in elucidation of this subject I quote him somewhat at
length. Commenting upon the above work of Dr. Whately, he
cites the following passage of the Protestant archbishop, and
then proceeds, as we shall see, to pass his reflections upon it :
" ' I call it a " craving for infallibility,'" " so commences the quotation
from Archbishop Whately, " ' (although hardly any one is found in words
claiming, or expecting to be, personally infallible), because it is evident
that he who is infallibly following an infallible guide is himself infallible.
If his decisions on each point coincide exactly with those of an authority
which is exempt from error, that his decisions are exempt from error is
* It is reported, I know not whether truly or not, that His Eminence Cardinal Newman,
who knew Whately intimately at Oxford, observed with reference to the latter's work on Logic
that it was an excellent production and contained a little of everything except logic I
336 INFALLIBILITY AND PRIVA TE JUDGMENT. [Dec.,
not only an undeniable but almost an identical proposition ; it is as plain
as that things which are equal to the same are equal to each other.
"' But this, though self-evident as soon as stated, is sometimes lost sight
of in practice. A man will speak of himself as being fallible, and as hav-
ing no expectation of being otherwise. But his meaning must be (suppos-
ing him quite certain that he has an infallible guide, always accessible, and
to which he constantly conforms) his meaning must be that he would be
fallible if left to himself; that his exemption from the possibility of error
is not inherent, but derived. But actually and practically he does consider
himself infallible.
" ' Though the gnomon of a sun-dial has no power in itself to indicate
the hour, yet when the sun shines on it the motions of its shadow must be
correct, as those of the sun's rays which it follows. And, in like manner,
he is infallible practically in his belief who always believes exactly what
an infallible church or leader believes ' (p. 14).
" There are," says Dr. Murray, commenting upon the above, " several
mistakes here, arising, as appears to me, partly from Dr. Whately's not
knowing or not keeping before his mind what we understand by the word
infallibility when applied to the church, and partly from his confounding
this meaning of the word with that which it commonly bears in popular
language.
" i. If in ordinary conversation I am asked, 'Are you sure that it was
Dr. Whately you saw yesterday in Stephen's Green ? ' and answer, ' I could
not be mistaken ; I am infallibly certain that it was he,' all that I mean by
this is that I have the usual evidences that beget a physical certainty in
such cases. So, in like manner, if I assert in similar form a proposition
resting on moral or metaphysical evidence ; what I mean in all such as-
sertions is that I have absolute certainty, physical, moral, or metaphysi-
cal, as the case may be, of the truth of what I say.
" But when I speak of the infallibility of the church I understand
something very different from this. For I then mean that the church is
assisted and controlled by an extraordinary and supernatural guidance of
God, so that she cannot ever err in defining articles of faith, etc.
" Suppose that an infallible authority exists, and that I have clear and
sure proof of its existence, and that I accordingly submit to it and believe
in it ; suppose that I have evidence that such or such a doctrine has been
defined by that authority, and that I accordingly believe that doctrine ;
then I am sure that my belief agrees with its teachings ; I am following an
infallible authority; I am certainly following it, but not infallibly. I have
the certainty of faith that what is taught by this authority as revealed is
revealed, but I am not infalljble. I hope to make all this very plain by
some further observations.
" 2. The church of Christ, we believe, infallibly follows an infallible
guide (namely, the Spirit ever abiding with her and directing her), and is
therefore infallible. And we believe that the church infallibly follows this
guide, because the word of God so teaches. But no individual has received
this promise ; no individual who has not received a special revelation to
that effect can be infallibly sure that he will persevere to the end in the
true faith any more than in any other virtue. He believes to-day every
word which the infallible church teaches, and he believes so firmly that he
1883.] INFALLIBILITY AND PRIVATE JUDGMENT. 337
is ready to seal his faith with his blood. But he may fall away from grace,
and rebel against the church which he formerly believed infallible, and be-
come a heretic, and die in his heresy. The promise which secures her
from error will not secure him, for it has not been made to him. Who
would assert that Luther, for example, while he believed in the infallibility
of the church and received her teaching with unquestioning assent, sRould,
in consistency, be considered by Catholics as all the time infallibly follow-
ing an infallible guide ?
"The Catholic idea of faith undoubtedly involves (as I may probably
explain in another part of the present volume) the most firm assent, rest-
ing on grounds so sure as to exclude every rational apprehension of mis-
take ; the mind, fortified by divine grace, being ready to encounter any ex-
tremity rather than voluntarily waver for a single moment. Stronger as-
sent there cannot be, in the present stage of our existence, than this while
it lasts. But man is still free ; grace may be abused ; and the mind may
reject as false what it previously held to with a belief so strong. The as-
sent is sure ; but it may fail, and what may fail is not infallible.
" 3. A man, therefore, who follows an infallible church does not infalli-
bly follow it ; for he has no divine promise that he will always follow it,
and this is necessary in order that he should be said infallibly to follow it.
There is another reason why those who hold the infallibility of the church,
and follow what they believe to be this infallible church, are not thereby
constrained to hold that they infallibly follow it.
" An infallible church, by the very terms, cannot through ignorance or
any other cause teach any doctrinal error. But an individual may fall into
involuntary error without ceasing to be a sound member of the church.
Even learned theologians may err without the least sin against faith. For
while the whole revelation entrusted to the infallible church is for ever
preserved by her untainted and unmutilated, individual members may,
through inculpable ignorance, think the doctrine on certain points to be
different from what it is. They are still prepared to receive her defini-
tion, whatever it may be, when notified to them, and they firmly believe
whatever she holds, though through mistake they think that she holds
such or such doctrines which are really different from what she does
hold. They err, and therefore are not infallible, though they follow all
the while the infallible church that is, they are her docile children,
and receive all her teaching with blind obedience so far as it is known to
them.
"4. But see," continues Dr. Murray a little further on, "the absurdity
to which Dr. Whately's reasoning leads. I suppose that he holds the in-
fallibility of the apo.stles in their public teaching, at least the infallibility of
the body in its collective capacity. Here there was a living infallible tri-
bunal. Wherefore the early Christians, who all believed on the authority
of the apostles, and had as clear evidence as it is possible for man to have
that such and such doctrines were taught by them each one of all these
early Christians infallibly followed an infallible guide, and therefore each one
was infallible. For the same reason all who followed them were individu-
ally infallible, and so on down to the present day an extent of infallibi-
lity which, according to us, it would be simple heresy to assert. Thus, then,
we might reason on Dr. Whately's principle :
VOL. xxxvin. 22
338 INFALLIBILITY AND PRIVATE JUDGMENT. [Dec.,
'"He who is infallibly following an infallible guide is himself infal-
lible ' (Dr. Whately' s words).
" But the early Christians, who were taught by the apostles, infallibly
followed an infallible guide. (Certainly as much so as any Catholic pre-
tends to be following the infallible church.)
"therefore the early Christians were infallible, etc.
"Dr. Whately confounds infallibility with certainty. It is true to say
that he who is certainly following an infallible authority is so far certain,
or he who follows an infallible authority has an infallible certainty that
what he believes on its teaching is true. But to have an infallible cer-
tainty is not to be infallible. Dr. Whately has an infallible certainty that
God exists, but he is not infallible." *
Now, precisely the same argument applies to the absurd re-
mark of the Church Times to " One in Doubt." If, as the Churcli
Times asserts, no one can be certain of the infallibility of another
without being himself infallible, then neither the early Christians
nor ourselves can be certain that the apostles were infallible in
preaching the truth of the Gospel.
The Church Times, like Dr. Whately, confounds infallibility
with certainty. Certainty rests upon evidence, and the evidence
of the church's infallibility consists in her notes her oneness, her
sanctity, her apostolicity, her catholicity ; and these notes in their
perfection and totality are to be found in the Catholic Roman
Church, and in her only. We have, then, the most solid grounds
of certitude, based upon the evidences of Christianity them-
selves, for believing in her infallibility ; for the evidence is as pat-
ent and unmistakable as the sun at noonday, because the church
in which all these notes are combined either exists in the Catho-
lic Roman Church or does not exist at all.
There is nothing either absurd or unintelligible in the fact of
an infallible authority residing in the Ecclesia Docens i.e., in the
pope and the bishops united to him as the centre of unity and
the mere fact of Dr. Littledale and the Church Times being driven
to the use of such sophisms as I have been exposing (which
one would think could only be addressed to the very ignorant
or very thoughtless) f shows that they have really no valid argu-
ment to bring against it.
It may, however, be urged that my own argument goes too
far, and that, having admitted with Dr. Murray that man can
attain to absolute certainty on certain points of religion e.g., the
* Murray, Essays, chiefly Theological, vol. iii. p. 46 et seq.
not touched upon the contention of the Church Times that the Vatican fathers
heir infallibility by defining the pope's infallibility, because it seems to me a piece of
would think that infallibility were infinity, and as there cannot be two infinites,
ot be two infallibles t
1883.] INFALLIBILITY AND PRIVATE JUDGMENT. 339
infallibility of the Ecclesia Docens I have conceded too much, for
that Anglicans claim nothing more than this in asserting their
ability as individuals to attain to absolute certainty with regard
to the meaning of the patristic writings and of everything to
which they bear witness. There is a flaw in this argument
which I beg leave to point out.
No Catholic theologian asserts for a moment that the intel-
lect of man, even when unaided by the light of faith, is unable
to arrive at absolute certainty with reference to any of the state-
ments of Holy Scripture. For instance, granting the inspiration
of the Bible, which of course implies the absence of mistakes in
the sacred writings, any one who can read the Gospels can
arrive at absolute certainty with' regard to the fact that our
Lord was born at Bethlehem, and suffered at Jerusalem, and
that his mother's name was Mary. And so with a multitude
of things, not merely statements of historical fact, but even asser-
tions implying doctrine. The existence of God (which can be
known even by the light of nature) and of angels, the mercy of
God in forgiving sins to those who are penitent, the divine mis-
sion of our Lord, and so on these can be known with absolute
certainty by those who either can read the Scriptures for them-
selves or hear them read by one in whose honesty they have
perfect confidence. But there are many other things, both mat-
ters of fact and matters relating to dogma, which cannot be
known with certainty by the unaided human intellect. For in-
stance, while our Lord's divine mission is stated in terms which
are simply univocal, his divinity i.e., his consubstantiality with
the Father is not so stated. Not a single one of those passages
which the church regards as teaching our Lord's divinity but is
capable, as an abstract term, of two interpretations. Thus when
our Lord says (St. John x. 30), " I and the Father are one," it is
well known that this expression is commonly used among our-
selves, You and I are one on that point meaning merely one
in mind or will, and not in substance. And so again when St.
Paul says (Col. ii. 9), " For in him dwelleth all the fulness of the
Godhead corporally " as far as the mere words are concerned,
it might mean, as Nestorius maintained that it did mean, that God
dwelt in Jesus Christ, but not that God was born of Mary. Now,
no amount of philological or grammatical learning can settle such
points as are here involved, because they are divine mysteries,
which can only be determined by an authority divinely consti-
tuted. The Ecclesia Docens is that divinely-constituted authority,
and she is therefore infallible. She takes the Holy Scriptures
340 INFALLIBILITY AND PRIVATE JUDGMENT. [Dec.,
and the records of tradition, and decides each question with the
certainty that she cannot err in so doing, because God himself
has promised that she shall not.
But Anglicans are not infallible ; Anglicans have no divine
promise that they cannot err ; what right, then, have they to take
the Bible and the Fathers, and set themselves up to determine,
even each one for himself alone, what they mean and what they
do not mean, or what safeguard have they in so doing ?
It may be objected: If this be so how can we know with
certainty that the church is infallible? The fact that the infalli-
bility of the Ecclesia Docens is one of those matters which the mind
can know with absolute certainty is from the nature of the case
a logical necessity. For it is inconceivable that Almighty God
should institute an infallible authority for the purpose of teach-
ing mankind the truths necessary to their eternal salvation, and
should withhold from them the faculty or the power or the
opportunity of knowing with certainty that it is infallible. Such
being the case, it only remains to examine the evidence for the
infallibility of the Ecclesia Docens, and, having done this, we stand
face to face with the Catholic Roman Church. And the evi-
dence for that infallibility, as far as Christians are concerned,
consists in her bearing visibly upon her the notes or marks which
we know will be the distinguishing characteristics of that
church. Space forbids me to enter further upon this subject on
the present occasion. I will only say that as the chief of those
notes is that visible oneness by which, according to our Lord's
institution, she was to be known (just as our Lord himself was
known to St. Martin by the five sacred wounds, and the evil
spirit was detected by their absence), so do we know with abso-
lute certainty that the Catholic Roman Church, in visible commu-
nion with the Apostolic See, alone is that Ecclesia Docens, because
she alone, in common with the other notes of sanctity, catholicity,
and apostolicity, is visibly one throughout the entire world, and
that in the only way in which it is conceivable for a society of
beings endowed with free-will to be perpetually and essentially
one.
The Ritualist, however, of the school of Littledale will doubt-
less ask : What, then, is the use of tradition at all, if we may not
have recourse to the writings of the Fathers to learn the teachings
of the church? But from what we have already said the reply
will surely be anticipated. The church the pope and the bish-
ops, and the theologians who are their consultors do have re-
course to the patristic writings, just as they also devote them-
1883.] INFALLIBILITY AND PRIVATE JUDGMENT. 341
selves to the study of the Sacred Scriptures. But this method of
learning the truth is not for the individual members of the Ec-
clesia Discens ; for mark this : when our Lord founded his church,
and gave his commission which was to last for all time, "even to
the consummation of the world," it was a commission to a living
body of men to teach with a living voice. He did not instruct
his apostles to go and write a book, and then scatter it broadcast,
so that mankind might draw their doctrines from thence. He
never so much as hinted that any such book was to be written ;
still less did he imply that individuals among the faithful by
years of hard study were to discover the doctrines of divine
revelation in the writings of uninspired authors ; but he conferred
the gift of infallibility upon certain living men, and, by logical
necessity, upon their successors, promising them his daily and
hourly assistance in their teaching office to preserve them from
error. This is the work, this is the duty, of the Ecclesia Docens ;
it is the part of the Ecclesia Discens to hear and to obey.
Now, this is what I mean when I say that Anglicans are out-
side of all this. They do not hear the Ecclesia Dccens and they do
not obey her. They hear and they obey no one but themselves.
They set up, indeed, a phantom church and loudly profess their
obedience to it, but each one is for himself the mouthpiece of that
church, one man's views (!) of what the church teaches dogmati-
cally being more " advanced " than those of another, and each
one modifying his opinions from time to time by the results of
his own reading and his own judgment. The reasons which he
has for embracing in his " Catholic Church " all sects possessing
or claiming to possess valid orders rest upon precisely the same
basis as do those of another sectarian who would include all who,
with or without orders, profess the Nicene Creed, or others
again, still more " liberal," who would welcome as their brethren
in the faith " all who love our Lord Jesus Christ in sincerity."
It has its beginning and its ending in self, in the private judgment
of the individual. However loudly the Ritualist may boast his
vaunted Catholicity; however pharisaically he 'may contemn the
members of Protestant sects more consistent than himself ; how-
ever he may prate about holy church and her authority, and
demand from .his dupes and satellites a submission culminating
in himself as her interpreter, he cannot get outside of himself.
That calm and blessed assurance, that perfect peace of mind,
which comes from the certain possession of immutable truth is
the birthright of those alone who listen to the voice of that
shepherd to whom our Lord committed his sheep to be fed,
342 BENJ. BANNEKER, THE NEGRO ASTRONOMER. [Dec.,
" because Blessed Peter, who lives and presides in his own see,
offers the truth of faith to those seeking it." * If, then, these ear-
nest but misguided men would really possess this blessed cer-
tainty ; if they would in very truth feel their feet planted upon
the rock against which the gates of hell shall not prevail ; if, dis-
satisfied with the stone of " indefectibility in the long run " of-
fered them by their spiritual guides, they would indeed be made
partakers of that bread of " infallible truth resting upon infallible
authority," let them come out from among Protestants and cere-
monialists and Erastians in the Establishment, and accept like
little children the citizenship of the kingdom of heaven upon
earth.
BENJAMIN BANNEKER, THE NEGRO ASTRONQ.
MER.f
THE negro stands at the white man's door and asks for
schools and school-teachers. Are you demands the white man
in return a being of sufficient intelligence to be worthy of a
good schooling ? To answer that question the readers of THE
CATHOLIC WORLD will permit me, a lover of the colored race, to
tell them something of one negro's history which may stimulate
their sense of justice justice, I say ; for the system of American
slavery, which made the soul of the black man darker than his
skin with law-enforced ignorance, was the work of white men.
What our white people did wrongfully to their black brethren
in former times it is but just that we should set right to their
children in these our times.
Benjamin Banneker was born in Baltimore County, not far
from Ellicott's Mills, in 1731. His father was a slave, and by all
accounts a native African, and his mother was a free mulatto.
She was a woman of great energy and industry, and a true-heart-
ed wife and mother. Very soon after her marriage she pur-
chased her husband's freedom, no doubt from the proceeds of
her own toil.
Young Benjamin was sent in early boyhood to a white school
in the neighborhood which was thrown open to a few colored
* St. Chrysologus, Ep, ad Eutych., p. 16, apud Allnatt, Cathedra Petri, p. 29.
t See Memoirs of Banneker, by I. H. B. Latrobe and J. Saurin Norris, both of the
Baltimore bar : also, History of the Negro Race in America, by Williams, himself a colored
man (New York : Putnams, 1883), and the Atlantic Monthly for January, 1863.
1883.] BENJ. BANNEKER, THE NEGRO ASTRONOMER. 343
children ; for it was not till years afterwards that it became a
penal offence to teach a black boy his letters. An old servant of
one of Maryland's leading families, who had known Banneker
from his childhood, used to relate that whilst all the other boys
loved play and sought amusements, Banneker's only delight
was to " live unto his books." The region in which Benjamin
was born was then almost a wilderness; for in 1732 Elkridge
Landing was of more importance than Baltimore, which was
only laid out in 1727. It is well to keep this before our minds,
in order that the difficulties against which Banneker had to
struggle may be fairly understood. When old enough to work
he was taken from school and employed to assist his parents in
their labor ; and during his early youth his destiny seemed no-
thing better than that of a child of poor and ignorant free negroes
possessing a few acres of land in a remote and thinly-settled
country district. The outlook for a clever colored boy at the
present day even is not very bright, and a^ hundred and twenty
years ago it must have been gloomy enough.
After passing his minority Banneker continued to reside on
the little farm of his parents, and remained in possession of it
after they died and during the remainder of his life. Whilst in
the vigor of his manhood he was an industrious and thriving-
farmer ; kept his grounds in good order, had horses, cows, and
many hives of bees, and cultivated a good garden, living quite
comfortably. But he was all the time tormented with the desire
of knowledge. During the winter months and at other leisure
times his active mind was employed in increasing the knowledge
he had gained at school. His favorite study was arithmetic.
He had learned the mere rudiments of ciphering at school, and
now a resistless attraction drew him, all alone and without any
teacher, to master that whole division of mathematical science.
He slowly became a perfect master of the most difficult arithme-
tical problem^. Knowledge of all kinds, indeed, was his craving.
He devoured every book he could buy or borrow, and by degrees
so amplified an4 improved his knowledge and cultivated his mind
that before reaching the years of middle age he was a man of
good English education, of correct grammatical speech, able to
write strong English, and of much general information. But he
loved the natural sciences best, was a quick observer of all natu-
ral phenomena, studying with eagerness and delight all that he
beheld about him of the operations of nature's laws.
At first his knowledge was known to his illiterate neighbors
only, but by degrees it became the wonder of a wider circle ; and
344 BENJ. BANNEKER, THE NEGRO ASTRONOMER. [Dec.,
Banneker, still a young man, came to be thought of as one who
could not only perform all the operations of nfental arithmetic
and ciphering with extraordinary facility, but exercise on matters
and things in general a sound and discriminating judgment. It
was about this time that he displayed an extraordinary mecha-
nical genius ; for, all unaided, he contrived and made a clock, the
first in the then quiet and secluded valley of the Patapsco, a
watch serving for his model. It took him a -long while to ac-
complish this feat, his greatest difficulty, as he often afterwards
said, being to make the hour, minute, and 'second hands corre-
spond in their motions. The clock was at last finished, and raised
still higher Banneker's credit in the neighborhood and marked
an epoch in the life of the gifted negro ; for it was probably
owing to the fame of it that the Eilicott family heard of him and
s )ught him out.
It was, indeed, about this time that the Ellicotts built in the
vicinity of our hero's farm those flour-mills of which they are
still the owners, and which gave name to the present village and
post-office of Ellicott's Mills. The family is still a respectable
and honored one, a leading Maryland family, and worthy to be
held in benediction by all colored people and their friends for the
unsought kindness and affectionate help they spent on Benjamin
Banneker. He was a delighted and studious spectator of the
new mill-buildings as they were being erected. When the mills
were running he was still an eager watcher ; and long after the
novelty of them died out among his neighbors he continued his
frequent visits, watching and studying the machinery. Thus not
only his acquaintance with the Ellicotts developed, but he also
came to know the settlers, both whites and blacks, of the sur-
rounding country, who resorted to the mills to dispose of their
corn or have it ground, to purchase goods and satisfy their
various wants, and also to get their letters and newspapers.
The mills, in short, became the gossiping centre of*the country
round. Here in conversation with those who valued -attainments
so unusual in a man of color, accompanied always by great mod-
esty and general good conduct, Banneker was at times induced
to overcome his habitual reserve and take his share in the con-
versation and take sides in the various discussions. Little by
little the proprietors, certainly men of noble character, formed
an acquaintance with, him which ripened into true friendship ;
and a few years after the mills were in operation Mr. George
Eilicott, one of the owners, lent Banneker Mayer's Tables, Fer-
guson's Astronomy, and Leadbeater's Lunar Tables, with a few
1883.] BENJ. BANNEKER, THE NEGRO ASTRONOMER. 345
astronomical instruments. It happened, however, that Ellicott
was prevented at the time from giving Banneker the instructions
usually necessary for understanding the'tables and the use of the
instruments. A few days later, therefore, he went for that pur-
pose to Banneker's little home a mere hut when to his surprise
he found that he had mastered the meaning of the books and use
of the instruments by himself, and was in no need of an instructor.
I do not know what attention, if any, he had hitherto given to
the subject of astronomy, though we can hardly suppose that
the stately march of the starry heavens could have failed to at-
tract his perplexed and earnest guesses. It must also be borne
in mind that when he thus fairly began the science he was a man
of nearly threescore years ! At any rate, from this time the
study of astronomy became the great passion of Banneker's
life.
He was never married, and, after his parents' death, was the
sole occupant of his little cabin. Though obliged to labor for
his bread, and being besides his own cook, chambermaid, and
hostler, Banneker, by retrenching his wants, made little serve
him, every ingenuity being exercised to secure more leisure to
devote to his books and his observations. His favorite time for
study was, of course, at night, when he could look out upon the
stars and planets, whose laws he was gradually but surely mas-
tering. As it was during the hours of darkness that Banneker
was at his real labors, and as he was forced to sleep during the
greater part of the day, he lost among his less appreciative
acquaintances the reputation for industry that he had won in
earlier life. Those who saw little of him in his fields, and found
him sleeping when visiting his house, set him down as a lazy
fellow who would come to no good, and whose old age would
disappoint the promises of youth.
This "dislike was followed by attempts to impose on the
humble genius, and even by attacks on his property, with various
threats against his person. A memorandum in his handwriting,
dated December 18, 1790, states :
" informed me that stole my horse and greatcoat, and
that the said intended to murder me when opportunity presented.
gave me a caution to let no one come into my house after dark." ,
The names of the parties were originally written in full ; but they
were afterwards carefully erased, as though Banneker had re-
flected that it was wrong to leave an unauthenticated assertion
on record against any one.
346 BENJ. BANNEKER, THE NEGRO ASTRONOMER. [Dec.,
The amateur astronomer did not, however, because of his
studies, cease to visit the mills. He is described by a gentleman
who frequently met him at this time " as of a black complexion,
medium stature, of uncommonly soft, gentle manners, and of
pleasing colloquial powers." Whatever others thought of him,
the friendship of George Ellicott, the owner of the mills, himself a
man of high literary attainments, never faltered. Ellicott's visits
to Banneker were frequent. Finally he induced our timid star-
gazer to venture such calculations as are set down in almanacs.
But what was Ellicott's chagrin to find that his black friend's
first prediction of an eclipse was false : an error had slipped into
his calculations. Ellicott drew his attention to it. To his
mingled surprise and delight, Banneker answered by letter,
pointing out that he had been misled by a discrepancy between
the two authors, Ferguson and Leadbeater. " Now, Mr. Ellicott,"
runs the letter, " two such learned gentlemen as the above men-
tioned, one in direct opposition to the other, stagnate young
beginners. But I hope the stagnation will not be of long dura-
tion." In the same letter, speaking of the greatness of the task,
he thus writes : " It is an easy matter for us, when a diagram is
laid down before us, to draw one in resemblance of it ; but it is a
hard matter for a young tyro in astronomy, when only the ele-
ments for the prediction are laid down for him, to draw his dia-
gram with any degree of certainty."
Of the labor of his work few of those can form an idea who
would nowadays attempt such a task with all the assistance
afforded by accurate tables and well-digested rules. Banneker
had no aid whatever from men or tables ; and Mr. George Elli-
cott, who promised him some astronomical tables and took them
to him, declares that he had advanced unaided far in the prepa-
ration of the logarithms necessary for his purposes. A memo-
randum in his calculations points out other errors of Ferguson
and of Leadbeater, both of whom, no doubt, would have been
amazed had they been informed that their elaborate works had
been reviewed and corrected by a negro in the then unheard-of
valley of the Patapsco.
The first almanac prepared by Banneker for publication was
for the year 1792. The almanac-publishers of Baltimore gave a
very flattering praise to the compiler :
"They [the publishers] feel gratified in the opportunity of presenting
to the public through their press what must be considered* as an extraor-
dinary effort of genius a complete and accurate ephemeris for the year
1792, calculated by a sable son of Africa," etc.
1883.] BENJ. BANNEKER, THE NEGRO ASTRONOMER. "347
And they further say :
" They flatter themselves that a philanthropic public, in this enlight-
ened era, will be induced to give their patronage and support to this work,
not only on account of its intrinsic merits (it having met the approbation
of the most distinguished astronomers of America, particularly the cele-
brated Mr. Rittenhouse), but from similar motives to those which induced
the editors to give this calculation the preference the ardent desire of
drawing modest merit from obscurity and controverting the long-estab-
lished illiberal prejudice against the blacks."
Banneker himself was entirely conscious of the bearings of
his case upon the position of his people ; and, though remark-
able for an habitual modesty, he solemnly claimed that his work
had earned respect for the African race. In this spirit he wrote
to Thomas Jefferson, then Secretary of State under Washington,
transmitting a manuscript copy of his almanac. The letter a
fervent appeal for the down-trodden negro, and a protest against
the injustice and inconsistency of his treatment by the people of
the United States is herewith given entire. I beg the reader as
he peruses this letter to weigh its pleadings well, putting himself
and our times in place of Jefferson and ninety years ago/
"MARYLAND, BALTIMORE Co., near Ellicott's Lower Mills,.
"August 19, 1791.
" THOMAS JEFFERSON, Secretary of State :
" SIR: I am fully sensible of the greatness of that freedom which I take
with you on the present occasion a liberty which seemed to me scarcely
allowable when I reflected on that distinguished and dignified station in
which you stand and the almost general prejudice and prepossession
which are so prevalent in the world against those of my complexion. I
suppose it is a truth too well attested to you to need a proof here that we
are a race of beings who have long labored under the abuse and censure
of the world, that we have long been considered rather as brutish than
human, and scarcely capable of mental endowment.
" Sir, I hope I may safely admit, in consequence of that report which
hath reached me, that you are a man far less inflexible in sentiments of
this nature than many others, that you are measurably friendly and well-
disposed towards us,* and that you are ready and willing to lend your aid
* Jefferson, in his Memoirs, written in January, 1821, speaking of the reforms introduced
by him and his associates into the organic law of Virginia, speaks as follows of his and their
efforts at emancipation : " The bill on the subject of slaves was a mere digest of the existing
laws respecting them, without any intimation of a plan for a future or general emancipation.
It was thought better that this should be kept back, and attempted only by way of amendment
whenever the bill should be brought on. The principles of the amendment, however, were
agreed on that is to say, the freedom of all born after a certain day and deportation after a pro-
per age. But it was found that the public mind would not yet bear the proposition, nor will it
bear it even at this day. Yet the day is not distant when it must bear and adopt it, or worse
will follow. Nothing is more certainly written in the book of fate than that these people are to
be free ; nor is it less certain that the two races, equally free, cannot live in the same government,
348 BENJ. BANNEKER, THE NEGRO ASTRONOMER. [Dec.,
and assistance to our relief from those many distressed and numerous
calamities to which we are reduced.
" Now, sir, if this is found in truth I apprehend you will readily em-
brace every opportunity to eradicate that train of absurd and false ideas
and opinions which so generally prevails with respect to us, and that your
sentiments are concurrent with mine, which are that an universal Father
hath given being to us all of one flesh, but that he hath also without par-
tiality afforded us all the same sensations and endowed us all with the
same faculties, and that however variable we may be in society or religion,
however diversified in situation or color, we are all of the same family and
stand in the same relation to him.
" Sir, if these are sentiments of which you are fully persuaded, I hope
you cannot but acknowledge that it is the indispensable duty of those who
maintain for themselves the rights of human nature, and who profess the
obligations of Christianity, to extend their power and influence to the re-
lief of every part of the human race from whatever burden or oppression
they may unjustly labor under; and this, I apprehend, a full conviction of
the truth and obligation of these principles should lead all to.
" Sir, I have long been convinced that if your love for yourselves and
for those inestimable laws which preserve to you the rights of human na-
ture was founded on sincerity, you could not but be solicitous that every in-
dividual, of whatever rank or distinction, might with you equally enjoy the
blessings thereof; neither could you rest satisfied short of the most active
diffusion of your exertions in order to their promotion from any state of
degradation to which the unjustifiable cruelty and barbarism of men may
have reduced them.
"Sir, I freely and cheerfully acknowledge that I am of the African race,
and, in that color which is natural to them, of the deepest dye, and it is
under a sense of the most profound gratitude to the supreme Ruler of the
universe that I now confess to you that I am not under that state of
tyrannical thraldom and inhuman captivity to which too many of my
brethren are doomed, but that I have abundantly tasted of the fruition of
those blessings which proceed from that free and unequalled liberty with
which you are favored, and which I hope you will willingly allow you have
received from the immediate hand of that Being from whom proceedeth
every good and perfect gift.
"Sir, suffer me to recall to your mind that time in which the arms and
tyranny of the British crown were exerted with every powerful effort in
order to reduce you to a state of servitude. Look back, I entreat you, on
the variety of dangers to which you were exposed ; reflect on that time
iri which every human aid appeared unavailable, and in which even hope
and fortitude wore the aspect of inability to the conflict ; and you cannot
but be led to a serious and grateful sense of your miraculous and provi-
etc." The delay of emancipation, which Jefferson thus viewed with such impatience, if not re-
sentment, had at least the effect, by longer intercourse and the union of two or three more gene-
rations of the races, of rendering deportation plainly unnecessary to full freedom of the blacks.
The political associates whom he mentions as having agreed on the above scheme of emancipa-
tion were himself, Pendleton, George Wythe, George Mason, and Thomas L. Lee. They were
a committee of the House of Burgesses appointed in the session of '76. (Jefferson's Writings^
Boston, 1830, vol. i. p. 39.)
1883.] BENJ. BANNEKER, THE NEGRO ASTRONOMER. 349
dential preservation ; you cannot but acknowledge that the present freedom
and tranquillity which you enjoy you have mercifully received, and that it is
the peculiar blessing of Heaven.
"This, sir, was a time in which you clearly saw into the injustice of a
state of slavery, and in which you had just apprehension of the horrors of
its condition.
" It was now, sir, that your abhorrence thereof was so excited that you
publicly held forth this true and invaluable doctrine, which is worthy
to be recorded and remembered in all succeeding ages: 'We hold these
truths to be self-evident : that all men are created equal, and that they are
endowed with certain inalienable rights ; that among these are life, liberty,
and the pursuit of happiness.'
" Here, sir, was a time in which your tender feelings for yourself had
engaged you thus to declare you were then impressed with proper ideas of
the great valuation of liberty and the free possession of those blessings to
which you were entitled by nature.
" But, sir, how pitiable is it to reflect that although you were so fully
convinced of the benevolence of the Father of mankind, and of his equal
and impartial distribution of these rights and privileges which he had con-
ferred upon them, that you should at the same time counteract his mercies
in detaining by fraud and violence so numerous a part of my brethren
under groaning captivity and cruel oppression ; that you should at the
same time be found guilty of that most criminal act which you professedly
detested in others with respect to yourselves !
" Sir, I suppose that your knowledge of the situation of my brethren is
too extensive to need a recital here ; neither shall I presume to prescribe
methods by which they may be relieved, otherwise than by recommending
to you and all others to wean yourselves from those narrow prejudices
which you have imbibed with respect to them, and, as Job proposed to his
friends, 'put your souls in their souls' stead.' Thus shall your hearts be
enlarged with kindness and benevolence towards them, and thus shall you
need neither the direction of myself nor others in what manner to proceed
herein.
"And now, sir, although my sympathy and affection for my brethren
hath caused my enlargement thus far, I ardently hope that your candor
and generosity will plead with you in my behalf when I make known to
you that it was not originally my design, but that, having taken up my pen
in order to direct to you as a present a copy of an almanac which I have
calculated for the succeeding year, I was unexpectedly and unavoidably led
thereto.
"This calculation, sir, is the production of my arduous study in this my*
advanced stage of life ; for, having long had unbounded desires to become
acquainted with the secrets of nature, I have had to gratify my curiosity
herein through my own assiduous application to astronomical study, in
which I need not to recount to you the many difficulties and disadvantages
which I have had to encounter. And although I had almost declined to
make my calculation for the ensuing year, in consequence of that time
which I had allotted therefor being taken up at the Federal Territory by
the request of Mr. Andrew Ellicott, yet, finding myself under several en-
gagements to printers of this State to whom I communicated my design,
350 BENJ. BANNEKER, THE NEGRO ASTRONOMER. [Dec.,
on my return to my place of residence I industriously applied myself
thereto, which, I hope, I have accomplished with correctness and accuracy.
A copy of which I have taken the liberty to direct to you, and which I
humbly request you will favorably receive. And although you may have
the opportunity of perusing it after its publication, yet I chose to send it
to you in manuscript previous thereto, that thereby you might not only
have an earlier inspection, but that you might also view it in my own hand-
writing.
"And now, sir, I shall conclude and subscribe myself with the most
profound respect,
" Your most obedient, humble servant,
" B. BANNEKER.
" THOMAS JEFFERSON, Secretary of State, Philadelphia.
" N.B. Any communication to me may be had by a direction to Mr.
Elias Ellicott, merchant, in Baltimore town. B. B."
The boldness of this letter may well startle us. There is no
cringing nor unmanly servility, and we must admire the strong
consciousness of Banneker in his mental powers. Jefferson
honored the letter with the following courteous reply :
" PHILADELPHIA, PA., August 30, 1791.
*' SIR : I thank you sincerely for your letter of the ipth instant and for
the almanac it contained. Nobody wishes more than I do to see such
proofs as you exhibit that nature has given to our black brethren talents
equal to those of the other colors of men, and that the appearance of a
want of .them is owing only to the degraded condition of their existence
both in Africa and America. I can add with truth that no one wishes more
ardently to see a good system commenced for raising the condition both
of their body and mind to what it ought to be as fast as the imbecility of
their present existence and other circumstances will admit. I have taken
the liberty of sending your almanac to M. de Condorcet, secretary of the
Academy of Sciences at Paris, and member of the Philanthropic Society,
because I considered it a document to which your whole color had a right
for their justification against the doubts which have been entertained of
them. I am, with great esteem, sir,
" Your most obedient servant,
" THO. JEFFERSON.
" MR. BENJAMIN BANNEKER,
" Near Ellicott's Lower Mills, Baltimore Co." *
* Touching the condition of the blacks prior to and during the Revolution Mr. Williams
(History of the Negro Race, i. p. 370) says : " When the Revolutionary War began the legal
status of the negro slave was clearly defined in the courts of all the colonies. He was
either chattel or real property." Soon the ticklish question arose concerning the negro
soldier who was a slave: "Could he be taken as property or as a prisoner of war?" After
much deliberation the colonies agreed to accept him as a prisoner of war, while the royalists
held he was property and legitimate spoils of war. Mr. Williams says : " But the almost
universal doctrine of property in the negro, and his status in the courts of the colonies, gave
the royal army great advantages in the appropriation of negro captives under the plea that
they were property, and hence legitimate ' spoils of war 'J; while, on the part of the colonies,
to declare that the captured negroes were entitled to the treatment of prisoners of war was
1883.] BENJ. BANNEKER, THE NEGRO ASTRONOMER. 351
When his first almanac was published Banneker was about
sixty years of age. He soon received tokens of respect from
all the scientific men of the country.
In his letter to Jefferson our astronomer alleges as a reason
why he was thinking of not going on with his almanac for that
year that he was with the commissioners appointed to run the
lines of the District of Columbia, then known as the Federal
Territory. Wishing to avail themselves of Banneker's acquire-
ments, the commissioners invited him to be present at the sur-
veys. His conduct throughout the whole engagement secured
their respect. They invited him to a daily seat at their ^own
table, but this, with his usual modesty, Banneker declined. They
then ordered a side-table laid for him in the same room with
themselves. On his return he called to give an account of his
work at the house of a friend. He arrived on horseback, dressed
in his usual costume a full suit of drab cloth surmounted by a
broad-brimmed beaver hat. He declared the commissioners to
" be a very civil set of gentlemen, who had overlooked his com-
plexion." After describing the work, and, with his usual humil
ity, counting as trivial his own share, he added that during his
absence he did not taste wine or spirituous liquors, adding : " I
feared to trust myself even with wine, lest it should steal away
the little sense I have." David Stuart, Daniel Carroll, Thomas
Johnson, Andrew Ellicott, and Major L'Enfant were the survey-
ors. Of course it was through Ellicott that Banneker was
secured.
This Daniel Carroll owned the property on which the Capitol
building stands. He was a devout Catholic, brother, if I mistake
not, of Archbishop Carroll, of Baltimore. His family was not
related to the Carrolls of Carrollton. Daniel's descendants still
live on Capitol Hill, Washington. Their house is known as
Duddington.
to reverse a principle of law as old as their government. It was, in fact, an abandonment
of the claim of property in the negro. It was a recognition of his rights as a soldier, a
bestowal of the highest favors known in the treatment of captives of war." Yet as a matter
of fact it often happened that even on the patriot side " enlistment did not work a practical
emancipation of the slave, as some have thought. Negroes were rated as chattel property by
both armies and both governments during the entire war. This is the cold fact of history,
and it is not pleasing to contemplate. The negro occupied the anomalous position of an
American slave and an American soldier. He was a soldier in the hour of danger, and a chattel
in time of peace."
Prior to 1809 free colored people possessed of a certain property qualification voted in
Maryland. In that year the right of voting was restricted to free white males, Greenbury
Morton, a colored man, and claimed by some as a relative of Banneker, was ignorant of the new
law till he offered to vote at the polls in Baltrmore County. It is said that when his vote was
refused he got on a barrel and addressed the voters in a strain of true and passionate eloquence
which held them in breathless attention.
352 BENJ. BANNEKER, THE NEGRO ASTRONOMER. [Dec.,
Hard drinking had been Banneker's weakness. But, with a
self-denial supposed to be unknown to his race, seeing its evils,
he resolved to refrain from intoxicating drink, and gradually
succeeded, becoming finally a total abstainer. As the reader
may well suppose, once familiar with the books and instruments
furnished him by the Ellicotts, Banneker was anxious to devote
more time to study, and still more desirous to be released from
the anxieties and cares attending the cultivation of his farm.
He undertook to let it out, but his tenants were a continual vexa-
tion to him, refusing to pay rent, and, when expostulated with,
retaliating by annoying him in a dozen ways. One of them, see-
ing his impatience, said quaintly to him, " It is better to die of
hunger than anger." Finally he sold his farm for an annuity.
Carefully calculating his chances of life, he put the annuity at
twelve pounds, Maryland currency, during a given number of
years.
This, with the proceeds of his' almanacs, supported him till his
death in 1804. It is said the only serious error Banneker ever
made was in this very calculation, for he lived eight years longer
than the time he had calculated. But it was the Ellicotts who
had bought the place, and they generously paid the annuity till
their old friend was gone.
When at death's door during a previous sickness, Banneker
charged his two sisters, Mrs. Molly Morton and Mrs. Black, to
give to Mr. Ellicott his MSS., his letter to Jefferson, all his
instruments, and everything else loaned or given him by that
gentleman. On the day of his death the sisters faithfully obeyed
his orders, and their arrival at the mills was the first news of the
learned negro's death. During the last sad rites at Banneker's
grave, two days after death, his cottage took fire and with every-
thing in it was totally destroyed. The clock was then lost.
Among his MSS. were found many astronomical and mathemati-
cal notes and observations, together with much that reflected the
quaint and humorous turn of his mind.
Banneker published his almanac till 1802. It was a success
financially as well as scientifically. Its title is here transcribed
at length as a matter of curious interest. If it claims little of
the art or elegance or wit of modern almanacs, it is nevertheless,
viewing its history, a far more interesting production :
" Benjamin Banneker's Pennsylvania, Delaware, Virginia,
and Maryland Almanac and Ephemeris for the year of our Lord
1792, being bissextile or leap-year, and the sixteenth year of
American Independence, which commenced July 4th, 1776. Con-
1883.] BENJ. BANNEKER, THE NEGRO ASTRONOMER. 353
taining the motions of the sun and moon, the true places and as-
pects of the planets, the rising and setting of the sun, the rising,
setting, and southing, place and age, of the moon, etc. The lu-
nations, conjunctions, eclipses, judgment of the weather, festivals,
and remarkable days." This much is Banneker's. The rest was
the publishers', but, besides being quaint, has nothing very at-
tractive. Copies of the almanac have become very rare indeed.
I have been informed by a dealer in old and curious books that a
single copy would bring fifty dollars. He stopped his almanac
in 1802, and survived his last publication only two years, dying,
as I have noticed, in 1804, at the age of seventy-two.
It only remains for me to mention the few and scattering
details of our hero's life that remain to us. In his business
transactions he was strictly honest, while towards his own
debtors he was very lenient. Hence the need of selling his
farm, for he was not able to collect his rents. The boys, who in
his old age were rather numerous in the neighborhood, played
sad havoc with his garden. They would call at his door and
ask and obtain permission to partake of some of his fruit. After-
wards, when the astronomer was lost in calculations, they would
return and strip his trees. For this he was heard to remonstrate
with his youthful visitors, even offering them one-half if they
would leave him in quiet possession of the other ; but all without
avail. To a friend who once visited him in the summer he ex-
pressed regret that he had no fruit to present him, adding with a
smile : " I have no influence with the rising generation. All my
arguments have failed to induce them to set bounds to their
wants."
Banneker's habits of study were very peculiar. At nightfall,
wrapped in a great cloak, he would lie prostrate upon the
ground, passing the hours of darkness in contemplation of the
heavenly bodies. At daylight he would retire to his dwelling,
where he spent a portion of the day in repose. But as he
seemed to require less sleep than most people, he employed the
hours of the afternoons in the cultivation of his garden, trimming
the fruit-trees, dr in observing the habits and flights of his bees.
When his services and attention were not required out-doors
he busied himself with his books, papers, and mathematical in-
struments, at a large oval table in his house. The situation of
his dwelling was one that would be admired by every lover of
nature, and furnished a fine field to observe the celestial pheno-
mena. It was about half a mile from the Patapsco River, and
commanded a prospect of the hills, near and distant, upon its
VOL. xxxvni. 23
354 BENJ. BANNEKER, THE NEGRO ASTRONOMER. [Dec.,
banks, so justly celebrated for their picturesque beauty. The
whole situation was charming, inspiring, and no doubt helped
him in overcoming the difficulties in the way of the pursuit of
science.
Banneker's morals were without a blemish, save that in his
early manhood days he was a hard drinker. We have already
spoken of that courageous self-denial, generally regarded as un-
known to his race, with which he trampled the sin and then the
temptation under foot. We remember his boast that all the
while he was engaged on the survey of the District of Columbia
he tasted not even wine. He seems to have been a Quaker in
his religious belief, and, while hoping that he may have received
some form of baptism in infancy and partaken besides of God's
uncovenanted mercies, we must regret for his sake that the
true church numbered him not among her sons. To those little
acquainted with his race his thirst for knowledge must excite
wonder and his success in acquiring it a far greater astonish-
ment.
" The extent of his knowledge "thus runs Latrobe's memoir of
him "is not so remarkable as that he acquired what he did under the
circumstances we have described. It may be said by those disposed to
sneer at his simple history, if there be any such, that after all he was but
an almanac-maker, a very humble personage in the ranks of astronomical
science. But that the almanac-maker of Pennsylvania, Delaware, Mary-
land, and Virginia, from 1792 to 1802, should have been a free black man is,
to use the language of Jefferson, ' a fact to which his color has a right for
their justification against the doubts that have been entertained of them.' "
All must agree with this conclusion, and must ask themselves if
such things were possible amidst so much prejudice and so many
drawbacks, what may we not expect from the colored people of
to-day ? The case of Banneker shows that it is a mistake to
fancy that the negro will always skulk in our shadow, over-
powered by the ability and importance of his more favored
brethren.
1883.] A POET OF THE "REFORMATION" 355
A POET OF THE "REFORMATION."
THE revolution produced in Germany by the movement
known as the "Reformation" was most discouraging to polite
literature. The song, devout and cheerful as it had been, was
hushed, and German imagination for a hundred years brooded
in silence or gave utterance to its dreams in verses worse even
than those of the Meistersinger. Those minds, always thought-
ful, yearned for they knew not precisely what, and must come at
length to let other peoples direct their aspirations and give them
strange tongues. It is most remarkable what, in the midst of
this season of inactivity and discouragement, the other nations
of Europe did for Germany.
The Saxon period, so named from the native home of Luther,
was essentially prose, but it did wonders in developing German
intellect and language. Luther himself was a most vigorous
writer. The ferocity with which he warred, his mighty influ-
ence among his countrymen, aroused within them a new impulse
both to read and to write, and the German language became one
of the richest in Europe for the discussion of the serious concerns
of man, mortal and eternal. But it is tiresome and it is sad
to read the literature of that period, its gloomy complainings,
its unrelenting warrings, its gradual, inevitable descent into the
depths of mysticism and doubt, which have made faithless and
godless so many of that gifted and naturally most religious people.
To the influences of these internal struggles were added, among
others less important, those of the Thirty Years' War, similar in
duration and disastrous consequences to the Wars of the Roses.
No people fight like the Germans, especially when they fight
with one another. So brave, so serious, the German knows not
to yield, except to superior physical force, and when he yields at
length to that it is a sullen submission that waits for other times
and other opportunities to renew the conflict. In these terrific
wars of many kinds German literature, poor as it had become
for the soothing, sweet behests of poetry, 'seemed destined to re-
turn into the barbarism of the past, until finally, ashamed, dis-
gusted with its own doings, and discouraged with the possibili
ties of its endeavors, the German mind sought, as it seemed, to
ignore what it had known, to yield its individuality, and engraft
upon itself a foreign existence.
It is interesting to contemplate that continuous travelling
356 A POET OF THE "REFORMATION" [Dec.,
hither and thither, during the latter part of the seventeenth and
much of the eighteenth centuries, in search of foreign sentiments
and foreign forms of expression. It reminds one of the missions
of the first rude Romans, seeking amid cultured peoples for laws
with which to control and guide their ignorant and lawless popu-
lace. Fortunately for German literature, no single foreign na-
tionality could please universally. Fierce were the struggles
among the different invaders who had been invited the Greeks,
the French, the Dutch, the English. Of these the French, under
the lead first of Opitz, and afterwards and especially of Voltaire,
seemed as if they must prevail ; and the German nation appear-
ed as if anxious to give themselves up entirely to the people who
in all respects were least similar to themselves. The German,
naturally simple, thoughtful, tender, in the times whereof we
write seemed to have grown ashamed of himself for being such,
and endeavored to become gay, supple, affected. " German sim-
plicity of manners, nay, the very language itself, disappeared
from the court and from the castles of the nobility. The higher
literati, the public officials, even the richer burghers, ceased to
speak their mother-tongue." * Menzel says that French influ-
ence extended even to the habits of physical life : " Paleness came
into favor; a lady without the vapors belonged not to good
society. The hearty daughters of German country gentlemen,
sound to the core, painted themselves white, starved themselves
thin, and drank vinegar, in order to get up the genuine invalid
look." What was to become of the patriotism and the morals of
a people thus habituated was plain to foresee.
We have made these observations preliminary to a brief
study of that man who, belonging not specially to any of the
various schools, employed the ideas and the discipline of each as
it happened to suit his purposes or his whims. There has never
lived a man about whom have been more conflicting opinions
than Goethe. Not as to his claims to be regarded as a great
genius. On these there has been and can be but one opinion. It is
the most illustrious name in the literature of Europe since Shak-
spere. In some respects Goethe went beyond even him. For
not only was he a great poet, but he was a scientist and a dis-
coverer in science. He was conversant with art. From his
youth, even his childhood, to old age, far-advanced old age, the
possession of health, pecuniary means, all good opportunities,
combined with sleepless industry in study and in work all these
allowed him to do his very best in the various fields of his en-
* Metcalf's German Literature.
1883.] A POET OF THE "REFORMATION" 357
deavors. An aristocrat, or at least of aristocratic ambitions and
pretensions, sympathizing only with the aristocracy or other for-
tunates who, like the rich Persicus of Juvenal, during an insigni-
ficant misfortune are wont to receive contributions that compen-
sate over and over for all losses, real and imaginary he became
a trimmer in literature as in politics. The distinguishing char-
acteristic of Goethe's being was selfishness. He was the most
exquisitely, imperturbably, continuously selfish mortal that has
ever lived in this world, at least among those of, or in approxi-
mation to, his own social and intellectual rank. Some years ago
we read his Autobiography, which, instead of an apologia, a name
usually given by modest men to such a work, he styled " Poetry
and Truth." We have been sometimes sorry that we read it.
In this book it is wonderful to notice .the coldness with which he
alludes to the various love-passages he had with young girls ;
how he trifled with their affections ; how little he cared for their
disappointments, their sense of humiliation, and how he seemed to
have neither remorse nor regret for the unhappiness that re-
suited from changes of his purposes and violations of his pledges.
It was sufficient, in his mind, for them to remember that such
changes and violations had been done by Johann Wolfgang von
Goethe, to whom all mankind owed too much gratitude for ser-
vice upon various fields to let him be disturbed by remembrance
of what, in hours of youthful levity, he may have said and done
in the society of a few individual girls and women. Not that
even in this world he did not have to pay for such things, and
in ways poignant and humiliating.
In an age of despotism a selfish man will ever be a time-ser-
ver. This was an age of despotism manifold, not only political,
as Prussia has ever wielded, but religious and literary. French
literature first and most powerful, Greek literature next, English
literature last. Lessing, single-minded, combative, heroic, had
to fight single-handed, and died reeking with the sweat of battle
before he could raise or hear a shout of victory. Had he been
joined by Goethe, whom without a pang he would have been
ready to acknowledge and follow as leader, the war would
sooner and easily have been ended. Yet this man, in whose in-
tellect were characteristics of the most gifted of all ages, ancient
and modern, gave himself to the management of the political
affairs of a German duke, and in hours of leisure humored and
flattered and tantalized these several despotisms even, according
to the individual caprices and whims of each. In this various
work the things which he did are among the wonders of the
358 A POET OF THE "REFORMATION." [Dec.,
world. Yet of all wonders connected with them this is the
chiefest: that none of them were done by actuation of love of
country, love of mankind, or love of God; Not that Goethe was
not a man of feeling. So much the worse, and he pursued that
rdle of the great poet in creating concrete existences out of his
own heart's experiences. He had loved the lithe little Gretchen,
and her he immortalized in Faust. He knew all that is to be
felt by an ardent nature.
In the case of Margaret in Faust, that one of the most pow-
erful of the productions of the human intellect, it is piteous
to witness how soon and how far one heretofore innocent may
fall when tempted beyond endurance by the evil spirit. Mephis-
topheles, who at first is represented as sufficiently reprobate and
hideous, has already grown, by the time he has first seen this
poor child of fifteen years, to feel apparently some pity, and he
avows that such perfect innocence is beyond his power to cor-
rupt. To Faust, who has pointed her out to him, he says :
" She there ? She's coming from confession,
Of every sin absolved ; for I
Behind her chair was listening nigh.
So innocent is she, indeed,
That to confess she had no need.
I have no power o'er souls so green.'' *
Yet he is held to his compact, and, to satisfy the eager lover, that
very night begins the attack by placing a casket of jewels on the
press of the child's chamber. Preparing herself for her couch,
singing the while " There was a king in Thule," and noticing
the casket, it appears that the evil one has found at once the
weakness it will be most promising to assail. After adorning
herself with the jewels and getting before her poor mirror, how
mournful these words which she utters :
"Were but the ear-rings mine alone !
One has at once another air.
What helps one's beauty, youthful blood ?
One may possess them well and good ;
But none the more do others care.
They praise us half in pity, sure :
To gold still tends,
On gold depends,
All, all ! Alas, we poor ! " t
Never was a tale of ruin more pitifully told. The pinching of
the wants of a poor estate, harsh domestic rule, notice, attentions,
* Scene vii., Bayard Taylor's translation. t Ib., scene viii.
1883.] A POET OF THE "REFORMATION" 359
and devotions from a young man handsome, aristocratic, courtly,
and wealthy ; then native innocence, habitual piety, abhorrence
of dishonor, wickedness, and shame, wailings and prayers before
and after her fall these fill one's heart with a sympathy that
brings frequent tears to one's eyes :
" My peace is gone,
My heart is sore ;
I never shall find it,
Ah ! never more." *
" Incline, O Maiden,
Thou sorrow-laden,
Thy gracious countenance upon my pain !
The sword thy heart in,
With anguish smarting,
Thou lookest up to where thy Son is slain." t
That by her spinning-wheel at home, this in the donjon cell to
an image of the Mater Dolorosa fixed in a shrine in a niche of
the wall. Of these lyrics Bayard Taylor says : " If the reverie
at the spinning-wheel be a sigh of longing, this is a cry for help
equally wonderful in words and metre, yet with a character
equally elusive when we attempt to reproduce it in another
language." The slaying of Margaret's brother Valentine by
Faust, the unintentional death of her mother produced by the
daughter, the discovery of her shame, the charge of infanticide
when these have brought insanity, we should have to search long
to find a scene so heartrending as that in prison the night before
her execution, when the seducer, who appears to be more discon-
certed than remorseful, essays her rescue. When she has recog-
nized him at last, refusing his persuasions, though without re-
proach, she tells him :
" Now I'll tell thee the graves to give us.
Thou must begin to-morrow
The work of sorrow !
The best place give to my mother,
Then close at her side my brother,
And me a little away,
But not too very far, I pray !
And here, on my right breast, my baby lay !
Nobody else will lie beside me ! " \
Now, one reading this poem for the first time might suppose
that this ruiner of female innocence would remain and share her
* Scene xv. t Scene xviii. J Scene xxv.
360 A POET OF THE "REFORMATION" [Dec.,
fate, or live to be consumed of remorse and be for ever lost.
Not he. When Mephistopheles, at the dawning of the day, cries
petulantly and threateningly to him : " Come ! or I'll leave her in
the lurch and thee ," not another word from Faust of sympathy,
counsel, or remonstrance. What is worse, and what seems incre-
dible, the poet, departing from the legend, leaves us to infer that
he, too, like the poor penitent girl, has escaped the perdition of
the soul. The German historian before quoted, speaking of
Goethe's habitual compounding with vices, even those the most
hideous and revolting, writes thus:
" Goethe did not shrink from playing this part even into the next life.
His Faust was meant to show that the privilege of the aristocratic volup-
tuary extended beyond the grave. This Faust may offend against every
moral feeling, against fidelity and honor; he may constantly silence the
voice of conscience, neglect every duty, gratify his effeminate love of plea-
sure, his vanity, and his caprices, even at the expense and the ruin of
others, and sell himself to the very devil ; he goes to heaven notwithstand-
ing, for he is a gentleman, he is of the privileged class."
In his youth Goethe had paid some slight respect, if not to
religion, at least to the regard that all communities have or pro-
fess to have for morality and decency. But by the times where-
in Faust y The Elective Affinities, and Wilhelm Meisters Appren-
ticeship were produced the new religion that he had invented,
a Neo-Platonism founded after long studies of Paracelsus and
Boerhaave, had developed to his satisfaction ; and the founder
being leader at the court of Weimar, at the head of the lite-
rature of Germany, having watched not only without pain
but with pleasure the growing demoralization among all ranks
of his countrymen, henceforth his lovers, loving whom and how
they may, are to receive no punishment, not only from the muni-
cipal laws and from public opinion, but even from remorse and
from hell ! It was, indeed, a humiliated state of domestic society
when marriages " under the apron," as they were called, were
common, whereat Protestant clergymen were required, without
much urging thereto by the dukes and barons on whom they de-
pended, to take in wedlock country girls and housemaids whom
they had wearied of. In such a society a man gifted, rich, power-
ful may do and say about as he pleases, and, instead of losing,
continue to gain more and more in influence upon opinions and
habits. Then the exquisite pathos, the delicate tenderness, the
marvellous dramatic interest of many portions of these works,
interspersed often with lyrical verses of almost unequalled excel-
lence, serve to lead even virtuous and pious minds to withhold
1883.] A POET OF THE "REFORMATION" 361
much of that condemnation which as a whole such works
deserve. In Wilhelm Meister the old harper and the child
Mignon cannot but be remembered with a tender sadness that it
is grateful to feel. Let us notice this extract from book ii.
chapter xi., at the conclusion of the previous playing and singing
that the old man had rendered before Meister and his motley
suite of women :
" The old harper remained silent ; his fingers wandered carelessly
among the chords of his instrument ; finally he struck them more boldly
and sang as follows :
"' What sounds are those which from the wall
And o'er the bridge I hear ?
Those strains should echo through this hall,
And greet a monarch's ear.'
So spake the king ; the page retires :
His answer brought, the king desires
The minstrel to appear.
" ' Hail, sire ! and hail, each gallant knight !
Fair dames, I greet ye well !
Like heaven, this hall with stars is bright.
But who your names may tell ?
What matchless glories round me shine !
But 'tis not now for eyes like mine
. On scenes like these to dwell.'
"The minstrel raised his eyes inspired,
And struck a thrilling strain :
Each hero's heart is quickly fired,
Each fair one thrills with pain ;
The king, enchanted with the bard,
His magic talent to reward,
Presents his golden chain.
" ' Oh ! deck me with no chain of gold ;
Such gift becomes the knight,
Before whose warrior eyes so bold
The rushing squadrons fight.
Or let the glittering bauble rest
Upon your chancellor's honored breast
He'll deem the burden light.
" ' I sing but as the young bird sings
That carols in the tree ;
\ The rapture of the music brings
' Its own reward to me.
Yet would I utter one request,
That of your wine one cup the best
Be given to-day by thee.'
362 A POET OF THE "REFORMATION" [Dec.,
" The cup is brought ; the minstrel quaffed.
He thrills with joy divine.
'Thrice happy home, where such a draught
Is given, and none repine !
When fortune smiles, then think of me,
And thank kind Heaven, as I thank thee,
For such a cup of wine.' "
When the harper, at the conclusion of his song, seized a goblet of wine
that stood before him, and, turning towards his benefactors, quaffed it off
with a look of thankfulness, a shout of joy rose from the whole assembly."
Touching as this is, the one following, from book iii. chapter i.,
is more so. Mignon, yet a child in years, though now grown
towards womanhood in heart from sorrow, the fruit of a love
not only forbidden but revolting in its kind, had been spirited
away from Italy, her native country, and had been made to
promise, amid circumstances most impressive upon her sensitive
nature, never to divulge the fact of her expulsion, nor the place,
nor even the country, of her birth. The softness of the manners
of Meister had served to draw her affections towards him, and,
longing ever for the home of her childhood, she hoped that this
young man, who seemed so good and was so kind, might even-
tually carry her there. But, remembering her promise, the little
outcast could only strive to make known by innuendo the place
whither she yearned to go. Taught by the master of a troop
of strolling players to sing and play upon the cithern, one day
she sang before Meister this song :
"Know'st thou the land where the lemon-tree blows,
Where deep in the bower the gold orange grows ?
Where zephyrs from heaven die softly away,
And the laurel and myrtle tree never decay ?
Know'st thou it ? Thither, oh ! thither with thee,
My dearest, my fondest ! with thee would I flee.
"Know'st thou the hall with its pillared arcades,'
Its chambers so vast and its long colonnades,
Where the statues of marble with features so mild
Ask, 'Why have they used thee so harshly, my child?'
Know'st thou it ? Thither, oh ! thither with thee,
My dearest, my fondest ! with thee would I flee.
" Know'st thou the Alp which the vapor enshrouds.
Where the bold muleteer seeks his way through the clouds ?
In the cleft of the mountain the dragon abides,
And the rush of the stream tears the rock from its sides.
Know'st thou it? Thither, oh ! thither with thee,
Leads our way, father; then come, let us flee.
1883.] A POET OF THE "REFORMATION" 363
She commenced each verse in a solemn, measured tone, as if she had
intended to direct attention to something wonderful and had some impor-
tant secret to communicate. At the third line her voice became lower and
fainter; the words 'Know'stthou it?' were pronounced with a mysterious,
thoughtful expression, and the 'Thither, oh ! thither 'was uttered with an
irresistible feeling of longing, and at every repetition of the words ' Let us
flee !' she changed her intonation. At one time she seemed to entreat and
to implore, and at the next to become earnest and persuasive. After hav-
ing sung the song a second time she paused for a moment, and, attentively
surveying Wilhelm, she asked him, ' Know'st thou the land?' 'It must be
Italy,' he replied; 'but where did you learn the sweet little song?'
'Italy!' observed Mignon thoughtfully; 'if you are going thither, take me
with you. I am too cold here.' 'Have you ever been there, darling?'
asked Wilhelm ; but Mignon made no reply, and could not be induced to
converse further."
Now, would it not be supposed that the hero of a tale in
which there are such as these was one of heroic spirit indeed, fit
for the achievement of heroic action ? He was scholarly as he
was condescending to such as the harper and Mignon. Among
other things in that line he had studied what one might style
the sphynx of literature, Shakspere's " Hamlet," and come nearer
than any other, before or since, in interpreting its subtle, multi-
fold meanings. On the contrary, this Wilhelm Meister, for any
manly purpose, was not worth, not only the salt he ate, but the
air he breathed. He had been created, it seemed, merely to
show with what unlicensed liberty a young man of education and
means to keep himself from servile work might disport himself
with any pleasure tq which his selfish, indolent being might have
a fancy. Then in ^-Elective Affinities, as if to put down in his-
tory and show to coming generations how lost to religious obli-
gation, how fallen from common decency, was that in which he
lived, Goethe composed, though in forms most singularly at-
tractive, a history of loves whose equals, everything considered*
in sinfulness, foulness, and nastiness, mankind have never known,
at least in books.. It is simply diabolical, this history of the love
of Edward and Ottilie for each other, and that between the
former's wife and his friend. Surely there was no belief in God
in the man who, at the death of this false husband, following soon
after that of her whom he foolishly, forbiddenly loved, whose
body was so placed by the side of hers\ that no other could be
put with them in the same vault, concludes thus : " So lie the
lovers, sleeping side by side. Peace hovers above their resting
place."
Goethe seemed to have regarded himself as the poet for the
aristocrat and the voluptuary. It is strange that in a Christian
364 A POET OF THE "REFORMATION" [Dec.,
age its greatest intellect should have so outraged, in his pub-
lished works, the ideas of honor and religion ; stranger that such
outrages should have been commended by a majority of the
great, the titled, the wealthy, and the cultivated of his country-
men. There were, and are, those who suspect that Goethe had
no belief in God, or at least none in a future state of punishment
and reward. At all events, he must have been among those, now
so numerous, who regard what Christians call the Bible as a
book of man's creation, containing fond allegories and fables in
the midst of narratives fit only for primers of school-children qr
Sunday evening readings of ignorant aged crones, who must
have, and ought to be kindly afforded, some little light, genuine
or spurious, as they are about to immerge into the " dark valley
and the shadow of death."
Honor and patriotism were words which with Goethe seemed
to have been mere sounds signifying nothing. As for honor in
love, wherein that noble sentiment may sometimes be made to
pass over its most trying ordeal, this he treated with undis-
guised contempt. His most distinguished and interesting lovers
were those who felt and indulged dishonorable loves. A genuine-
ly honorable love, inspired by that tender, faithful sentiment of
the German of the foretime, mutually felt between one honest
man and one honest woman, so told as to be made interesting to
readers, is not, or scarcely, to be found in all of Goethe's works.
To make his lovers interesting he seemed to have believed it neces-
sary to spice them with dishonor. He made one and another of
his heroes false, treacherous, seeking the beloved object mainly
because, the property of another, he could not possess her with-
out risk and shame. Wifehood, upon which the blessing of
Heaven might be humbfy yet confidently invoked, compared with
love illicit and ever new, he looked at as a dammed and stagnant
pool compared with the first gushings of ever-fresh waters from
the fountain before reaching the channel that was made for their
confined and legitimate course. Never had been such a time-
server, such a flatterer of his own age, in which, among those who
stood in the very lead of social existence, there was no love
worth feeling or none worth talking about except such as was
forbidden of God and man. In fine, he, the grandest intellect
that three centuries have produced, more grossly and recklessly
dishonored the best traditions of his country than any German
of any age. He gazed with leering eye, and chuckling showed
to the eyes of others evil as his own, sights from which his ances-
tor of two thousand years before, on the banks of the Danube,
1883.] A POET OF THE "REFORMATION" 365
the Rhine, or the Weser, would have turned his face away in
modest)'- and chaste fear.
Now, what was the secret by which, in the treatment of such
themes, Goethe so charmed and yet charms so many of mankind ?
It was that knowledge of form which he possessed beyond the
poets of all times. It may have been partly from the conscious-
ness of this being his chief power that he chose to set it off with
the bad, the trifling, and the contemptible of his generation.
The single beauties in his works are the greatest in their kind,
and mankind, in admiration of them, have been less disgusted
than they ought to have been with the general evil tendencies
of the whole. The works of Goethe are more remarkable even
than those of the great artists in the classic age in this respect :
that whereas these had moulded into beauty the excellent material
in which their country and times abounded, he had to work
amid the gross things he found for his plastic hand in his own
country and his own time. He was not the seducer of his gene-
ration. No one man can ever be that. The age was already
corrupt. A noble work was before him, which he selfishly neg-
lected. Instead of lifting his age out of the slough into which
it had fallen, he got down himself into this slough and took a vain,
wicked pleasure in showing to his besmirched companions into
what fair forms these foul elements might be shaped, fair to look
upon, but frail, perishable, and easily resolvable into the things
out of which they had been taken. He toyed with the Roman-
tic, the French, the English, the Greek. He employed each
and all when they suited his fancy, and calmJLy, coldly dominated
in his autocracy even down to the last of extremest old age.
Never having been a patriot, among the productions of his last
endeavors was that which seemed as if intended as an apology,
the best that he could devise, for the want of fidelity to Ger-
many during the period of her humiliation. When she lay
prostrate and full of sorrow before Napoleon, he had sung the
praises of the conqueror. In after-times, when Germany had
risen to its native manhood and had been numbered among the
powers of Europe, the time-serving poet brought out his drama
of " Epimenides." It is universally admitted to be his very
feeblest work, and because it was a too late rendition of what
was due from one who, far from raising his hand or his tongue
in the times of sorest need, had fawned and cringed before him,
the chief occasion of her longest, most sorrowful wailing, and
therefore was now the very last man in Germany to be called
upon to sing or pretend to rejoice in her deliverance.
366 IRELAND UNDER ELIZABETH. [Dec ,
Here was indeed a giant a giant, however, not after the sort
of Christopher, the bold ferryman, sure reliance of timid travel-
lers in stormy weather. To bear the disguised Infant amid
swollen waters was not after his liking. He was rather a Goliath
of Gath, " a man of war from his youth," * that defied the armies
led by the Most High, not foreseeing the fall to which he was
doomed. The men and women of his generation lauded him for
his strength and his audacity, and there be many yet, though
constantly growing fewer, who, charmed by the witchery of his
words, are led into places which all benignant spirits would
warn them to avoid. Than Goethe never has lived a man
who employed his gifts less faithfully for the ends for which
they were bestowed.
IRELAND UNDER ELIZABETH.
FEW viceroys were so liked by the Irish people as Sir Henry
Sydney. At one time he was much esteemed by the citizens of
Dublin and the people of Galway on account of the humanity
/ he evinced during the plague. Sir Henry Sydney has left on
record a most interesting account of his visit to the ancient town
of Galway. He describes the gentry of that district as an amia-
ble, educated, and most hospitable people. In writing to Queen
Elizabeth, Sydney sa^s :
" The better classes in Galway have been educated in Spain, and they
possess all that delicacy of feeling which characterizes the Spanish
grandees. The name of your majesty was received with great respect.
The people of those quarters are all most devoted to the papal church ;
but that fact does not lessen their loyalty to your majesty. The women
are very beautiful, dress magnificently, and are first-class dancers. In
fact, every one young and old must take part in the dance. The people
are all independent, and the town has a large commercial intercourse with
Spain."
The reference to Galway dancing was received with much
satisfaction by the queen. Elizabeth sent valuable presents to
several Galway ladies, amongst whom were the beautiful Sebina
Lynch and Violet De Burgh. The latter lady became the bride
and happy wife of a young Spanish grandee.
Like other excellent lord-deputies, Sydney subsequently
* i Kings xvii. 33.
1883.] IRELAND UNDEK ELIZABETH. 367
became unpopular, especially when attempting to raise taxes
with the concurrence of his council and without the approval
of the parliament. A violent agitation followed, in which all
parties joined against the viceroy. In 1569-70 the inhabitants
of the Pale met, deliberated, and sent three delegates to present a
petition to the queen. The noblemen chosen for this purpose
appeared at the English court to protest against the system
of imposts levied by Sir Henry Sydney and his council. Sir
Henry was not idle during the agitation, for he had taken espe-
cial care to present a counter statement to Queen Elizabeth of
the question at issue. The queen listened to the Irish complaints
with apparent care, and is reported to have shed tears ; but the
deputies were afterwards committed to the Fleet prison as con-
tumacious opposers of the royal authority.
When the news reached Dublin and the provinces of the
arrest and imprisonment of their representatives the populace
were indignant, and the " inventive story-tellers " at the inns
positively asserted that the people's delegates had been mur-
dered by the special order of the English sovereign. About the
same period letters reached Dublin which at once removed the
impression made upon the public mind by those mischievous
news-mongers. The fact of the delegates having been imprisoned
by the queen, nevertheless, had the effect of renewing the agi-
tation with tenfold energy amongst the inhabitants of the Pale ;
and a second deputation was appointed to wait upon Sir Henry
Sydney and his council, in order to remonstrate against his
" new taxing law." The parties chosen on this occasion were five
peers men of integrity and moderation, in whom the people of
the rival creeds had every confidence. The excitement soon
became so intense that the queen was alarmed for the safety of
her Irish dominions. The wily princess was well aware that the
subject of dispute was one on which the Protestant settlers and
the native Irish were likely to become united ; for, like the in-
habitants of other countries, they cordially detested what they
considered undue taxation. It was also rumored at this excited
period that a foreign enemy was hovering about the Irish coast ;
and some influential Protestants of Dublin declared their inten-
tion of coalescing with any party, foreign or domestic, in order
to have vengeance upon England for " daring to tax the Irish
Protestants after the fashion of the popish natives." At this
time, however, the native Irish paid little or no tribute to En-
* MS. of the Rev. Robert Watson, a Protestant clergymen of Dublin in 1592 ; State Paper
Office.
368 IRELAND UNDER ELIZABETH. [Dec.,
gland. It is not now certain whether Sir Henry Sydney knew of
these transactions, which, however, were not calculated to excite
so much concern as the apprehended combination of the Pales-
men and the native Irish. Elizabeth despatched fresh instruc-
tions to Sydney, to the effect that he should at once bring the
question to an amicable settlement by a compromise, which was
ultimately agreed to by the Irish disaffected of both creeds. The
indignation of all parties in Ireland was turned against Sir Henry
Sydney, and the people who at one time had given him a trium-
phal entry into their city would now stone him to death.
The massacre of Mullaghmast has been ascribed to the reign
of Queen Mary, but it occurred in that of Elizabeth, under the
viceroyalty of Lord Sussex. It is related that Sussex invited a
number of Irish chiefs to a banquet, and whilst partaking of his
hospitality it was arranged that a party of assassins should rush
upon them, dagger in hand. Only three persons were left to im-
perfectly relate the bloody deed. In the black pages of the his-
tory of Irish misrule by English statesmen and their officials
there are two or three instances more in which an English gene-
ral stooped* to the treachery or the cold-blooded wickedness of
concerted assassinations whilst their victims were partaking of
hospitality given in the name of the English sovereign. The
question may be raised: "Did Elizabeth ever hear of the scene
which occurred at Mullaghmast?" It is alleged by some writers
that the narrative concerning Mullaghmast has been much over-
drawn. But Lord Sussex is positively named as the organizer of
such a massacre. There is also proof of his having corresponded
with a noted poisoner.
In March, 1571, Sir Henry Sydney resigned the office of lord-
deputy of Ireland, " considering the task of governing that
country hopeless." But the task was not altogether hopeless,
although very difficult to perform. The successive viceroys
were ignorant of the temper of the people and the resources of
the country. The inhabitants were treated as " a barbarian and
conquered race." Yet the secret despatches of a few of the
viceroys deny the "barbarism." Such men as Lord Sussex did
irreparable damage to the honor and humanity of England by
their mode of action in Ireland. Sir Henry Sydney died in a
few months subsequent to his return to England, quite broken-
hearted at the treatment he received between his " Irish friends "
and the queen. In fact, he became the victim of the English
" Cabal " and their agents in Dublin Castle, headed by that mar-
plot and base man, Archbishop Loftus.
1883.] IRELAND UNQER ELIZABETH. 369
Sir William Fitzwilliam was the successor of the once popu-
lar Sir Henry Sydney, and undertook to govern Ireland on a
new principle. He commenced by a reduction of the enormous
expenditure for the army, spies, and other officials connected
with Dublin Castle. The garrisons throughout the country were
considerably reduced. The chief officials were in debt to those
under them, and peculation and fraud had been worked out in
a systematic manner for a long period under successive govern-
ments, and the English council felt it almost impossible to as-
certain the real facts of the case. At one time Sir William Cecil
contemplated a visit to Ireland, that he " might judge for him-
self " ; but his presence being constantly required in London, he
depended on the correspondence of his well-paid spies, who
rarely uttered a word of truth.
Fitzwilliam became alarmed at the position in which he was
placed. He therefore petitioned the queen for his recall. He
assured her highness that his pecuniary position was fast driving
him to ruin. He had given away all the money he had, and was
living on credit, which made little of him in the eyes of the peo-
ple. Sir Henry Sydney had been brought to beggary in Ireland,
and he said that the same fate awaited himself. The Border
tribes took advantage of this state of things, and they were con-
stantly harassing the English garrison of the Pale.*
Mr. Froude frankly admits that the
"Spiritual disorganization of the country was even more desperate than
the social aspect. Whatever might have been the other faults of the
Irish people, they had been at least eminent for their piety ; the multitude
of churches and monasteries which in their ruins meet everywhere the
stranger's eyewitness conclusively to their possession of this single virtue.
The religious houses in such a state of society could not have existed at
all unless protected by the consenting reverence of the whole population.
But the religious houses were gone, and the prohibition of the Mass had
closed the churches, except in those districts which were in arms and open
rebellion. 1 '
Tremaigne, the confidential agent of Sir William Cecil, re-
ports that when J " the churches were closed, and the priests ban-
ished to the mountains or sent to dungeons, religion had no place.
The peasantry became desperate characters. Neither fear of
God nor regard for virtue nor oaths nor common honesty re-
mained in the land. The great drag-chain upon conscience was
deliberately set aside by the government. In the presence of
this -state of affairs society fell to pieces." Mr. Froude is most
* Fitzwilliam's secret despatches to Sir William Cecil.
VOL. XXXVIII. 24
370 IRELAND UNDER. ELIZABETH. [Dec.,
outspoken and candid in his description of Ireland under Eliza-
beth in 1570-71, and his statements correspond completely with
many of the secret despatches of those times. He makes the ad-
mission that
' The English settlers everywhere became worse than the Irish in all
the qualities in which the Irish were most in fault. No native Celt hated
England more bitterly than the transported Saxon. The forms of English
justice might be introduced, but juries combined to defeat the ends for
which they were instituted, and every one in authority, English or Irish,
preferred to rule after the Irish system."
In concluding his despatches to Sir William Cecil, Tremaigne
strongly urges upon him the policy and common honesty of
" not disturbing the Irish chiefs in the possession of their ancient
patrimonial inheritance. The Englishmen who might come over
to take possession of their lands were men, for the most part,
who were doing no good at home, and would do worse in Ire-
land." Tremaigne concludes his advice to Cecil and the queen in
these words, which are full of significance : " Establish a sound
government, give the Irish good laws and good justice, and let
them keep their laws for themselves." *
Amongst the remarkable men who figured in the background,
directing by his talents and energy of mind and body, was the
Rev. Nicholas Sander. Sander was an enthusiast of the most
ardent nature. Although he acted with King Philip, he had a
poor opinion of his military talent and bravery. He describes
Philip to be " as much afraid of war as a child might be of fire ";
and, despot-like, Philip " did not desire to encourage rebellions
anywhere unless it ended in profit to himself" an old policy in
Europe.
The small expedition for the conquest of Ireland with which
Sander was connected left the Spanish waters in May, 1579, f r
Kerry. Sander was accompanied in this wild and hopeless
scheme by two Irish bishops, six friars, and some six hundred
Spaniards, Italians, and English adventurers brave, reckless
men, many of whom were far more interested in the chances of
plunder than a desire to liberate an oppressed people. They
soon discovered that the prospect of booty was small, and that
the people whom they came to aid were divided amongst them-
selves. The expedition landed safely at Dingle, at the south-
western angle of Kerry. FitzGerald, the Earl of Desmond, the
great Catholic chief of the south, looked upon the expedition as
* " Causes why Ireland is not reformed " endorsed, M. Tremaigae, June, 1571. MSS. oa
Ireland, State Paper Office.
1883.] IRELAND UNDER ELIZABETH. 371
too small and ill-timed. Some Irish authorities allege that the
invading party numbered five thousand ; whilst a Spanish de-
spatch makes it out to be " some six hundred, and by no means
effective for such an expedition." Desmond disliked the English
rule just as much as the O'Neills did ; but he had experienced
reverses in the field and elsewhere. He had rebelled and was
pardoned. If Sander's expedition failed, and he stood amongst
the vanquished, what might be his fate ? After a delay of seve-
ral days Desmond resolved to sustain the English interest. The
Spanish expedition to aid the malcontents of Ireland was, as
usual, attended with unexpected disappointments and local dis-
affection or apathy. At the eleventh hour the Earl of Desmond
joined the " rising," and the Catholics of Munster came forward
in three days. One of the first acts of his followers was ven-
geance. They seized upon the town of Youghal, an English
colony at that period. For two days the Geraldine party, to
their disgrace be it told, plundered the merchants, fired and
sacked the town, and murdered every one who could not escape.
Within six weeks the scene was changed, and English " ven-
geance revelled in a general carnage." Butler, Lord Ormond
received the command of the " army of English vengeance."
General Pelham writes thus to the council of the movement of
his troops in Munster : " We passed through the rebels' counties
in two companies, consuming with fire all habitations, and
executing the people wherever we found them." The widow
of Fitzmaurice, one of the Geraldine race, and 'her two little
children were discovered in a cave, where they had retired
from the heavy snow-storm. They were "dragged forth like
a lioness and her cubs." A few screams were heard from the
children, then all was silent. In the morning a milkmaid dis-
covered their bodies in the snow. The mother had a cruci-
fix closely pressed to her heart, and the frozen left hand in a
death-grasp around her daughter's neck. We are assured by
the Annals of the Four Masters that General Pelham and Lord
Ormond killed _the blind and the aged, the women and the
children, the sick, the insane, and even poor idiots who wan-
dered about the country craving for food, which no one who
had it refused them. The despatches sent by Pelham and Or-
mond to the council speak with the greatest levity of the whole-
sale destruction of papist women and children. The castle of
Carrigafoil was stormed by one hundred soldiers and two
pieces of cannon. After a short discharge of artillery the walls
gave way and the castle was invaded with a yell for vengeance.
372 IRELAND UNDER ELIZABETH. [Dec.,
Every one, save an old Italian, was instantly put to death in the
most revolting manner. General Pelham (March, 1580) was
quick advancing to capture Lord Desmond and Father Sander.
Ormond boasted that he destroyed or burned down every habi-
tation for ten miles. On one fearful snowy night Sir Edward
Fenton, another English commander, regrets that the "sport was
not so good." Fenton boasted how he hanged a popish priest
one day, supposed from his dress to have been a Spaniard.* At
the period of his expedition to Ireland Sander was about fifty
years of age. He had been educated at Winchester, and was
subsequently Fellow of New College, where he had resided till
the accession of Elizabeth. In Edward VI. 's time he was impris-
oned, deprived of his private property, and in many ways injured.
In Mary's reign Sander was restored, and quickly displayed a
strong feeling of resentment against the " Reformers." He is
described by his contemporaries as a learned scholar and an
eloquent expounder of Catholic doctrine.
There were many men in Ireland who were willing to fight to
the death ; but treachery and blundering afforded time to Lord
Grey to mature his plans of action. The maxim of Grey was
" the rough-and-ready mode of fire and sword." At every side
the wretched inhabitants were consumed in the flames, and the
fine young women models of beauty and chastity were seized
upon and outraged by the ruffian soldiers to an extent that
caused a forest of hands to be raised to heaven for protection
and for vengeance. Sander's army of invasion was most disas-
trous to the people of the south of Ireland ; yet they never up-
braided him nor sought to betray him, although a large reward
was offered for his head. He was a brave man, but a fanatic
beyond a doubt. A few weeks later the scene was changed. The
incapacity with which the whole enterprise had been conducted,
and the want of sympathy for even his own countrymen on the
part of King Philip, created a bitter feeling in Ireland. The
hanging and quartering was on a large scale of slaughter. Not
more than seven or eight of the expedition ever returned to Spain.
On a cold November morning the bodies of six hundred men who
were hanged from the " nearest trees " were ranged upon the
sands awaiting the barbarous quartering. The scenes in -the
Wicklow mountains showed desperate determination. Glenma-
lure was an appropriate place for an enemy to lie in ambush. An
experienced officer, Colonel Cosby, was despatched to dislodge
the " Irish enemy " who were supposed to be under cover here.
* Teuton's Despatches, vol. ii.
1883.] IRELAND UNDER ELIZABETH. 373
Cosby and his troops went unmolested up the narrow valley
for some distance ; all was silent, no human being to be seen,
when suddenly the crags and bushes on either side, before and
behind, became alive with armed men tall, powerful men and
amidst yells and shouts Cosby 's force was assailed with a storm
of shot and stones and well-directed arrows. The native assail-
ants were concealed among the rocks. Another volley and a
shout of vengeance from the almost unseen enemy caused a
panic amongst the English troops, who feared to advance one
side or the other, not knowing what force they had to contend
against. Terrified in a way that English soldiers rarely expe-
rience, they looked at one another, and, as if with one mind,
they flung down their arms and attempted to escape as best they
could. In the words of Mr. Froude, " the trap had closed upon
them, and all the officers and almost all the men were destroyed."
Sir John Perrott, a lord-deputy who was somewhat severe
in his administration of justice, makes many admissions as to the
source of Irish hate. The condition of religion he places in the
front rank. He states in one of his despatches of 1584 that at
that period there were not more than forty Protestants by birth
in Ireland. Of course there were a 'few thousand English
settlers and officials who professed to belong to Protestantism ;
yet at the approach of death it was often discovered that they
had been playing a game of hypocrisy, and when terror-stricken
a messenger was despatched for a confessor.
In Sir John Perrott's time (1583-4) there was only one
apothecary in all Ireland, a man named Smythe, otherwise
" Bottle Smythe." This Smythe, according to all the records,
was an atrocious villain. He was occasionally employed to
compound liquids to produce " a long sleep," and it sometimes
happened that he had to prepare, per order from some unknown
quarter, draughts for unmanageable politicians or warlike native
chiefs. Smythe once engaged to drug Shane (Seaghan) O'Neill,
but the stomach of the " wild Irishman," potently fortified by
usquebaugh, withstood the effects of the death-draught suggest-
ed by Lord Sussex.* Shane's " wiseman " said that his master
" danced the poison out of his skin."
In a letter of Sir John Perrott, dated from London, October
3, 1590, he alludes to this transaction on the part of Sussex in
the following words : " Bottle Smythe gave certaine poysons to
Shane O'Neile, who escaped very hardlie afther the receipte of
yt, and yet my Lord of Sussex was reyther thought a discreete
* Ancient Irish MS. ; Cox's History of Ireland.
374 IRELAND UNDER ELIZABETH. [Dec.,
man than a perilous man, but a most honourable man and a grave
gouvernour, as he was indeed." *
Sir John Perrott was succeeded in the government of Ireland
by Sir William Fitzwilliam, whose Irish administration may be
briefly described as a reign of terror. In less than three months
after his arrival the country was in a far worse condition than
it had been for fifty years before. Leland observes: "The
Irish trembled for their safety, and the disaffected became con-
firmed in their inveteracy." Upon the whole, the Irish admin-
istration of Fitzwilliam was as mischievous, cruel, aggressive,
and corrupt as any of the worst of his predecessors had pre-
sented. The dishonest subordinates in office were permitted to
carry on the intrigues and schemes for which they were noto-
rious.
The name of Shane O'Neill first appears in public affairs
about 1551, when he was engaged in some rival claims con-
cerning land with men who were not able to resist his power.
He is described at this period as a " man who liked to do as
he pleased with every one." He had little regard for life, and
would shoot or maltreat a creditor as soon as he might " bring
down a pheasant." English generals, writing at a later period,
affirm to their cost that Shane was the most formidable enemy
they could meet with in Ireland, and that he "observed neither
treaties nor oaths." But this was a perfect copy of Lord Sus-
sex. Shane O'Neill's hatred of England seemed beyond reconci-
liation. Ill indeed did he discharge his duties to the numerous
vassals who swore allegiance to him and were faithful follow-
ers in adversity as well as prosperity. He treated all with
neglect and indifference. Yet he was severe upon others for
theft, and thought little of hanging one of them from a forest
tree. A contemporary, O'Donnellan, describes Shane as " half-
wolf, half-fox. His life was noted for abominable immorality."
His body-guard were mostly of gigantic stature, brave and fear-
less of death ; they were likewise true to their master. No
money could purchase their allegiance. Like Shane himself,
they were prepared to perish for that creed which they seldom
practised. At the approach of sickness or death all was changed
and the soldiers of the cross were earnestly sought for; and
those good men were quickly at the pestilential bedside of the
outlaw or the wild mountaineer, who, amidst all his worldly
infirmities, still clung to the faith which he had received in bap-
tism.
* Irish State Papers of Elisabeth's reign.
1883.] IRELAND UNDER ELIZABETH. 375
In 1561 Shane O'Neill made preparations for his visit to
England. According to Camden, he was in London in 1563.
Upon his arrival in London he had several long interviews with
Sir William Cecil. Shane's critics soon found him to be a very
shrewd man, with business habits and deep penetration. Eliza-
beth received him graciously, and in return he made divers
oaths, " certifying to his friendship and loyalty to her." The
decision on his claims was at first deferred by the queen until
Hugh (Aodh) O'Neill, the young Baron of- Dungannon, should
arrive and plead his own cause. A report, however, reached
London that this young baron was killed in a drunken quarrel.
Elizabeth no longer hesitated to grant Shane O'Neill a full par-
don and recognize his right of succession to the chieftaincy.
She further presented him with a present of one thousand pounds
in gold. Shane was quite delighted at receiving the gold, for
he was always in needy circumstances. On the following day he
attended Mass at the chapel of the Spanish ambassador (De
Quadra) in Ely Place.* The appearance of Shane O'Neill at the
court of Elizabeth was a matter of more than surprise. The in-
habitants of London shared in the feeling. O'Neill is described
as a most powerful man, beyond seven feet two inches in height,
quite erect, with a large head and face ; his saffron mantle sweep-
ing round him ; his black hair curling on his back and clipped
short below the eyes, " which gleamed from under it with a gray
lustre, frowning, fierce, and savage-like." Shane had a gold chain
and a handsome cross round his neck, said to be the gift of the
pope ; and it was further related that the diamond ring he wore
was a present to him from King Philip, presented on the king's
behalf by De Quadra, Bishop of Aquila, then Spanish ambassador
in London. Some forty of O'Neill's body-guard were beside
him ; they were bare-headed and fair-haired, with shirts of mail
which reached their knees, a wolf-skin flung across their shoul-
ders, and short, broad battle-axes in their hands. They were all
of large size, and seemed almost to worship their chief. O'Neill,
throwing himself on his face before the queen, offered homage,
addressing her in Irish.
* The chapel in question Was rented by the Spanish ambassador from the Protestant bishop
of Ely, with the sanction of Queen Elizabeth. The Spanish envoy was the prudent De Quadra,
Bishop of Aquila, who subsequently died at Durham House, in the Strand. This chapel, where
Da Quadra celebrated Mass and Shane O'Neill "prostrated himself," is now, after many vicis-
situdes of fortune, once more a Catholic church, with a magnificent stained-glass window pre-
sented by that zealous Catholic, Henry, Duke of Norfolk. The ancient palace of the bishops of
Ely, and chapel of St. Ethelreda, the patron saint of the diocese, having been sold about one
hundred years ago, then became Church of England property. It was again for sale some eight
376 IRELAND UNDER ELIZABETH. [Dec.,
Shane thought as little of swearing false oaths as the queen
herself. O'Neill having made submission, he was allowed to see
" life in London " for some months longer. " The great cousin
of St. Patrick," as Campion styled him, discovered that he had
been outwitted by Cecil. His return to Ireland was delayed for
some time, and he and his retainers continued to be an object
of interest to the people of London, who received them in a very
friendly manner. Shane was entertained by the lord-mayor.
Upon his return to Ireland he violated the treaties and oaths
compiled for him. He burned the cathedral of Armagh as an
act of personal revenge against Archbishop Loftus, who in turn
excommunicated him. But O'Neill laughed at such fulmina-
tions, and asked could Loftus excommunicate a man who never
belonged to his religion, adding : " He may curse me as long as
he pleases, so long as I stand well at Rome."
During these hostilities the English army met with severe
losses. A powder magazine was blown up at Derry by a native
spy, which destroyed General Randolph and seven hundred of his
troops. An historian relates that the lord-deputy's troops won
more, victories by stratagem than by force. Indeed, no general
could be more fully aware of this fact than Shane O'Neill. The
certainty of English success almost always lay in the treachery
practised by the Irish chiefs against one another. Gold had' a
marvellous influence upon the actions of those oftentimes* needy
chieftains. In one of Sir Henry Wallop's despatches to Cecil he
writes "that if the Irish were united they would be able, in a few
months, to compel the English to retire from the island."
The lord-deputy, having informed the queen of the hopeless-
ness of conciliating O'Neill, expressed his fears as to the issue, to
which her highness replied : " Let not your suspicions of Shane
O'Neill give you uneasiness. Tell my troops to take courage,
and that his rebellion may turn to their advantage, as there will
be lands to bestow on those who have need of them.." This sig-
nificant hint from the queen was well received by the viceroy
and his council, and had the desired effect of producing subse-
quent victories. It is strange how long O'Neill evaded all the
efforts of the officials at Dublin Castle and their emissaries to slay
or circumvent him. " If," writes Elizabeth, " Shane O'Neill can-
not be made to fear our royal name and obey our commands,
then, my Lord of Sussex, your wisdom must suggest some dis-
creet way of making him less troublesome" The sincere thinker
years ago (1875), and was then purchased by Father Lockhart, of the Order of Charity. It is
now a Catholic church.
1883.] IRELAND UNDER ELIZABETH. 377
cannot moderate, even by the name of suspicion, his positive
certainty that Elizabeth learned, without opposition or rebuke,
the efforts of Sussex to assassinate Shane O'Neill.
Clannish hate and jealousy made the O'Donnells, Maguires,
O'Reillys, and other chieftains of Ulster the inveterate enemies
of O'Neill. They had, however, much reason to complain of his
tyranny and the unscrupulous manner in which he levied contri-
butions. It was, of course, the policy of Elizabeth to subsi-
dize those needy lords, and to reward every follower of O'Neill
who might betray his interests. These well-concerted measures
proved successful. O'Neill, finding himself deserted by one, be-
trayed by another, his soldiers reduced in numbers by pestilence,
want, and disaffection, was driven to the alternative of seeking
protection from his Scotch enemies, whom he had often beaten,
but still treated and regarded as generous foes in battle or
honest friends in peace. He accordingly, when pursued by Sir
Henr,y Sydney and sore beset by his hosting, went to Claneboy,
where the Scotch were encamped to the number of six hundred
men. He sought the protection of their leader, Alastair Mac-
donald, who received him with a show of welcome ; but when
the unfortunate chief lay unarmed upon a couch in his tent
Macdonald and his officers rushed upon him, and, plunging a
dozen daggers into his body, exclaimed : " We are now re-
vengecl." Macdonald sent his head as a trophy to the viceroy,
who, at the suggestion of Archbishop Loftus, placed it on a pole
at the gates of Dublin Castle. What a " suggestion " to come
from a preacher of the Gospel ! A tradition of the times is
that Loftus had O'Neill's head pickled and sent in a box to the
queen, who ordered it to be " spiked " at the Tower.
Sir Henry Sydney describes O'Neill as a brave, cruel man ;
still, possessed of some good parts and charitable to the poor.
There can be little doubt that O'Neill was drunken and im-
moral. He decoyed Janet, Countess of Argyle, from her hus-
band, and then treated her in a very unkind manner.* He was
the foremost man of his time at the chase, and a marvellous
horseman, unconscious of fear or danger. Upon the whole,
O'Neill's character presents a mixture of conflicting passions ;
but when those times of civil strife and sectarian hate are con-
sidered, he was a notable chief and a generous man ; perhaps
he was worthy of a better fate.
* Lady Argyle was sister to the noted Scotch peer, Moray, and she was present at the
murder of Rizzio. After the assassination of Shane O'Neill the countess returned to Edin-
burgh. She was styled " beautiful Janet," and was attached to the Knox school of politics and
religion.
378 IRELAND UNDER ELIZABETH. [Dec.,
Let me introduce a few scenes in Ireland during the military
command of the Earl of Essex. * Mr. Froude refers to Elizabeth
in these words : " The queen was not displeased with the mas-
sacre of the O'Neills in 1574."! Let the reader ponder on one
or two of those outrages upon humanity and civilization, as
chronicled by. Mr. Froude himself, and vouched for by the Irish
State Papers :
" Report said that during the expedition against Desmond, Sir Bryan
O'Neill held a suspicious conference with Tirlough Lenogh and the Scots
of Antrim. It was assumed that Bryan was again playing false, and Lord
Essex determined to punish him. He returned to Claudboy as if on a
friendly visit. Sir Bryan and Lady O'Neill received Essex with all hospi-
tality. The Irish annalists say that they gave him a banquet ; he admitted
that they made him welcome, and that they accompanied him afterwards
to the castle of Belfast. Had Sir Bryan O'Neill meditated foul play he
would scarcely have ventured into an English fortress, still less would he
have selected such a place for a crime which he could have committed
with infinitely more facility in his own country.
"Lord Essex, however, was satisfied that he intended mischief. Essex
had been deceived by Sir Bryan O'Neill once before, and for avoiding a
second folly by over-much trust, as he expressed it, 'he determined to make
sure work with so fickle a people.' "
Mr. Froude then proceeds to describe " a feast and a massacre "
after the fashion of what Lord Sussex arranged and carried out
at Mullaghmast : \
" A high feast was held in the hall. The revelling was protracted late
into the night before Sir Bryan O'Neill and his wife retired to their lodg-
ing outside the walls. As soon as they were supposed to be asleep a com-
pany of English soldiers surrounded the house and prepared to break the
doors. The O'Neills flew to arms. The cry rang through the village, and
they swarmed out to defend their chief; but, surprised, half-armed, and out-
numbered, they were overpowered and cut to pieces. Two hundred men
were killed. The Annals of the Four Masters state that several women
were also slain. The chieftain's wife probably had female attendants with
her, and no one was knowingly spared. The tide being out, a squadron
of horse was sent at daybreak over the water into the ' Ardes,' from which,
in a few hours, they returned with three thousand of Sir Bryan O'Neill's
cattle, and with a drove of stud mares, of which the choicest were sent as a
* Walter, Earl of Essex, subsequently died suddenly. He was supposed to have been
poisoned by the hired agents of Lord Leicester, who married his widow. Essex was father to
the royal favorite of that name whom Elizabeth sent to the scaffold.
i Froude's History of England, vol. xi. p. 181.
J In the second volume of the Historical Portraits of the Tudor Dynasty I have referred to
the massacre of Mullaghmast. The English Catholics perpetrated many cruelties against their
co-religionists of Ireland. The Irish priesthood were unpopular with English rulers of every
period, because they stood nobly by their oppressed countrymen.
% Annals of the Four Masters ; Lord Essex to Fitzwilliam.
1883.] IRELAND UNDER ELIZABETH. 379
present to Fitzwilliam. Bryan O'Neill himself, with his brother and Lady
O'Neill, were carried to Dublin, where they were soon after executed." *
The work of the expedition, however, was not over. Ulster, as
Lord Essex admitted, was " quiet ; wolves [the Irish] were still
wolves, to be exterminated whenever they could be caught."
Mr. Froude describes another massacre that met with " the
entire approval of the humane and merciful virgin queen."
The subject has been often chronicled, but from the pages of Mr.
Froude's work it has an air of historic importance :
" On the coast of Antrim, not far from the Giant's Causeway, lies the
singular island of Rathlin. ... It contains an area of about four thousand
acres, of which one thousand are sheltered and capable of cultivation, the
rest being heather and rocky. The approach is at all times dangerous.
The tide sets fiercely through the strait which divides the island from the
mainland, and when the wind is from the west the Atlantic swell renders it
impossible to land. The situation, and the difficulty of access, had thus
long marked Rathlin as a place of refuge for Scotch and Irish fugitives ;
and besides its natural strength it was reputed as a sanqtuary, having been
the abode at one time of St. Columba. A mass of broken masonry on a
cliff overhanging the sea is a remnant of the castle in which Robert Bruce
watched the leap of the legendary spider. To this island, when Essex en-
tered Antrim, Macdonnell and the other Scots had sent their wives and
children, their aged and sick, for safety. On his way through Carrickfer-
gus, when returning to Dublin, Lord Essex ascertained that they had not
yet been brought back to their homes. . . . The officer in command of the
English garrison was Colonel Norris, Lord Norris' second son. Three
small frigates were in the harbor. The summer had been dry and wind-
less. The sea was smooth ; there was a light and favorable air from the
coast. Lord Essex directed Colonel Norris to take a company of soldiers
with him, and cross over and kill whatever he could find. The run up the
Antrim coast was rapidly and quietly accomplished. Before an alarm
could be given the English had landed close to the ruins of the church
which bears St. Columba's name. Bruce's Castle was then standing, and
was occupied by some twenty Scots, who were in charge of the women and
children. Norris had brought cannon with him, so the weak defences
were speedily destroyed. After a fierce assault, in which many of the gar-
rison were killed, the chief, who was in command, offered to surrender if
he and his people were allowed to return to Scotland. The conditions
were rejected ; the -Scots yielded at discretion, and every living creature in
the place, except the chief and his family, who were reserved for a heavy
ransom, was immediately put to the sword, t Two hundred were killed in
the castle. It was then discovered that several hundred more, chiefly
mothers and their little ones, were hidden in the caves about the shore.
There was no more remorse, not even the faintest shadow of perception
* Froude's History of England, vol. xi. p. 179.
t It is probable that the Scotch above alluded to were Kirk Protestants ; but "brave Norris "
cared not what they were in religion : he supposed they were It is A,
380 IRELAND UNDER ELIZABETH. [Dec.,
that the occasion called for it. They were hunted out as if they had been
seals or otters, and all destroyed. ' Surleyboy and the other chiefs,' Lord
Essex coolly wrote, ' have sent their wives and children into the island,
which have been all taken and executed to the number of six hundred.
Surleyboy himself,' he continued, 'stood upon the mainland of the
Glynnes and saw the taking of the island, and was likely to have run mad
with sorrow, tearing and tormenting himself, and saying that he then lost
all that ever he had.'* Essex described the scene at the caves as one of
the exploits with which he was most satisfied. Queen Elizabeth, in an-
swer to the letters of Lord Essex, bade him tell Sir John Norris (' the exe-
cutioner of his well-designed enterprise ') that she would not be unmindful
of his services." t
Captain Brabazon, an ancestor of the present Earl of Meath,
received orders to " dislodge and destroy the rebels of certain
districts in Connaught." This " soldier of fortune " left behind
him a name as deeply stained with human blood as that of Lord
Grey. Colonel St. Leger writes from Cork to Sir John Per-
rott, in 1582, to the following effect :
'' The country is ruined. ... It is well near unpeopled. Between the
soldiers and the rebels there were great numbers killed in a barbarous
manner. The mortalit)' caused by pestilence lately is not like anything of
the kind ever before seen. There died by famine alone not less than thirty
thousand in the province of Munster within six months."
A large number of people were hanged, drawn, and quarter-
ed in Dublin. Mr. Froude says that the English victory over
those
" Miserable people was terribly purchased. Hecatombs of helpless
creatures, the aged, the sick, and the blind, the young mother and the
babe at her breast, had fallen under the English sword, and, though the
authentic details of the struggle have been forgotten, the memory of a
vague horror remains imprinted in the national traditions. ... To Lord
Ormonde J the Irish were human beings with human rights. To the En-
glish (army) they were vermin to be cleared from off the earth by any
means that offered."
The country soon partook of the silence and solitude of the
graveyards, with their churches and abbeys in ruins. One re-
markable outlaw was still to be hunted down, to be shot by
English soldiers, or betrayed by his own countrymen for gold.
The government, having communicated with their spies, offered
* Lord Essex to Sir Francis Walsingham ; MSS. Ireland ; Carew State Papers. "Sorley-
boy," as the English spelt his name, was Sorlach buidhe (the "yellow") Mac Alastair.
t Queen Elizabeth's secret despatches to Lord Essex ; Carew State Papers ; MSS. Ireland ;
Froude, vol. xi. p. 186.
J The Earl of Ormond (Oir Mumhan East Munster) was of the Butlers of Kilkenny.
Froude's History of England > vol. xi. p. 258.
1883.] IRELAND UNDER ELIZABETH. 381
a reward for the capture of the Earl of Desmond, dead or alive.
A priest and a few devoted followers were captured one by one ;
and those faithful friends who supplied food and shelter to the
noble outlaw were soon arrested themselves and " at once dis-
posed of." Desmond was hunted into the mountains between
Kerry and the bordering ocean. His condition was most de-
plorablehalf-naked, half-starved, and every moment expecting
to be in the hands of some sordid wretch who could not resist
the temptation of gold. Winter was casting its shadows, and
many of those cold October nights Desmond spent beneath
hedges and trees, the murmuring of the night winds and the
falling of the leaves conjuring up the bygone days of youth and
happiness, and then contemplating the dark and hopeless present,
with the scaffold and the headsman fast approaching. After
spending many nights in dreadful suspense he received a lodging
in a cabin at Glanquichtie, a lonely retreat, far away from the
busy scenes of life. In this humble place the noble Desmond lay
down, quite weary of life, upon a pallet in the loft, his beads
and crucifix in hand. Some time about midnight the house was
surrounded by English soldiers, accompanied by Donell Mac-
Donell Moriarty, of the Moriartys of Kerry. The door was burst
in, and after a few moments' struggle the Earl of Desmond's
body was flung down from the loft, bleeding from the dagger of
One of his own kinsmen. The blows were again renewed till the
assassin party were certain that their victim was dead. Des-
mond's body was taken to Cork, where it was spiked beside
the skeleton of his brother, and his head was sent to London as a
trophy for Queen Elizabeth. Such was the end of the amiable
Earl of Desmond.
In September, 1583, Dr. Hurley, the newly-appointed arch-
bishop of Cashel, arrived in Ireland. From the day he left
Rome till he landed, in disguise, somewhere between Dublin and
Carlingford, he was pursued and traced by the agents of Wal-
singham. He was arrested in Drogheda and carried to Dublin
Castle, where he was examined before the lords justices (Arch-
bishop Loftus and Sir Henry Wallop), two well-known " priest-
hunters." He refused to give an account of himself, and main-
tained a silence which Loftus considered to be "contempt of the
queen's authorities." The Irish council wrote to London for
instructions. The archbishop was informed that unless he
would give a full explanation of what brought him to Ireland,
and whether he was one of the pope's emissaries, they would
apply torture to him. Very strange to relate, the council in
382 IRELAND UNDER ELIZABETH.' [Dec.,
London had not, up to this period, furnished Dublin Castle with
the rack. But Loftus had great faith in the " rough-and-ready
whip on a bare back." Later the " cat-o'-nine-tails " was the pro-
duction of the Orange Beresfords, of a period not forgotten yet
in Ireland. After some months' delay a final order came from
the government in London. A mode of torture was suggested
by Walsingham. Loftus replies in general terms as to how the
Irish council acted in this case :
l( " Not finding that an easy method of examination to do any good, we
made commission to Mr. Waterhouse and Mr. Fenton to put the said priest
Hurley to the torture, such as your honor advised us to do, and which was
to toast his feet against the fire with -very hot boots." *
Yielding to his dreadful agony, the archbishop made a state-
ment which showed that he was connected with a political party
in Rome, and his secret cipher proved that he had been recently
appointed to the see of Cashel by Pope Gregory XIII. The
latter incident was declared to be a treasonable matter, although
not proved to their entire satisfaction.
Hurley solemnly affirmed that his mission was one of peace
and charity, and not treason. The lawyers hesitated ; they
scrupled to find a man guilty of a crime said to be committed
outside the English territory, and they declined to arraign him
for treason. They would not, however, permit him to escape.
Loftus and Wallop suggested, with the queen's approval, it would
be well to execute Archbishop Hurley without further delay. His
execution came under the class known as " special martial law,,
against which he could take no exception." The queen took
another month to consider the matter, and then " approved of
the suggestions of Loftus and his colleagues," and " commended
their doings." The Irish judges persisted in their legal opin-
ions that there was no case for a trial by a regular jury. The
opinion of the judges " was set aside by the queen."
The traditions of the times describe the execution as a most
barbarous proceeding. It is said that the head was sent to Lon-
don. The quartering of Archbishop Hurley was followed by a
number of other executions. The people were struck down at
every side. The women and children appeared like so many
spectres, humanity being represented by skeletons covered with
skin creatures crawling along the roads, unable to walk. Still
they were pursued and cut down, young mothers placing their
* Irish tradition relates that melted rosin was poured into his boots, causing a maddening
torture far worse than the rack.
1883.] DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY. 383
tattered garments around their infant offspring, in the delusive
hope of protecting them from sabre blows. The old women,
with uplifted hands, cried out to Heaven for protection, or ven-
geance upon their inhuman destroyers. Could Queen Elizabeth
witness those scenes she might shudder for her " responsibilities."
A Kerry lady named Fitzgerald, who was charged with in-
citing the peasantry " to public violence," and, further, " prac-
tising witchcraft," was hanged by Lord Ormond. This lady
was deeply regretted by the people of Munster, arid her name
was long handed down to posterity as the " brave Lady Fitz-
gerald who defied the Saxon."
At the conclusion of these massacres the Celtic race had been
reduced to nearly one-half its number, especially in Ulster, where
the people fought bravely for their homes. The successor of
Elizabeth came to the possession of an unenviable inheritance in
Ireland. His intentions were good, but continuous misgovern-
ment had enslaved and debased the people ; still, they yearned
for freedom from successful interlopers, and handed down to pos-
terity an undying hatred of their oppressors.
DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY.*
AND what, pray, is dynamic sociology? These two finely-
printed and well-bound volumes tell us that it is materialism and
agnosticism made the law of the land as far as it is safe to do it
and especially made the law of the children's education. Here
is a representative of " advanced thinkers " who tells us what
they propose to do with their doctrines in politics. This book
tells us what agnosticism, if permitted, will do in the way of
making laws for the people and training up their children for
them ; it is agnosticism law-making and men-training.
Much of the book is devoted to a statement of agnostic doc-
trines as to what man is. Spencer, Comte, Haeckel are summa-
rized and their theories in the main adopted. And by these it
appears that we are not the noble beings we have fancied our-
selves, our spiritual nature a breathing out of the infinite and
our animal nature fitted to be a worthy servant of the spirit in
* Dynamic Sociology ; or, Applied Social Science, as based upon statical sociology and the
less complex sciences. By Lester F. Ward, A.M. In two vols. New York : D. Appleton &
Co. 1883.
384 DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY. [Dec.,
achieving an immortal destiny; no, we are animals, and only
animals. The power of thinking is a brute power. Mind, this
writer tells us, is in and of itself nothing. It is made up of the
" relations which subsist between the material molecules of the
brain and nervous system, and between these and the material
objects of the outside world which appeal to them by means of
actual mechanical contact." If one has fancied that his mind has
been improved, his thinking power regulated and sustained, by
the study of eternal things, of wisdom, truth, and justice, and that
the mind must therefore belong to the order of being with which
it finds itself thus at home, he has been deluded. We might say
that as the organs of mastication and digestion in a brute prove
that it does not live on air but on material food, so the craving
of the human mind for spiritual and eternal things, and its fitness
to deal with them, nay, the actual necessity it feels of possessing
them, proves the soul's destiny to be their enjoyment ; but Mr.
Ward and the agnostics assure us that we are mistaken. " Tan-
gible facts," he says ; " material objects ; truths, laws, and prin-
ciples demonstrable either directly by the senses or deducible
from such as are demonstrable in such a manner that their nega-
tion is absolutely excluded such are the materials for the intel-
lect to deal with, such the proper objects of knowledge. The
only safe kind of knowledge is the knowledge of things. Know-
ledge of thoughts is unreliable, because thoughts themselves as
often consist in errors as in truths. The only real knowledge
is the knowledge of nature. The only important knowledge is*
the knowledge of science."
To answer by saying that the illative sense or power of draw-
ing a conclusion from premises ; the power of deducing from
facts a law ; the power, so much used by the author's masters,
of previously outlining a law by hypothesis, and then fitting the
mosaic of facts into the frame; the power of sorting facts
together into categories and generalizing their qualities ; the will-
power of withholding assent and rejecting known facts as mo-
tives of belief, of considering, pondering, judging, and decid-
ing, as the ever-recurring why and how rises in the mind to
answer that these mental functions, the very tools of the trade
of science, are not tangible nor visible nor any wise deducible from
any amount of material substance, and are plainly superphysical, is,
in Mr. Ward's esteem, to set yourself down as a dreamer. What
is not "capable of analysis," he says, "into simple physical prin-
ciples " is nothing. " Every rational analysis of human action
tends to ground it in egoism and assimilate it to animal action."
1883.] DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY. 385
Human joys, too, are only animal pleasures. " They have their
origin in the human body, and no matter how much they may be
etherealized and spiritualized by psychological and intellectual
influences, they may always be traced back to the body, the
source of them all, even of the mind itself."
As to the Christian idea of man, of course it is to him some-
thing quite unscientific. Indeed, it is his deliberate and settled
conviction that Christianity has been a calamity to the world.
Just as the light of true science was about to dawn Christ came,
he says, " and plunged the world into an abyss of darkness."
Much is said about our delusions concerning abstract principles
of morality. The relativity of. all notions of right and wrong is
insisted on. He ventures as a practical application of this doc-
trine a not very edifying attempt at a partial justification of
prostitution, which, he argues, may often be quite a laudable
means of getting a living. " Life," he bluntly says, " is dearer
than virtue, and there is often more true virtue in this surrender
of virtue (prostitution) than there would be in preserving it." So,
we infer, he would speak of the soldier who flings away his
musket and runs for his life. It is a greater virtue to save his
vitals from the risk of perforation than to practise the virtue of
patriotism under such distressing difficulties. Of course he
thinks that the doctrine of immortality, by curbing the eagerness
of men to have present and material joys, has " exerted an ex-
ceedingly pernicious influence."
Such being man, how shall he be governed? By dynamic
sociology. Mr. Ward means by this the application of inge-
nious contrivances and smooth-working inventions of govern-
mental force to remedy the evils of society. Lest the reader
should think we have mistaken his meaning, we quote the opinion
of the Popidar Science Monthly in its notice of this book : " As
the reader will perhaps have inferred, the drift of his reasoning is
towards a great extension of coercive agency and government
control in the work of social progress." Social progress cannot
be well secured by human freedom, for the human will is not
and cannot be free. " Like the universe," says Mr. Ward, " like
life, like man himself, like the other faculties of mind, the will is a
genetic product of cosmical law. The illusion consists in sup-
posing that our will is subject to our orders, that it is in any
sense free." " If the universe is the theatre of law, freedom is a
delusion." " Society itself is the domain of law, and its move-
ments, so far from being sporadic, irregular, and incapable of
classification or prediction, are the strict, determinable products
VOL. xxxvin. 25.
386 DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY. [Dec.,
of antecedent causes which can be studied and known by man in
the same way that the causes of physical phenomena have been
studied and learned by him by the scientific method." Seeking-,
therefore, to save the world from misery by appealing to a free
and generous obedience to men's sense of right, which is the re-
flection in the soul of its divine Prototype, has been the root
error of all previous, and especially all Christian, sociology. But
now, having fathomed the secrets of organic and inorganic na-
ture and revealed to view its laws, science has but to extend its
investigations into the region of human society ; the result will be
the same as it has been with mechanics, chemistry, or electricity.
A machine overcomes physical obstacles ; it planes a board, or
binds a sheaf of grain, or transmits sound by adjusting the action
of certain physical laws ; why should not the laws of human
society, which are in their initial action as fixed as those of me-
chanics (argues our agnostic), be similarly used for overcoming
social difficulties? Only, he insists, because they are yet to a
great extent undiscovered. But now that science has begun to
study them they will soon be discovered ; the laws of human
conduct will be as fully known as those of dynamic chemistry,
and by the principles of dynamic sociology men can invent
beneficial governments, just as they have invented labor-saving
machines. This resemblance of the dynamic legislator to the
mechanical inventor the writer repeatedly insists upon.
But what, it may be asked, is to be the form of government?
Who will discover, who apply, these social forces ? Shall we have
one great agnostic to do it, or many ? Shall the people elect him,
or shall the laws of natural selection evolve the man and the laws
of heredity perpetuate both his capacity and his authority ? Or
shall we establish an institution to be for our rulers what a stock-
farm is for our horses a place in which we may cultivate and
scientifically grade up a certain breed of men and women who
shall be our perpetual rulers ? We should think that one holding
the physical and therefore hereditary character of all human
qualities would favor hereditary aristocracy, or even hereditary
monarchy, to rule the people. But however doubtful he leaves
us as to what form of government he may favor, he is quite
clear as to what kind of education he would set at work, or
rather keep at work, to bring about a scientific treatment of
social problems. His form of school is the state school. He is
for the present government monopoly of education, perfected
and strengthened and made compulsory. Since education, as
moulded by his party, is what he would first employ for his pur-
1883.] DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY. 387
poses, it is well to hear him tell of the results which would fin-
ally be produced : " The energies heretofore so powerfully di-
rected to ecclesiastical work would then be directed to educa-
tional work. The school would fill the place now occupied by
the church. The scientific lecture would supersede the sermon,
and the study of natural objects and of standard scientific works
would form a substitute for a study of sacred writings."
It will be perceived by this short summary of the book that
Mr. Ward's theory of government is based on the two funda-
mental falsehoods of materialism : first, that the river of life is
known only in its present fleeting current, the springs from
which it flows and the sea into which it empties and is absorbed
being alike unknown and unknowable ; second, that in man the
moral and intellectual are but the beastly appetites in a high
state of development.
Not the least injury done by such a book is that it breeds
scepticism. First principles are in question. If you play with
the agnostic your only stakes are the title-deeds of rational certi-
tude. The very primary intuitions of the mind are called in
doubt, and the axioms of reason are set down lower than the very
evidences of the senses over which the reason should preside.
No language can exaggerate the gloom of doubt in an unguarded
or ignorant mind after reading books like this, which strive to
trace our spiritual nature to the action of the physical and
chemical laws of mere animal life. For that is their purpose.
Some write learned treatises on the natural sciences to insinuate
that there is no moral being in man, and some write treatises on
logic to show that there is no absolute truth in human reason-
ing, and some write absorbing novels, and some bewitching
poetry, some edit great journals, some teach in schools and col-
leges, each in his own place and way continually insinuating the
same fatal errors ; and here comes one to sketch a system of
government based on the same doctrine of despair that the
beginning and end of all human life is this poor, dull, deceiving
world. The forces invoked are but the weaknesses of human
nature ; that which in one's purest moments he most laments,
that which gives birth to the torments of remorse and in public
affairs most disturbs the peaceful use of human liberty, is to be
made the honor and happiness of mankind. Here we have the
agnostic attempting the r61e of a political doctrinaire. Having,
he seems to say, perfected my education as a puller-down of reli-
gions, I present my card as an architect of governments. MoraF
sentiments, heretofore considered as the most powerful of human
388 DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY. [Dec.,
motives, and moral excellence, the thing most admired among
men, I propose to leave out of view as either the highest end
or the strongest means. I will substitute physical enjoyment,
actual and present ; that is the dynamic force of our future
agnostic state. The attractiveness of life so viewed I will teach
in the schools of the state (and there shall be no other schools),
and agnostic education shall be the harness in which the people
shall be broken into the new system.
An agnostic school ! This book reveals who are the best
lovers of our present system of secular schooling. Is it not
strange that agnostics should put such value on the school as a
means of making men disbelievers, and that yet our Protestant
brethren fail to perceive its value in making men Christians?
One of the worst things about agnosticism is the fact, or the
pretence, that so many of its apostles are men of scientific cul-
ture. The man who abdicates immortality is often a professor
in some honored college faculty or a contributor to some purely
scientific journal. He rises up from his microscope and says
that there is no God and no future life. We do not say that
scientific men are generally tainted with such errors, but only
that leading agnostics are, or claim to be, familiar with the natural
sciences. Yet the greatest lesson of created nature is its sugges-
tiveness of the Creator. To collect from the voices of nature the
being of a sovereign ruler, as a lens collects the rays of the sun, is
the almost irresistible act of human reason. All nature, all sci-
ence, agree to testify that there is something else; and the dim
lights of the simplest mind and its weakest yearnings point to a
supreme being as its end and destiny. Who can be a philoso-
pher of true induction, and really know the constant, instinctive,
irrepressible action of the human soul towards the knowledge
and enjoyment of the infinite, and not draw out of such pheno-
mena the necessary being of the Deity ? That our poor bodies
.and feeble minds shall be re-created in a better world is the in-
stinctive yearning of the dimmest reason. They who know na-
ture best are those whose study has emancipated them from its
thraldom, and not always those who have longest studied na-
ture's phenomena. The ploughboy whose soul is filled with
prayer by the breath of the rosy morning, the songs of the birds,
and the rippling of the brook has been better taught by nature
than the proud man whose researches, though ever so vast, have
but filled up with created things that mind which is an ocean
bed of yearning love to be filled only with the uncreated. What
a delusion to suppose that " Nature," as agnostics understand it,
1883.] DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY. 389
can ever be the feeding-ground of a soul ravenous for eternal
things ! What blindness not to see that prior to all reasoning is
the objective being of reason ! What an error to begin to in-
vestigate phenomena before fully establishing the character and
powers of the investigator! The being which necessarily states
the problem of infinite existence should demand its solution be-
fore proceeding to lower tasks. Before reasoning begins the
mind is equipped for its work. The measures and standards of
true and false, right and wrong, are found already made for it
and given to it as the instruments for its use. And as the merest
inspection of the laws of thought reveals that these standards
could only be used by a personal being i.e., an individual con-
scious of his own distinct, unblended life so their source could
only be a personal being who is absolute reason, and the supreme
model and master of all subordinate reasoning beings.
A distinguished writer, Mr. Mallock, has suffered somewhat
in his reputation by shocking the modesty of the public with his
pictures of the future of agnosticism. Yet are not the doctrines
and suggestions of this book simply disgusting and infamous, and
are they not the logical outcome of agnosticism ? Mr. Ward is
but an untamed specimen, whose youth was perhaps less in-
fluenced than that of others by lingering traditions of Christianity.
His commendation to the public by the editor of the Popular
Science Monthly, and under the auspices of a first-class publishing
house, tells us how things are changing, and gives us a warning of
what we may expect when agnosticism develops all its influen-
ces when journalists and country gossips, hostlers and railroad
kings, school-teachers and book-publishers, and members of all
classes of society, begin to live, and to lead on their neighbors to
live, without thought of God, or providence, or prayer, or mar-
riage, or any law but the present physical joys of calculating
beasts.
Audacity, however, is attended with the fatality that its only
victories are surprises. With such light as such frank books
throw on the purposes of materialists we think that the social
problems will not be solved by Dynamic Sociology.
390 ENGLISH CATHOLICS AND PUBLIC LIFE. [Dec.,
ENGLISH CATHOLICS AND PUBLIC LIFE.*
FUTURE relations between Catholics of England and English
public life, with a view to their development, can only be fairly
discussed after we have realized the conditions which exist at
present or have existed in the past. This, however inadequate-
ly conceived or imperfectly executed, is the topic of the fol-
lowing paper. But we must endeavor to perceive the causes
which led to our position before we attempt to consider in what
manner and how far, in the future, corporate or individual ac-
tion may be either possible or politic.
This effort presupposes two points, on both of which I desire
to claim your sympathy, or at least to minimize your dissent.
Of these, the first is that existing relations between English
Catholics and public life are not absolutely perfect ; they admit
of readjustment. And, next, if they be imperfect, that sugges-
tions for their improvement be met with a predisposition to
excuse friendly criticism which is also impartial. No advance
of value can be made in any phase of life without mutual in-
quiries, mutually endured, of the Socratic kind. Criticism is
misplaced only when it offends against truthfulness, intelligence,
good taste, or charity. It is a golden rule in criticism to esti-
mate what is said rather than who says it.
In this difficult, important problem there are, on the Cath-
olic side, three independent factors, or factors only partially de-
pendent on each other. The history, conditions, peculiarities
of these three factors must be severally estimated at the outset.
The more briefly this can be done the less will your patience
be taxed and my ignorance be exhibited. The conclusions ar-
rived at, however, have not hastily or without thought been
adopted. A superficial treatment of the topic is alone possible
in the limits at our disposal. But I venture to hope that, when
I conclude, others more able than myself will give the " Aca-
.demia " the benefit of their wider experience.
In Protestant England Catholics formerly occupied, and
still to an extent occupy, an anomalous, unparalleled position.
The restoration of the faith; the establishment of the hierarchy;
the network of religion again covering the fair face of our
* A paper read before the Academia of the Catholic Religion at its session, March 13, 1883,
in the Archbishop's House, Westminster.
1883.] ENGLISH CATHOLICS AND PUBLIC LIFE. 391
country ; the material edifices outward tokens of faith to the
world being built in all directions ; the slow, steady, obvious
submission of a sensible proportion of our fellow-countrymen to
the church this is incomparable with anything of a like sort in
modern times in any other country. Both former sufferings
and present immunity from suffering are elements in our ano-
malous position. As a fraction of national life, Catholics of late
years, indeed, have emerged from the endurance of active perse-
cution or of passive disabilities, political, social, religious. But
the fatal past has not failed to leave its mark ; and the present
has found us ill-prepared to survive with the fittest in the
struggle for existence. Ecclesiastical, social, civil influences
against them have, of necessity, tinged the character of English
Catholics, not always for the better. They have moulded their
instincts, stifled their aspirations, limited their sphere of action.
Centuries of suppression and generations of effacement have
taken from Catholics not only the power but the will for com-
bination and union in public life. Divided as they were into
two sections of great poverty and wealth and these together
form one of the factors above named of the aristocracy, titled or
untitled, and the mass of the people professing the old faith,
there was little political intercommunion between them, po-
tential or actual. Nor was there, I am assured, a middle class
worth consideration, impinging alike on rich and poor, which
tended socially to assimilate the two. Each division of the
Catholic body, so far as public life was concerned, lived apart,
thought apart, worked apart. Each division, in family life, did
its duty towards God, their neighbor, themselves. Both pa-
tiently bided the time when, in civil and political influence, they
should severally regain their own perhaps with usury. It
almost seems as if the patience of that grand and noble feature
in English history were at last, in God's time and in God's way,
to be rewarded I mean the hereditary Catholics of England.
It is not easy to estimate the position of the Catholic poor
of the period previously to Emancipation. Neither, politically
speaking, if the- difficulty be insoluble, is the loss of moment.
Poor English Catholics were too few in numbers and too feeble
in power to affect political interests in the British state. In all
probability they did not differ widely from their wealthier
neighbors, so far as they were influenced by common causes.
But, though it be more easy to speculate on the mental attitude
of the upper-class Catholic, it is a nicer and more delicate opera T
tion. If one may presume to form a judgment on so obscure a
392 ENGLISH CATHOLICS AND PUBLIC LIFE. [Dec.,
topic, indifference to the weakness of isolation ; love of seclusion ;
resentment at interference from without ; a certain amount of
jealousy and not unnatural suspicion of all parties ; carelessness
of public life, or care for individual action only, so long as family
and religious interests were preserved these would appear to an
observer to be some characteristics of the old Catholic body in
England. These were some of their idiosyncrasies when the
period closed of political subservience to, and agitation against, a
Protestant ascendency ; when the period opened of toleration, if
not of religious equality. Every one did that which was right in
his own eyes, conscientiously and charitably. But organized po-
litical action, or even civil or municipal or social combination,
was not so much as dreamt of.
At a certain date and for a certain time observe the con-
ditions a new element was added to the old historical party of
English Catholics. The age set in of conversions from the Pro-
testant Establishment. To the small Catholic population, and in
the course of a generation, thirty or forty years ago, were added
hundreds of highly educated and gifted men and thousands of
men who had at least shown vigor of mind, determination of
purpose, candor, courage, by leaving the religion of the vast
majority of Englishmen for the faith of the few for a faith de-
tested, misunderstood, still abjectly feared, but not still actually
persecuted. It would be invidious and impossible alike for me
to attempt to compare or to contrast hereditary old Catholics
with new converts from Protestantism. He ought to be neither
the one nor the other who would dare to hold the balance even-
ly between the two. But this will be conceded by all : Either
party supplemented the higher, stronger, more enduring, more
valuable qualities of the other to an extent which made the
future commingling of both into one only not complete and per-
fect. To the constancy, devotion, firmness if you will, obstinacy
of those who have handed down intact the old faith were now
added the energy, the fire, the zeal, the versatility of those to
whom it was given to return to the religion of their not very
remote ancestors from the opinions of their more immediate
progenitors. What, I ask, was the result of this fusion of ele-
ments old and new ?
The answer is plain. Upon the highest and only true form of
Christianity was grafted some of the better spirit of the present
age and time. The elder Catholic could boast of all that his-
tory, family record, persecution, romance, might yield to the
picturesque and imaginative side of a genuine existence. The
1883.] ENGLISH CATHOLICS AND PUBLIC LIFE. 393
neophyte could offer to the common lot much of the more ma-
terial and practical side, with its keen sense, its business habits,
its hard work, of the life of the nineteenth century. The combi-
nation of these elements, in a fight for national equality now and
for national pre-eminence hereafter, would, if they coalesced,
create a powerful party in the state. And to a wide extent they
have coalesced, loyally and without obvious exception. After
half a century of common strife with a common foe these two
English Catholic elements have combined wholly in sentiment,
aim, and friendship. They have combined also, to an extent, in
closer bonds, which an uprising generation, the result of mar-
riage unions between old and new members of the church, have
cemented and enlarged. And the section which by descent is
half-convert, half-born-Catholic is one which is destined if I
may venture on a prophecy to play a conspicuous part in the
future of English Catholicism. It is so destined, amongst other
reasons, on this ground : because it contains, as a constituent part
from which the old Catholic oody was free, an infusion of the
great middle class of England.
It must not be supposed that the superimposed stratum of
convertism was pure, unqualified gain to the common cause.
No ; it was not. In the absorption of converts from Protestant-
ism into a body of religionists bearing the features of English
Catholics this could not be expected. There are converts and
converts, as well as differentia amongst hereditary Catholics.
Hence I have been careful to limit the dates and the period of
this influx into the church from Anglicanism. Friends and foes
alike concur in the opinion that a wide gulf severs the old con-
vert of twenty, thirty, forty years ago from the neophyte of
to-day. From the coarse libels of Dr. Littledale to the candid
criticism of anonymous writers in the Tablet, all are agreed.
The one, though slightly quixotic, is a fine, noble specimen of
humanity, albeit a pervert. The other is a poor creature at best,
who has just managed to save his soul, and should rest, do no-
thing, and be thankful. Like many hasty generalizations and
most detractions, there is a modicum of truth in the last of these
pictures which it were wise to acknowledge and well to act on.
Two opposite faults seem to attack the more modern convert
indolence and fussiness. He becomes either indifferent to every-
thing outside religion, having once entered the ark of safety, or
he is over-active, too zealous, absorbed in temporal matters or
the worldly side of ecclesiastical questions which he has failed
to master. A tendency to either fault is felt, probably, by those
394 ENGLISH CATHOLICS AND PUBLIC LIFE. [Dec.,
even who withstand both. Both failings, of course, must be
checked. The fussiness of converts if it exists will certainly
and deservedly be suppressed from without, and need detain us
no longer. Indolence, or inactivity, or apathy, or indifference,
or whatsoever term be used, to everything external to the
church and outside one's self this is a more subtle and a more
harmful disease. And the disease is this : the practical abdica-
tion of Catholics, as English citizens, of every form of public life
an abdication which is nothing short of calamitous, and in its
effects is almost criminal. With its diagnosis and cure we are
more intimately concerned on the present occasion.
This glance backwards has not been a waste of time, if it may
help us to perceive the relative position of two out of the three
factors which make up the sum of English Catholicism. We find,
in the first place, a small, compact, self-contained body of old
Catholics, the heirs of position, birth, and wealth, bound in ties
of faith thicker even than blood to the bulk of poorer but
equally constant members of the 'true church. We find, next, a
mixed multitude of all ranks, of both sexes, of every age, of all
professions, who, under the generic name of converts, have boldly
made the venture of faith, and one by one have joined an insig-
nificant minority. We have thus a complete section of the com-
monwealth, high, middle, and lower classes, representing his-
torical descent, contemporaneous energy, and the mass of the
people. But the scale on which this section is made, by com-
parison with other segments of English political life, is small and
weak. However completely converts and born Catholics may
have combined together, it were impossible for them to become
a political force in the state, as the state is now constituted, for
educating public opinion or for influencing and guiding public
affairs.
It is a fact which does not unexceptionally commend itself to
English Catholics, but it is a fact with which English Catholics
have to deal, that at the present day in Great Britain the exer-
cise of political power is ever more and more largely placed in
the hands of the people. Put the problem in what form you
please whilst avoiding the question of authority in politics the
result is equally ignored by many Catholics that we are now
governed not solely by the upper ten thousand. Almost within
the memory of some of us the theory of the rule of a personal
monarchy has been abandoned. All of us can call to mind the last
act of the legislature which practically changed the government of
England from that of a numerous oligarchy into one of a limited
1883.] ENGLISH CATHOLICS AND PUBLIC LIFE. 395
democracy. Under the rule of our new masters whom, by the
bye, we have to educate and as a power in the empire, Catholics
were but a feeble folk by reason simply of their lack of numbers.
Given the latter condition in modern politics the power of
numbers and English Catholicism would become, in proportion
to its extent, formidable, and, in proportion to its force, irresisti-
ble. It would become irresistible on this score, as possessing
what no other political party could so much as pretend to.
Catholics, however widely divided into opposite camps, possess
a common basis of action, a common fixity of principle, a com-
mon singleness of purpose, in all that concerns their common and
supernatural bond of union the church. This can be said of no
other political party. This is the distinction which severs the
Catholic body from all others. This is the specialty which, in
theory, gives supremacy to Catholics. But then in order to
enter the domain of practical politics, from which for centuries
they have been excluded, and to act on the strength of their
principles, numbers are needed. And of this element of power
the Catholic body was formerly wanting. It wanted the masses.
This want, however providentially, as I hold, but in any case
historically has at length been supplied.
The only or chiefest want of the Catholic body in England,
viewed as a section of the state, has been supplied during the
past thirty to forty years. It has been supplied to this extent.
According to trustworthy accounts, we are now more than
seven times as numerous as we were before. Old Catholics and
converts combined are supposed to form an aggregate of some
two hundred thousand souls. The Catholic population of Great
Britain may be estimated at a million and a half. Our numerical
position has been achieved by the emigration first and then by
the multiplication of fellow-Catholics from the sister island, who
now number about one million two hundred and fifty thousand
souls.
This accession of strength to the Catholic cause in England
observe this addition to the main point of its weakness and in
the very source from which political power now flows, ought to
be a subject of gratulation to all who look for the ultimate
return of their country to the unity of the faith. There is no
need to dwell oa the irony of fate which meets us here. The
race more mercilessly ill-governed and more savagely perse-
cuted for its faith, and for a longer length of time, by a profess-
edly Christian country, than any nation known to history, heaps
coals of fire on the head of her persecutors. She becomes their
396 ENGLISH CATHOLICS AND PUBLIC LIFE. [Dec.,
deliverer and their evangelist. But we may deal with facts.
And if public events can be traced backward from effect to cause,
the church in England owes politically everything to Catholic
Emancipation ; and Emancipation, be it remembered, was the
boon to the Saxon from the Celt. Without Ireland, England
would not have yielded, at all events did not yield, Emancipation.
And since that date the progress of the church has been one
continued and almost triumphant advance. She has developed,
without a check worth naming, in every conceivable way in out-
ward organization, in material buildings, in converts to the
faith, in municipal and political power ; amongst other ways, in
sheer strength of numbers. In all human probability what is
happening before our eyes in America will be repeated in kind,
if not in degree, not many years hence in England viz., this :
Catholicism will take its natural place as a powerful influence for
good. Such a result will be due, or any result which approxi-
mates to it will be due, to the third factor in the Catholic body
of which we have spoken ; the factor which is six times as
numerous as both the others combined ; the factor which is
Irish by nationality, indeed, but is British perhaps by birth,
possibly by marriage, certainly by circumstance, adoption, and
choice.
Within the bounds of these three factors the old Catholics,
the new Catholics, and the poor Catholics are contained both
the agents and the agency by which our co-religionists may
again enter upon the rights and duties of public life in England.
These questions, then, have to be answered : How are we to
apply the means to the end? How can we find Catholics will-
ing to take action ? How shall we support them when they are
found? Both ability and time compel me to attempt a reply in
the most superficial manner ; and I ask for indulgence in making
the attempt even in general terms.
It may be a sanguine sentiment, but I believe it to be true,
that a new era politically is opening, or has opened, to the church
in this country. In spite of many adverse influences for which
history, persecution, effacement, custom are responsible against
English Catholicism, one hopeful fact, which is almost prophetic,
cannot be denied. A new generation is rising, half-convert, half-
hereditary-Catholic by descent. It is rising at the very time
when new political power is being yearly added to the church
by the multiplication of her numbers. The problem, then,
amounts to this: How may we apply to the energy, culture,
talent, zeal, now in its early manhood amongst us, the latent,
1883.] ENGLISH CATHOLICS AND PUBLIC LIFE. 397
dormant, but real force made ready to our hand in the power of
numbers of our Catholic masses ?
There are two elements in such a national and religious prob-
lem for it is both. First, we must secure agents by whom and
on behalf of whom the interest and good-will of the Catholic
majority may be excited. And then we must create a Catholic
constituency by whose co-operation these agents may take their
place in the government of the country. These elements would
act and react upon each other. They indicate two needs of the
Catholic body at the present day. These needs are, first, the want
of men of public spirit and social influence willing to take their
position in the world ;-and, second, the want of men sufficiently nu-
merous to return for public service such leaders in the work of Ca-
tholic restoration. If leaders of thought and action can be found
there will be no difficulty to discover those that will follow. If
we can create a constituency which is content, nay, anxious, to
follow, leaders of men will spontaneously appear. The chief
difficulty will be this : for which of the two are we, in order of
time, to seek first? Perhaps we had better seek for both at one
and the same time. We must urge, if needful we must spur,
members of the Catholic upper orders or middle class to answer
to the call of public duty or self-sacrifice when it is sounded.
We must stimulate the Catholic million, the toiling masses
Saxon or Celtic, or both combined to be ready for one, perhaps
for two contingencies. They must support those who consent
to do them service, for the sake of the cause ; or they must pro-
duce from themselves competent men to act as their representa-
tives.
Are these statements too vague and intangible for serious
treatment ? If they be so I would say more plainly : Catholics
must aspire not only to the highest form of public service ; they
must be content to fulfil the lowest duties in the state. Many a
young fellow enjoys the vision of a career at St. Stephen's who
is little pleased to serve as a vestryman in the Tower Hamlets.
Catholics ought, though not the same Catholic ought, to be both
in Parliament and on the vestry. Between the two we ought
to take our fair share in every other department of public life.
We must force our way, in spite of lords-lieutenant, upon the
bench of magistrates. We must manage to be pricked as high-
sheriffs. We must wear the gilded chains of municipal office as
councillors or mayors. We must take the thankless, useful office
of guardian of the poor. We must stand for that onerous, pay-
less, costly post a seat on the school-board. We must be will-
398 ENGLISH CA THOLICS AND PUBLIC LIFE. [Dec.,
ing to take office, aldermanic or other, under the coming new-
act for the better government of London. We must secure the
ministrations of our clergy for the army and navy and the Indian
service. We must open wide the doors of our hospitals, work-
houses, jails to the like influences for their Catholic inmates.
And the majority of our fellow-believers, the Catholic population
of England, must to these ends heartily offer us their support.
They will support us when they see us anxious to take our place
in the government of the nation. They will support us when we
have made them take their place in the electorate of the country.
We shall in turn be given support and give back support when
we desire to re-enter public life by means of, and not apart from,
the masses who are Catholic ; when we are content to defend
all genuinely Catholic political interests, even at the expense of
party politics ; when, in a faithless country, we honestly make
our own the ills, the sorrows, the distress of all who are of the
household of faith, be they the poor, the sick, the young or aged,
the ignorant or criminal, the unrepresented or the badly gov-
erned.
Little more need be said on a question which admits of end-
less discussion, in order to make this paper practically sugges-
tive. But two further points demand consideration :
I. It is difficult to suggest any practical means for supplying
the deficiency of candidates for the public service of the state
amongst the rising generation of Catholic youth. We cannot
force upon any one a vocation in the commonwealth which may
not be inspired or accepted freely. We cannot give political
mission to any one in spheres in which we have no authority.
Still less can we, at a moment's notice, supply to any one defi-
ciencies in education, training, or habit of mind which prevent
him from answering a summons to public life. The utmost we
can do is to point to the needs of the church ; to affirm that such
needs are imminent ; to stimulate the self-devotion of her sons ;
and to trust that some of her sons will devote themselves to
supply the church's necessity. Lest, however, I be accused of
arguing under the shadow of generalities, I will shortly recall
three facts to indicate the extent to which English Catholics
abstain from the duties of the state. They will be taken from
well-known Parliamentary, educational, and poor-law statistics.
They will at least be suggestive of the poverty of our present
efforts after public life :
i. At this moment we have but a single Catholic member of
Parliament sitting for an English borough or county. Recent
1883.] ENGLISH CATHOLICS AND PUBLIC LIFE. 399
calculations show that, according to our population, we ought
to have seven-and-twenty members. In some cities Catholics
can command one-third of the municipal votes. In others they
form one-third of the population.*
2. In the late school-board elections almost every Catholic
who stood was elected always high on the poll, sometimes at
the head. This was in the provinces. London, which on every
ground ought to have taken the lead, was the most striking
exception. Out of ten metropolitan boroughs four Catholic
candidates only went to the poll ; of the four, only two were
successful.
3. The Catholic Union Annual Report for last year, amongst
other important services rendered by that society to the church,
congratulated itself upon forty or fifty additional Catholic guar-
dians of the poor. How many thousands of guardians in England
there may be I know not ; but I do know that there exist six
hundred and fifty distinct poor-law unions and upwards of fifteen
thousand parishes.
II. It is not difficult to suggest a means by which power may
be added to the church, both politically and socially, through
her newly and unexpectedly acquired force. But, if it be not
difficult, the attempt is not unattended with danger. Party
spirit runs high on this, as on other questions. Here and now
it would be unwise to increase the agitation. To this end, and
in the few concluding words which follow, I shall eschew all
allusion to the highest form of public life to which Catholics may
aspire, and will confine myself to the lower. I shall also avoid all
reference to the nationality of the third factor of Catholicism of
which we have thought, and will speak of them, as I am justi-
fied in speaking of them after sojourning amongst us for more
than a generation, as naturalized English citizens.
There are two ways of dealing on behalf of the church, and
in regard to social, educational, and municipal matters, with this
immense majority of English-speaking Catholics. The two ways
are these : First, if it be not an Hibernianism to say so, to
ignore them entirely and to let them alone. Secondly, to own
their existence, their importance, their power for the good of
the Catholic cause, and to utilize them. The latter of these two
methods is the one which I hold to be sensible, just, politic ;
which I would urge on all who will be persuaded, as needful and
* Since this paper was read it has been asserted in the newspapers that the Catholic vote
will be enabled, at the next general election, to turn the scale in about seventy-five elections.
In how many boroughs or counties, up to the present time, have Catholics endeavored to es-
timate, concentrate, or utilize for the service of the church this vote ?
4oo ENGLISH CATHOLICS AND PUBLIC LIFE. [Dec.,
even inevitable. As England is now governed, in the spheres
we are discussing, by the will of the people, the Catholic will of
a Catholic people must be influenced. This can only be done
by ascertaining their number, by combining their force, by
stimulating their intelligence, by counteracting their prejudices,
by guiding their opinion and decision. And all by personal in-
fluence, which has been and may again be secured. Of course,
union being power, all our efforts presuppose the registration of
the Catholic vote. Whether such registration be effected by
local and individual action, or by general, central, and corporate
action, I pause not to inquire. But registration must be had if
Catholics would again enter public life, as public life now exists
in Great Britain. If registration be neglected we shall remain,
as we are, politically powerless.
One final thought may be added. Late legal decisions have
enormously increased the power of the Catholic vote, even in
municipal elections, and the like is true of politics. I speak of
the case of the lodger rate-payer's vote ; but I have not heard of
its wide utilization, and I know where it has been entirely neg-
lected. Indeed, it is hardly too much to say that in this, as
in all questions under debate, the two upper-class factors of En-
glish Catholicism have, consciously or unconsciously, yet abso-
lutely, neglected the third factor the factor which is, politically
speaking, the most powerful, the factor which alone is powerful.
They neglect not in works of charity, God forbid ! but in a
wide sense of the word politically the day-laborer, the skilled
artisan, the petty tradesman, the shop-assistant behind the coun-
ter, the ill-paid clerk at his desk ; they neglect, in a word, the
working orders of Catholics. These form the material from
which political power will flow in the future, does flow at the
present. These, living perhaps in a single attic of a house of
ratable value, are held (under conditions) to be rate-payers and
are entitled to a vote. These are the elements on which the
convert, the old Catholic, or one born of both may work for the
cause of holy church. We can gain nothing for her cause if we
ignore these elements. We can gain much, perhaps all, if we
utilize them. The Catholic Church herself has ever been, and
still is, on the side of the masses. The Catholic Church has ever
been, and still is, the poor man's friend. We cannot be wrong in
following her example. We ought not to forget that her divine
Lord and Master lived the life of a village carpenter.
1883.] ARMINE. 401
AR^INE.
CHAPTER XXVIII.
IT was like a terrible evil dream to Egerton that fearful
scene through which he had passed when he found himself
again in Paris, shattered, bruised, and with a broken arm
which it was necessary to submit to a surgeon at once. But
this was not his first duty ; his first was to dictate a few lines
to D'Antignac and send them by his servant.
" I do not know," he said, after stating briefly all that had
occurred, " where Mile. Duchesne is to be found ; but I
would suggest that Mile. d'Antignac should, if possible, go to
her, since I am sure there are no lips from which she could
better receive this sad and shocking news. I will see her as
soon as she is able to receive me. If Mile. d'Antignac sees
her, may I beg that she will say this?"
But some time elapsed before Mile. d'Antignac was able
to see Armine. In the first place, it proved difficult to dis-
cover her whereabouts. At the apartment in the Rue Neuve
des Petits Champs no one was to be found. The concierge
reported that even Madelon was gone and he did not know
her address. Was she with Mile. Duchesne? He shook his
head ; he did not knotv, but thought not. Mademoiselle went
away one day with her father ; Madelon did not leave until a
day or two later, and although it was true that she might
have gone to join mademoiselle, he did not think so.
" What am I to do ? " said Helene when she went back to
her brother. " How am I to find this poor child ? "
D'Antignac answered : " You can only wait. Sooner or
later she will be heard of in the Rue Neuve des Petits
Champs, and if you told the concierge to let you know when-
ever he had any tidings of her or of Madelon "
" I told him .that, of course, and emphasized it with the
promise of reward for such tidings."
" Then nothing else remains to be done. You can only
wait with such patience as you are able to command."
" Which is none at all when I think of her," said Helene
in a tone full of distress. " What must she be suffering, alone
or worse than alone my poor Armine ! "
VOL. xxxvin. 26
402 ARMINE. [Dec.,
" She is suffering a great deal, no doubt," said D'Antignac ;
" but not even your presence and your sympathy could
relieve her grief now. Let that be your comfort for not find-
ing her. In the first agony of such a shock consolation is
so impossible that it really matters little what influences sur-
round the sufferer."
Helene shook her head. " I cannot think that," she said.
" However much we are absorbed in grief, we must be con-
scious of sympathetic or unsympathetic surroundings. And,
unfortunately, though we cannot tell what her present sur-
roundings are, we may fear that they are very far from sym-
pathetic."
" Perhaps, then, this fact may lessen her grief for the
father who placed her in them."
" Ah ! " said Helene, " it seems to me that, on the contrary,
it would make it more bitter. How proudly, until the last
time that she was here, she always dwelt upon her father's
integrity of purpose ! How often she spoke of his unselfish-
ness and unvarying kindness to herself ! And now I do not
see a ray of consolation to which she can turn."
" Of earthly consolation there is none for her," said D'Antignac
sadly. " But her faith is strong. We must pray much for her."
Days passed without bringing them any tidings. The
journals every morning were full of the fearful accident which |
had occurred, the additional particulars that each succeeding
day brought to light, and the progress of the investigation j
into the cause of the disaster. Ducheshe's death was undoubt-
edly the greatest sensation connected with the event. The I
radical press had columns upon columns of panegyric and I
lamentation for him ; a grand civic funeral was decreed, by I
which . his late associates strove at once to do honor to his |
memory and excite popular feeling in their own behalf;
while the meeting to attend which he was on his way when ]
the awful catastrophe happened was adjourned over for two
days, and most of the brother delegates of the dead revolu- ]
tionist stood around the grave in Ptre la Chaise to which his
mangled remains were consigned with mingled eulogy of the
life and labors thus so mournfully and prematurely cut short,
and mad denunciations of the existing order of things.
" But this is horrible ! " said D'Antignac, dropping one
of the papers he had been reading to the couch on which
he lay. " Poor child ! how will she endure all that she is
.compelled, I fear, to see and know of this madness ? "
I883-J . ARMINE. 403
" It is indeed terrible for her," said Helene, turning, with
mixed sensations of disgust and heart-sick sympathy for
Armine, from the furious and blasphemous diatribes pronounc-
ed over the body o( Duchesne, at which she, too, had been
glancing. Looking up as she spoke, she saw that her brother's
face, usually so serene, wore a more perturbed expression than
she had seen on it before for years. She was almost startled
to perceive how seriously disquieted he evidently was ; and,
rising at once, she said with decision:
" I will go again and see if I can hear anything about
her. I think the concierge would surely have kept his word
and informed me if he had learned her whereabouts ; still, it
will do no harm to try and gain some intelligence."
" Inquire of the concierge where Madelon might be heard
of," said D'Antignac. " Even if she is not with Armine, and
does not know where the poor child is, she may be useful in
tracing her."
"Yes," said Helene quickly. "I remember now that
Madelon has a sister, or some relative, whom she used to visit
frequently. I will endeavor to find out where this person
lives."
When she was gone D'Antignac put his hand under his
pillow, and, drawing out his rosary, began to tell the beads,
his countenance as he did so regaining its wonted peaceful
look, though there was still sadness in the thoughtful gaze
which wandered from its near surroundings to rest on the
blue depths of sky far away. But this sadness did not last
long. When after, comparatively speaking, a brief absence
his sister returned disappointed from her quest, he looked up
to her troubled and sorrowful countenance with a quiet, almost
cheerful smile.
" We must be patient," he said. " Poor child ! it is hard
for her ; but she is in the hands of God, and therefore safe."
" Yes," said Helene; "and yet, though I blame myself for
it, I cannot but fqel afraid for her. She is so young so
utterly alone! And where can she have been taken? Per
haps out of Paris*! It seems that she left some days before
her father started on his fatal journey, and that her luggage
was carried with her."
" I am not afraid for her," said D'Antignac. " I have been
thinking it all over while you were away. As for Duchesne
! himself, God have mercy on his soul; but so far as Armine
is concerned, his death is the best thing that could possibly
404 ARMINE. [Dec.,
have happened for her. It has delivered her not only from
outside dangers, the tyranny and persecution to which she
would doubtless have been subjected which, indeed, had al-
ready begun but from the worse danger of interior strife ;
the constant battle between nature and conscience ; the ex-
quisite pain of being obliged to elect between antagonism to
her father and unfaithfulness to God. The suffering is sharp
now ; but time will assuage that, and whatever her future
life may prove, it is scarcely likely that it will be so painful
as the past."
At this point in the conversation, and before H61ene had time
to reply, the door opened and a servant informed her that Mile.
Duchesne's maid wished to speak to her.
" Bring her into the salon at once, Cesco," Mile. d'Antignac
said eagerly, and hurried out to meet the welcome visitor. She
remained away but a moment.
" I see that Madelon has brought good news," said D'An
tignac, as she approached with the smile which her brilliant
eyes and white teeth made so flashing.
"News that satisfies me, for the present at least," she an-
swered. " The poor child has just returned to the Rue Neuve
des Petits Champs, and Madelon entreats me to go to her."
" Go, by all means, and at once, ma sceur, " he said. " You
will bring her back with you ? "
"Of course, if I can. But I fear that it may not be easy to
persuade her to come."
" Why ? " he asked with some surprise.
" Madelon is, you know, a dull, uncommunicative creature,
who has neither the will nor the power to express herself clearly,]
and I can only gather from the little she says that she is veryl
uneasy about Armine. ' Mademoiselle is changed mademoiselle]
is changed,' was almost all that I could extract from her."
" Naturally such a blow as this, succeeding as it? did great
trouble of mind, must affect her sensibly," he said. " But l]
agree with you ; I am satisfied for the present to know that
she is safe and in Paris."
Mile. d'Antignac had never been in the apartment in the Rue
des Petits Champs before, and when Madelon opened the door
of the small salon and ushered her in she almost shivered, so
dreary and uninhabited did the place look ; for now there was
no cheerful fire burning, no fragrance of violets on the air, no-
thing of the atmosphere of home-life and refinement of taste,
which had so pleased Egerton's fastidious eye on the night when
1883.] ARMINE. 405
he first made the acquaintance of the Socialist and his daughter.
Dismantled of all the graceful prettiness with which Armine
had surrounded herself when its inmate, it was merely in ap-
pearance " an apartment to let," and Madelon, without pausing,
crossed the floor, lifted the portiere which draped the entrance
to what had been Duchesne's study, and motioned Mile. d'An-
tignac to pass in.
There was something inexpressibly sad to Helene in the
aspect of this room. It was evident that it remained just as its
late owner had left it. Chairs were sitting about, the table wore
that air of orderly disorder so characteristic of an intellectual
worker; and at one side of this table, just opposite an empty
arm-chair that looked as if its occupant had risen from it but the
moment before, sat Armine.
As Helene's eye fell on the girl she was struck with a sense
of surprise. She had, even before Madelon's advent and re-
port, naturally expected that Armine would be much affected
by the terrible calamity which had befallen her had expected,
indeed, that she would be overwhelmed by grief. And Madelon
had said that she was " changed, changed." But at a first glance
there seemed no change at all to be observed. The girl was
sitting in shadow, it is true, so that her face could be seen im-
perfectly only ; but her attitude and air were so natural and
familiar, as she leaned back in her chair with hands clasped be-
fore her and eyes fixed in quiet thought, apparently, on the table,
that Helene stood still gazing at her in momently increasing
amazement.
Suddenly becoming conscious of the gaze, Armine lifted her
eyes, and, perceiving the presence of her visitor, rose quietly to
receive her.
" It is very good of you to come to me, dear Mile. d'An-
tignac," she said, advancing ; and after her usual affectionate
greeting she led the way into the salon, seated Helene on a
couch beside an open window, and stood before her while
asking after D'Antignac.
Helene replied mechanically to the inquiry, for the broad
light that now fell over the girl showed that Madelon had
spoken truth. Armine was changed ; that homely and familiar
phrase, which is so expressive, rose to Helene's mind : " She
does not look like herself."
Yet the alteration was so subtle, so intangible, that it was
some little time before Mile. d'Antignac could define in what
it consisted. It was not that the always pale face was now ab-
4o6 ARMINE. [Dec.,
solutely bloodless, nor that the delicate features had that sharp
chiselling in all their lines, but especially about the nostril, which
the touch of suffering alone can give ; such signs of grief as
these are too ordinary to excite surprise. Voice and manner
seemed thoroughly natural quiet and subdued, but not more so
than usual, H61ene thought. " Perhaps," she said to herself,
" it is the absence of the emotion which is naturally to be ex-
pected that gives so strange an impression " ; but the instant
afterwards she knew this could not be so. Of emotion actively
expressed there was no trace whatever ; yet it was impossible
to look at Armine without feeling that the iron had entered
her soul and was piercing it to the core.
After the question about D'Antignac's health had been asked
and answered there was a momentary pause. H61ene hesitat-
ed to allude to the death of Duchesne, and Armine sat silent,
thought-absorbed apparently. But at length the former said
caressingly : " You will come home with me, my child, will you
not? Raoul and myself both wish it."
As Armine looked up to reply H61ene saw where it was
that the change lay. It was in the eyes and mouth.
" Thank you," she answered. " Yes, I will gladly come, since
you are so kind as to let me ; but not yet. I have to stay here
for a while."
" But cannot you come with me now and return to-morrow ?
Raoul will be disappointed if I do not bring you back with me,"
said He"lene persuasively.
" I wish I could go," the girl answered. ' " But I must re-
main here now ; there is business to be attended to before I
leave."
She pointed toward the room they had left, and went on in
the same calm manner which seemed so unnatural under the
circumstances.
" Dear Mile. d'Antignac, I see that you are surprised at me.
I am surprised at myself. I do not know what is the matter
with me. I thought at first that I was stunned, and that that
was the reason of my feeling so strangely. But there has been
time for sensation to return, and it does not come. My heart
seems dead. It has no sensation. I cannot even think steadily
of what has happened. My thoughts wander off on trifles. I
feel utterly indifferent about everything."
" You are stunned," said He"lene. " It is with our hearts as
with our bodies a sudden and terrible shock paralyzes for a
time." Then, as a neighboring clock struck the hour, which
1883.] ARMINE. 407
was later than she had been aware, she rose to go. As she
took the girl's hand to say adieu a sudden rush of pity caused
her to clasp the slender form in her arms and say warmly :
" O my dear ! I grieve that I can do nothing to comfort you.
But Raoul he surely can ! "
Armine shook her head. ".Even he can do nothing for me,"
she said. " Yet I would go to him, if I could. But there are
people men to be here to-night. I must see them. And
this"
She touched her dress, and Helene for the first time no-
ticed that this dress was not black and said : " I should have
thought of that. Let me go and see to it at once."
" You are very good," said Armine ; " but it is needless.
Madelon is attending to it."
" Then, my dear Armine, God be with you ! I will see you
again to-morrow, and will pray for you."
" Yes, pray for me," said Armine. " I cannot even pray
for myself."
D'Antignac listened silently as his sister described her
visit, nor did he speak for some minutes after she had con-
cluded the narrative. Then he said with a sigh :
" She is in very deep waters. There is a terrible passage of
suffering before her, and it may last long. But she has an
heroic spirit, a pure heart above all, a single intention. The
last will sustain her against the despair that threatens to over-
whelm her."
" Her impassiveness gives me a strange feeling of terror,"
said Helene. " It is so unnatural. It is impossible but that a
reaction must come. Looking at her face, 'I should not have
been surprised to see her burst at any moment into convulsive
raving."
Raoul shook his head. " That is not the danger I appre-
hend," he said. "I am afraid that her physical strength may
become exhausted, and that she may sink into a low fever or
congestion of the brain. By the way, did you tell her that
Egerton wishes to know when she can see him ? "
" Oh ! I quite forgot his request. But it does not seem to
me that it would be well to put any additional strain upon her
just now. Don't you think Mr. Egerton ought to wait until
she is better able to bear it?"
"No; that would only be to reopen the wound when it
was beginning to close. A little more or less in the way of
408 ARMINE. [Dec.,
endurance does not matter much at present, while the capa-
bility of suffering is almost paralyzed. She ought to be told
now everything connected with the accident which she is ever
to know. And this message of her father's she must, of course,
hear. Egerton called during your absence, and at my request
promised to return this evening if- he finds himself well enough
to make the exertion. I hoped that she would be here, and
that he might thus discharge himself of a duty which he evi-
dently feels to be very oppressive, and at the same time get
the interview over for her. Of course it must be a very pain-
ful one on both sides."
" How is his arm to-day?"
" The surgeon considers it to be going on favorably ; but
he says that his whole body is one huge bruise, which makes
movement difficult and excessively painful."
Glancing up to Helene's face as he ceased speaking, D'An-
tignac read a thought in her eyes which brought a slight smile
to his own. But he said seriously :
" How do we know that what appeared an idle whim, his
tampering with Socialism and its expounders, may not prove to
have been, if not providential, yet useful in its results ? Useful
as regards Armine's interests, at least ; for I judge, from a few
words which he dropped, that her father entrusted a message
of great importance in connection with her future life to him.
Now, if he had not accompanied Duchesne on this wild expe-
dition, probably Duchesne would have died without having
the opportunity of speaking. He survived the accident only
about an hour, and all was confusion around. There was no
one else near him in whom he could have reposed confi-
dence."
" I hope," said Helene a little drily, " that this message may
not prove to be an attempt to exercise a posthumous tyranny
over poor. Armine."
CHAPTER XXIX.
EGERTON did not return that evening ; but the next morn-
ing, at the earliest hour possible for a visit, he presented him-
self, asked first for Mile. d'Antignac, and on learning that she
was out gave his card, requesting that it might be taken to
Mile. Duchesne.
" But Mile. Duchesne is not here, monsieur," said Cesco.
1883.] ARMINE. 409
" Not here ? " said the young man. " I understood from M.
d'Antignac yesterday that she would be here in the evening."
The servant could only repeat the fact already stated : she
was not here. An apartment had been prepared for her, but
she had not yet come to take possession of it. Should he
inquire if M. d'Antignac could see M. Egerton?
The latter hesitated a moment, then said no, he would not
intrude on M. d'Antignac at that early hour ; and, re-entering
his fiacre, drove to the Rue Neuve des Petits Champs.
That his sensations were not enviable as he proceeded
thither it may well be conceived. Hitherto his business in
life had been to seek amusement ; now he suddenly saw himself
confronted by a stern and most disagreeable duty a duty he
had, gratuitously as it were, brought upon himself, inasmuch as
he had put himself in the position which caused it to be de-
manded of him. Playing with fire is proverbially a dangerous
amusement ; and of this trite truth, as apposite to his associa-
tion with Duchesne, he had been reminded often enough and
earnestly enough for the warning to have produced some
effect, if it had ever occurred to him to give a thought to such
warning. The danger of entanglement on one side or illusion
on the other was over for him, if it had ever existed ; but he
felt that the brief association with Duchesne, so idly formed
and so tragically ended, was not a mere episode in his life, but
an epoch, for it had left results that might in more than one
way affect the whole of his future. Even before Duchesne's
death the thought had several times occurred to him, with a
surprise not untinctured by awe, that if he ever attained to
Christian belief he would have to date the dawn of such belief
from his acquaintance with this enemy of Christianity ; since
but for his Acquaintance with Duchesne himself he would not
have known Armine, and but for the strong impression made
upon him by words that had fallen now and again from her
lips, suggesting trains of thought and logical sequences never
before presented to his mind, the Catholic Church would have
remained to him a terra incognita with which he was not likely
to come into sufficiently unprejudiced contact for his intelli-
gence to regard it impartially. It would be too much to say
that the virtual act of faith made by him when Duchesne was
dying merited that illumination of soul necessary to the full
reception of Catholic truth. The act was but an instinctive
impulse of the spiritual nature the involuntary recognition
of his Creator by the creature in a moment of strong emotion.
4i o ARMINE. [Dec.,
During the period of intense bodily pain and nervous prostra-
tion which followed the very recollection of that lightning-
flash of faith was forgotten ; but only for the time. Light had
irradiated the dark places of his soul once, and now he was not
unwilling to say, "Lord, I believe: help thou mine unbelief."
On arriving at his place of destination he alighted once
more, and, in very much what may be supposed to be the frame
of mind of a man about to storm a battery, slowly and painfully
mounted au quatrtime.
On the stair he met Helene, who was descending. She
stopped and shook hands with him warmly, inquiring with in-
terest about his health. " I don't know whether you are most
to be condoled with or congratulated, Mr. Egerton," she said.
" A broken arm and such severe bruising as you must have had
are not trifles ; but, considering the circumstances, I think you
were fortunate to escape as you did."
" I think so, I assure you," he replied. " I have suffered
very severely more from the nervous shock than from actual
pain, though that has not been inconsiderable. But, contrasting
my lot with that of so many others, I feel that I was indeed
fortunate."
" You are recovering from the effects of the shock, I hope ? "
she said, looking at him with kind sympathy.
" Somewhat," he answered. " But my nerves are very shaky
yet. And I confess," he continued with a faint smile, " that
I dread the interview before me. You have just left Mile.
Duchesne, I suppose ? "
" Yes," she replied, her face taking an expression of gravity
as she spoke.
" And will she receive me, do you know ? You were kind
enough, perhaps, to prepare her for my visit?"
" I came so early this morning specially for that purpose,"
she answered ; " for I am ashamed to acknowledge that I forgot
to speak of it yesterday. Yes, she will receive you. But " she
hesitated ; then, as he evidently waited for her to proceed,
said : " I was going to beg you to make your communication as
brief and as little painful as possible ; but I am sure such
caution is needless."
" It would be needless if I had any option in the matter,"
he replied. " But that, of course, I have not."
" Well, I must not detain you longer," she said kindly.
" For your own sake, as well as hers, it is best that the meet-
ing should be over as soon as may be. Good-morning."
1883.] ARMINE. 411
" Good-morning," he responded ; and they went their sepa-
rate ways, he envying her in that she was not called upon to
perform the task before him ; she pitying him, and wishing him
Godspeed in the same.
He was shown into the salon, and the first object that his
eye rested on as he entered was the figure of Armine. Dressed
now in deep black, she was standing motionless in the middle
of the floor in an attitude as aimless as that of a lay figure.
There was something, indeed, so unnaturally still and impassive
in this attitude that Egerton unconsciously paused just within
the threshold of the room and stood gazing at her in appre-
hensive wonder. And when, roused by the closing of the door
after his entrance, she turned slowly toward him, he could
scarcely repress an exclamation, so startled was he by the sight
of her face. Helene had been struck with surprise at the in-
definable change in the girl ; his predominant emotion was that
of dismay.
Perceiving him, she advanced quietly and extended her
hand, which he took without uttering a word ; for he could
think of no words that seemed fitting nay, that would not
sound to him oppressively commonplace. It was she who first
broke the silence.
" I am sorry to see that you are suffering," she said.
Turning, she drew forward an easy-chair, motioned him
toward it, then seated herself near and fixed her eyes on his
expectantly.
All this was so different from anything that he had antici-
pated that his embarrassment became almost overpowering.
He regarded her for an instant ; then, making a desperate effort
to recover the self-possession that was about to desert him en-
tirely, answered :
" Yes, I am suffering. This is my excuse for not having
waited on you before to-day, mademoiselle."
".Why should you have been in haste ? " she said apatheti-
cally.
" I was in haste to fulfil a promise I had made," he an-
swered, "and to execute a trust which had been laid on me."
"A trust?" she repeated; and now there was some quick-
ening of attention in her eyes, though her manner was still
without emotion.
" A trust," he repeated in turn. " I should never have
thought of intruding upon you at present, nor conceived the
idea of mentioning to you a subject so exquisitely painful as the
412 ARMINE. [Dec.,
one of which I have to speak, were I not constrained to do
so by the express request of your father."
His voice sank as he pronounced the two last words, which
were uttered with so much reluctance that Armine said :
" Do not hesitate to speak freely. You cannot pain me.
Pain no longer exists for me, I think. You wish to tell me
something about my father?"
" Yes," said Egerton. " When dying M. Duchesne made
to me a communication of great importance, adjuring me to
deliver it to you without delay."
Then, in the fewest possible words, he repeated Duchesne's
relation concerning the marriage of his grandfather.
It was a strange story, as he suddenly thought, for him, a
young man, to be detailing to her, a young girl embarrassing
in every way ; and he did not look toward her as he spoke
until, at a slight exclamation when he first mentioned the name
of De Marigny, he could not resist the temptation to observe
her face.
" Ah ! " she murmured to herself in a low tone, " I under-
stand now. This explains many things."
It was as she said this that Egerton looked up. Was there,
he wondered, any special interest to her in this discovery? Her
face, when he permitted himself to glance at it, did not answer
the question. It wore the expression of one who has suddenly
grasped the solution of what had been a problem, but a problem
of no great interest, seemingly. Egerton noted this and went on.
But when he proceeded to speak of the proofs of the mar-
riage, and remarked that he would charge himself with the duty
of obtaining these proofs and taking all the legal steps required
for establishing the fact of its validity, Armine stopped him.
" You have fulfilled the trust given you, monsieur, in telling
me this family secret. But you will not be called upon to incur
farther trouble. I shall not use the discovery. If my father had
lived it would have been right for him to claim his* inheritance ;
and if I were a man 7 might feel it a duty to do so. As it is,
I shall not move in the matter; and all that I ask of you is to
hold inviolate the secret entrusted to you."
" But, mademoiselle," he cried earnestly, and with mingled
surprise and disapproval, "you cannot mean that you do not
intend to claim your inheritance ! "
" That is what I mean," she answered.
"Impossible!" he exclaimed. "All other considerations
apart, you will not, I am sure, disregard the imperative inten-
1883.] ARMINE. 413
tion of your father to secure you against an evil of which you
are no doubt ignorant as yet one of the worst evils, if not
the very worst, that beset any life, but especially that of a wo-
man : the curse of poverty."
" I am in no danger of suffering from poverty," she replied.
" My mother's fortune which was not large, but is quite suf-
ficient for my wants was secured to me."
" But, mademoiselle," Egerton again eagerly began, when
she interrupted him.
" I am the representative of my father," she said in a tone
half-interrogative, half-asserting.
" Assuredly," he answered.
" The sole representative."
" Yes."
"It rests with me, then, to act or not in this affair ; and I
shall not act."
Again Egerton strove to speak, and again was stopped.
" It is altogether useless to discuss the subject," she said
decidedly. " I mean what I have said. I shall not move in
the matter."
"Not claim even your name?"
" Of course not, since to do that would be to proclaim the
whole."
Egerton was silent a moment before he asked in a some-
what constrained tone :
" Do you mean, mademoiselle, that not even the Vicomte
de Marigny is to be informed of this discovery ? "
" Yes, monsieur, I mean that," she replied.
What was Egerton to do? He was not inclined for the
controversy in which he so unexpectedly found himself en-
gaged, but a sense of loyalty to the trust of the dead man
made him feel bound to use every argument in his power ; and,
though he had not intended in this interview to press the claims
of humanity on Armine's filial conscience, he now felt driven
to this.
" Permit me, mademoiselle," he said firmly but deferen-
tially, " to remind you that the wishes of your father I may,
indeed, say his command ought to have weight with you,
and will, I am sure, when you have deliberately considered the
subject, compel you to change your decision. I have still a
direct message to deliver to you "
He paused as Armine rose from her seat. Extending her hand
with the motion of putting the whole question aside, she said :
414 ARMINE. [Dec.,
" I will hear no more. Monsieur, I thank you for for all."
Coming to his side he, too, had risen she put out her own
hand and grasped his, holding it as she went on: "Do not
think me ungrateful. You have been a true and noble friend
to my father. You have faithfully discharged the trust he
placed in you. Is it not enough that you have done this ? It
is all that you can do."
When Egerton found himself again rattling along the streets
of Paris he looked vaguely at the brilliance and glitter and
rushing tide of life around him. Which was actual the blue
sky and sunshine, the gay splendor of the broad street and its
hurrying crowds, or that quiet room with what seemed to him
the almost spirit-like presence of the girl from whom he had a
moment before parted? He felt a strange sense of bewilder-
ment, as if he had seen one who was and yet was not Armine,
together with a great consciousness of physical discomfort. Per-
haps the last predominated ; for at first he thought less of the
interview just over than of his nerves and his stomach, both of
which were making themselves sensibly and very prominently
disagreeable. And, like all persevering claimants, their impor-
tunity presently gained attention to their wants by reminding
him that he had taken no food that morning. He had, it is
true, gone through the form before coming out, but had
eaten nothing. At this recollection he stopped at a cafe and
ordered breakfast ; and while waiting for it to be served his
thoughts naturally returned to Armine and the incidents of the
morning.
If he had considered his position one of difficulty and em-
barrassment before speaking to her, he found it doubly so now.
Chance if chance it was had brought him into a singular
connection with this girl. From the first time he saw her there
had been for him an indescribable attraction about her a sort
of attraction which he had never met with in any other woman*
And though Duchesne's dying trust had been cause of much
anxiety to him, he had yet found a certain charm in the sense
that he was thus tacitly constituted the guardian, if not of Ar-
mine herself, of Armine's interests. He speculated on what
her sentiments regarding the matter might be, anticipating
that she would feel pain if the assertion of her rights should
seriously injure the fortune of the Vicomte de Marigny, and
sure that, in any event, she would deal generously by her kins-
man. But it never occurred to him to doubt her obedience to
1883.] ARMINE. 415
her father's behest, and so he had never considered what his
own course of action must be in such a contingency. And
now this contingency was upon him, and he felt utterly in
doubt what to do.
It was not until he was leaving the cafe half an hour later
that a thought came to him like an inspiration. He would
go to D'Antignac, ask his advice, and enlist his influence with
Armine.
Fortunately for him, it was one of D'Antignac's best days,
and he was admitted at once.
" I have come to you for advice," he said, after answering
very briefly D'Antignac's inquiries about his health. " I find
myself in a most perplexing position about this business of
poor Duchesne's. Will you let me tell you the story, which
is a strange one, and then give me your opinion as to what
you think I ought to do ? "
" Tell me, by all means," said the other cordially. " My
opinion and advice shall be heartily at your service ; and,
moreover, I will not quarrel with you if you do not take
either after they are given," he added with a smile.
" Thank you," said Egerton ; and he proceeded in the first
place to repeat the relation which Duchesne when dying had
made to him.
D'Antignac listened in silence, his expressive countenance
indicating the strongest iaterest. Egerton saw, by a sudden
quickening in the dark eyes as he began his narrative, that
the fact of Duchesne's connection with the De Marigny name
was not unknown to him ; and there was a something between
incredulity and anxiety in D'Antignac's face as the story went
on. After repeating as literally as he remembered them the
words of Duchesne, he was beginning to describe his inter-
view with Armine when D'Antignac interposed.
" A moment," he said. " Pardon me, but have you made
inquiries, obtained the proofs Duchesne spoke of?"
"Not yet/' was the reply. "I have not had time, and
have been, as you are aware, in no condition to make any
exertion. But I purpose or did purpose to go to Dinan
to-morrow and secure this proof."
"Don't you think," said D'Antignac, "that it would have
been wise to have attended to these necessary preliminaries
before saying anything to Armine on the subject?"
Egerton looked a little startled. " I see," he said, " that I
have acted prematurely in speaking to her. Yes, you are
4i 5 ARMINE. [Dec,
right. I ought to have investigated the matter before saying
a word to her about it. Duchesne may have been deceived,
though I think not. He was too sagacious a man to permit
himself to be misled either by his- own hopes or the plausible
representations of another. He was evidently so confident of
the correctness of his information that I shall be surprised if
the affair does not turn out exactly as he described."
" And Armine how did she receive your communica-
tion?"
" In the most extraordinary way, it seems to me," answered
Egerton ; and he described at length the scene with her.
" Whether such unaccountable conduct is attributable to her
present state of mind I do not know. She is certainly very
unlike in manner what she has heretofore seemed. I was
amazed at the change I found in her ; I was even shocked ! "
" My sister tells me that she is greatly changed," said
D'Antignac. "Which is not surprising," he added, "consid-
ering all that she must have suffered lately."
" But the alteration is greater than even the shock and
horror of her father's death might be supposed to cause. In
fact, I was appalled at the marvellous dissimilarity to her
former self which she exhibited. It has left a singular im-
pression on my mind ; I cannot connect her as she was when
I saw her last with her as she looked and spoke this morn-
ing. Two different individuals could not be more unlike."
D'Antignac looked grave, almost anxious. " Helene tells
me the same thing," he said. " Poor child ! she must have
suffered indescribably."
" To return to my own part of the business," said Eger-
ton, " I think that I shall go to Dinan to-morrow, look into
the matter that is, obtain the necessary documents to estab
lish the validity of the marriage."
" If they are to be obtained," interposed D'Antignac, with
a smile.
" That of course," said Egerton ; " and if they are not to
be obtained I shall be quite reconciled to the fact, since Mile.
.Duchesne takes the affair as she does. On my return say-
ing that I am successful in my search I shall once more pre-
sent the subject to her consideration ; and I hope for your
influence to induce her to listen more reasonably than she
did this time. If she still persists in her present resolution,
her obstinacy will lay an exceedingly disagreeable duty upon
me. I promised Duchesne solemnly that I would do my
1883.] ARMINE. 417
utmost to secure his daughter's rights to her, and that pro-
mise I intend to keep. If the proofs are forthcoming and I
shall spare no pains to secure them 1 will lay the matter
before the Vicomte de Marigny. Don't you agree with me
that this is what I ought to do?"
" Yes, that certainly is your proper course," answered
D'Antignac. " But you spoke of going to Dinan to-morrow.
Surely you are not in a condition to travel ! Take my advice
you asked it, you know and wait until you can at least
move without pain, which I see you cannot do now."
Egerton smiled. " I should have to wait a month or so
in that case, if the surgeon's opinion is to be relied on," he
said ; " and this would not suit me at all. I want to get the
affair off my mind."
" Duchesne himself was in no haste to press the claim,"
said D'Antignac ; " therefore I cannot see why you should
disquiet yourself so much about a few weeks more or less."
" I am afraid that it is more my impatience to rid myself
of the responsibility I feel than any special necessity for
haste which urges me to action," replied Egerton. " How-
ever, there is, as you say, no reason why I should hurry
myself beyond my strength ; and so I may wait a few days
before undertaking the expedition to Dinan, and to Marigny
to look up the witness Duchesne spoke of. Meanwhile, I must
not fatigue you longer " he rose at the last word " but I
may come and tell you the result of my quest, may I not ? :>
" I was going to beg that you would," said D'Antignac,
extending his hand in parting salutation. " To me, as you
are no doubt aware, there is a double interest involved."
CHAPTER XXX.
EGERTON was proceeding very leisurely down the stair on
his way out, his entire attention absorbed in his hold on the
baluster and the direction of each step as he laboriously took it
for D'Antignac was not mistaken in thinking that it was a pain
to him to move when about half way down he encountered a
lady whose approach he had been too preoccupied in thought
to notice. He paused for her to pass, lifting his hat, but scarcely
glancing at her ; and it was only after she had passed that the
idea of her identity dawned on him. He turned as he still stood
where she had left him turned so suddenly as almost to lose
his balance and looked after her. All that he saw was a tall,
VOL. xxxviii. 27
418 ARMINE. [Dec.,
slight figure in deep mourning just disappearing from sight as
his eye fell on it. Was it or was it not Armine? It struck
him as rather a strange coincidence that, having met Mile. d'An-
tignac an hour before as he was on his way to visit Mile. Du-
chesne, he should now meet the latter here. But everything
connected with Armine seemed strange now ; and, after all, it
had been arranged that she should come to the D'Antignacs.
He was not certain that the figure of which he had obtained but
a momentary glimpse was hers, but he thought so. And he
was right.
D'Antignac's face still wore the look of anxiety which had
followed the retiring form of his late guest when a low knock
at his door half-startled him, it sounded so like Armine's familiar
tap. Not conceiving that it could be her, it was with reluc-
tance that, on a repetition of the knock, he responded, " Entrez"
The door unclosed, and, putting aside her veil as she entered,
the girl who had been so constantly in his thoughts of late
advanced toward him.
Most things in this world happen differently from what one
expects. D'Antignac was well aware of this truth, and had
therefore formed no definite imagination or thought he had
formed none of how Armine might appear when he saw her
first. H61ene's description and Egerton's had prepared him
to find in her an unusual, Egerton had said an extraordinary,
change. He had looked forward to this first meeting with anx-
iety, eagerness, and, it must be confessed, with some curiosity ;
but he did not believe it possible that, prepared as he was for
change, anything could surprise him. He was mistaken : he was
surprised.
She came to his side with her accustomed quiet tread, and,
as he raised himself and held out his hand, she took it in the
clasp of her own, saying :
" You see I have come to you."
He did not answer for a moment, but only held her hand
and looked earnestly into the eyes that gazed down on him as
she stood beside the couch. Then he said gently :
" I am glad that you have come. I would have gone to you
if I could."
" I am sure of that," she said. " And, if I could, how gladly
I would have come to you long ago ! But I could not. And
now now that I am free I feel as if I were dead ; as if I had
not a heart in my breast, but a stone. I do not know what is
the matter with me. People say I am stunned ; but I do not
1883.] ARMINE. 419
feel stunned. I feel simply dead as if I should never be con-
scious of any sensation again. And it is awful to be alive and
yet dead!"
" Sit down," said D'Antignac quietly she was still standing
"and we will talk about this."
" Yes, I want you to talk to me," she said. " But let me
stay close to you and hold your hand."
She knelt down by his side, resting her hand, which still
clasped his strongly, upon the edge of the couch. There was
so much force in the grasp of her fingers that he understood
his sister's fear of a sudden convulsive reaction to this unna-
tural calm.
" I know what is the matter," he said, speaking with the
utmost calmness and gentleness, " and it is not necessary that
you should distress yourself by trying to tell me. You have
been living in a state of tension for a long time, and the last
terrible shock has for the present deadened sensation. It will
wake again, never doubt that. There are hours and days of the
most poignant suffering before you, though, indeed, I doubt
whether there is any suffering worse than what you are endur-
ing now. It is not strange this state after such a blow as
has fallen on you. But the sharpest form of grief would be
more easily borne."
" Oh ! yes," she said, with a deep-drawn breath, " much more
easily borne. For I should feel then that I was human.".
He looked at the pale face with a faint, sad smile. " You
human ! " he said. " And do you not know that it is when a
nature feels most acutely that such a result as this occurs?
Tell me " he paused for a moment " when you heard of your
father's death, how was it with you ? "
" It was like a blow that struck me to the earth," she an-
swered. " I remember nothing but the sense of being crushed
by the awful horror, by the realization that I should never see
him again and that he had parted from me in anger. Then
came unconsciousness, and when I waked I was like this, cold
and lifeless. I think it might have been different if I had been
among those of whose sympathy I felt sure, if I had had even
one friend near me. But, you see, I had not. I was with
strangers, with people whom I disliked and dreaded, and what
could my grief be to them ? I believe they were frightened of
me. At least they left me alone, and when I roused sufficiently
to speak of leaving them they made no opposition. I think
they were glad to let me go."
420 ARMINE. [Dec.,
"And when you first felt yourself free where did you go?"
asked D'Antignac.
" I went back to the only place I could call home," she
answered " to the apartment I had left with him, knowing
so little how I would return."
"And then," he said, "where did you go?"
She looked surprised. " I have come here," she answered.
" That is all."
" And so," said he slowly, " you have not been within a
church."
She started as if he had struck her, and he saw her eyes
dilate with the first look of anguish that had been in them.
" Oh ! how could I ? " she cried. " How could I use my
freedom to do that which his last act endeavored to prevent?
It would have seemed to me like treason to his memory."
" Poor child ! " said D'Antignac. He did not otherwise an-
swer these words for a minute or two ; but presently he said
gently, " And so the struggle still goes on you are still torn
in two, as it were, by a divided allegiance. Well, this is no
time to preach to you, so I will only ask one question : to
whom is your allegiance first due ? "
" I suppose that I should say to God," she answered wearily.
" But I do not feel that any more than I feel anything else. I
think my faith is dead."
"And I am sure that you are mistaken," said D'Antignac.
" Do you not still believe in the truths of faith ? "
" Oh ! yes," she answered indifferently. " I believe, but I
do not feel at all. I have no longer any desire to practise
what I believe. I cannot even pray. I think I am forsaken by
God. And this is my punishment, no doubt, for fancying that
I was called upon to alienate and wound my father my father,
who had always been so good to me, and who went away,
never to return, full of bitterness toward me."
" My poor Armine ! " said D'Antignac, " you are like one
stricken unto death, torn and bleeding from a contest which
has drained your heart's blood, and you are not capable now
of seeing anything in its true light and true proportions. When
you alienated your father you were wounding yourself more
deeply than you wounded him in an heroic effort to be true
to God ; and it is no more possible that the God whom you
thus acknowledged should forsake you than that the sun should
withhold its light. But you are ill in mind and spirit, and so
you cannot feel this. The insensibility which seems to you so
1883.] ARMINE. 421
terrible is the natural result of long and intense emotion and
struggle. Do not try to rouse yourself, for the very effort
will defeat the end. Simply be quiet, and after a while light
will shine through the darkness, and the voice of God will
speak to your soul."
She looked up at him gratefully. " Your voice gives me
comfort," she said " the first I have felt. It seems to stir
my frozen heart a little. But all is dark with me very dark.
My father can never give me another word of kindness or for-
giveness ; and if God had not withdrawn his face, if I could
go back to the thoughts and feelings of a fortnight ago, what
then must I think of my father? If I prayed, could I pray
for him f"
"Why not?" said D'Antignac in the same grave, gentle
tone which had such a tranquillizing influence upon her.
Though he had not expected this question, he had known that
it must occur to her and be one of the sharpest stings in her'
grief, and what he had to do was to apply such healing balm
as he could ; not words of comforting delusion, but such as
the infinite charity of the church allows. "Why not?" he
repeated after an instant. " If you did not, would you not be
pronouncing a jjudgment upon him? But God alone is the
judge of the soul, for he beholds it unveiled and reads motives
where we see only actions."
Oh ! what pain and wistfulness were in the dark eyes as
they looked up at him now, and what nervous strength was
in the slender fingers that clasped his hand.
" But if if such a soul had called itself the enemy of God,"
she said in a tense whisper, " could one dare to hope
then ? "
" Even then it is not for us to pass judgment," he an-
swered. "For what are our judgments based upon? Surely
the narrowest and most incomplete knowledge. Who can
read another's mind and soul ? Who can draw the line where
prejudice and ignorance cease to be excusable? Only God,
who weighs every human error in the scale of exactest justice
and regards every human frailty with tenderest mercy. So
let us leave the dead in his hands, with this absolute confi-
dence : that every soul will in eternity occupy the place for
which it is fitted, and that whatever good intention, whatever
ignorance it may plead will most surely be allowed in its
behalf."
Armine did not answer in words ; but she lifted the hand
422 ARMINE. [Dec.,
which she still held to her lips, and then they were silent
together for a space of time which neither of them counted.
The silence was broken by the unexpected entrance ot
H61ene ; and when she saw the slender, black-clad figure kneel-
ing by her brother's couch she was for a moment fairly
startled. Then she came forward with an exclamation of
pleasure and welcomed the girl, who rose to meet her.
" You have not been a moment out of my mind since we
parted," she said ; " and I am more than glad to find you
here. Now you must make up your mind to stay. Madelon
can bring all that you need. You must not go away again."
" She must do exactly what she wishes," said D^Antignac's
calm voice before Armine could answer. " Do not trouble
her with insistence, if she does not wish to stay. Leave her
quite free."
Armine gave him a glance of gratitude. " You are always
as wise as you are kind," she said. " And, dear Mile. d'An-
tignac, I will come to you after a while, as I have promised,
since you are good enough to want me ; but not to-day, I
think."
He"lene shook her head. " To-day is a better time than
to-morrow," she said. " But I will not press you, since Raoul
says that I must not ; though I think that sometimes people
need a little compulsion for their own good."
"She needs something more just now," said D'Antignac.
41 Put on yotir bonnet, H61ene. I want you to go out with
her."
Mile. d'Antignac looked surprised ; but she was in the
habit of obeying her brother's directions without question,
so she left the room, and when she returned with her bonnet
on she was struck by the expression of Armine's face. It
was paler than before, if possible, but the strange, impassive
calm was broken ; the lips were tremulous instead of set, and
the deep, dark eyes seemed full of immeasurable sadness.
D'Antignac looked up at his sister and said quietly :
" Send Cesco to call a carriage, and then drive with her
to Notre Dame des Victoires."
Several hours later, when HeMene returned, she entered her
brother's room and found the Vicomte de Marigny with him.
After she had shaken hands with the latter, D'Antignac said,
with more eagerness than he often displayed :
" How did you leave Armine ? "
1883.] ARMINE. 423
" I left her in very good hands," Mile. d'Antignac answered ;
" but you will not see her again for some time. She has gone
to the Convent."
" Indeed !" said her brother, with an expression of surprise.
"By whose advice did she go?"
" Is it necessary to ask? By that of the Abbe" Neyron, to
whom you sent her."
" I did not send her to him," said D'Antignac quietly. " I
did not mention his name."
" Did you not ? Well, at all events, she so understood. We
had not been long in the church when she turned to me and said
that she would like to see him, if I thought it possible. I went
to inquire, and fortunately found him disengaged, so I sent her
to him, while I remained in the church. It seemed to me that
I waited a long time ; but presently she returned, and with her
came the abbe, who told me when we went out together that
he thought the best thing she could do would be to go to a re-
ligious house for a retreat, to tranquillize her and prepare her
for the reception of the Sacraments. Of course I could not
but agree with him, though it was a disappointment to me
that she would not come to us ; so he said he would go to the
convent and arrange matters, while I went home with Armine
and made such preparations as she needed. It did not take
long to make these, and, to my surprise, I found her for the first
time manifesting something like eagerness and interest. ' It is
what I want/ she said : ' to get away from the world not even
to hear an echo of it for a time.' So when we drove to the
convent we found every arrangement made ; she was received
most kindly, and there I left her."
" You could not have left her in a better place," said D'An-
tignac with satisfaction. " This is all that I could have desired
for her, and more than I could have hoped. Her wounds will
be healed and her soul fortified there, and when we see her
again she will be the Armine we have known given back to
us. Meanwhile we can think of her with peace. The worst is
over."
" She must have suffered terribly from the shock of her
father's death," said M. de Marigny, who had listened to the
conversation with interest and attention.
" Yes," answered D'Antignac, " and the shock was intensi-
fied by the circumstances immediately preceding it and by the
fact that she was among unsympathetic people. Indeed, we
have feared very serious consequences. She has been in the
424 ARMINE. [Dec.,
state of stunned apathy from which a reaction is often fearful.
But now it is possible to dismiss anxiety. She is where she
will be most wisely and carefully tended, and where she will
find the rest and the religious atmosphere which she needs."
"But is it not possible that her father's friends may give
trouble when they find that she has been taken to a convent?"
asked the vicomte.
" I do not think there are any of her father's friends who
have the right to interfere with her at all," replied D'Antignac.
" She has, as far as I can learn, no relatives here, at least
and she is therefore absolutely, though desolately, free."
" No relatives here ! " repeated M. de Marigny, who seemed
very much interested. " But no doubt she has relatives else-
where."
" On her mother's side, very likely ; but I do not know who
or what they are. On her father's side Here the speaker
paused and looked at Helene, who rose at once, and, saying
something about removing her bonnet, left the room.
There was a moment's silence after the door closed behind
her, and then D'Antignac said :
" I feel bound to tell you, Gaston, that Duchesne left behind
him a disclosure which concerns you very deeply. He pro-
fesses to have discovered proofs of the marriage of his grand-
parents."
The vicomte looked surprised, but more incredulous. " At
this late date," he said, " that is hardly probable. When and
where did he discover the proofs?"
"It appears that he had never seen them himself, but that
he believed in their existence on the testimony of the son of an
old servitor of your granduncle who lives at Marigny. I sup-
pose you know who the latter is?"
" Very well an old pensioner of the estate, who has lately
made some extravagant demands which were not granted. If
he knew anything he might have revealed it, thinking that he
would impose his own terms for the disclosure ; but I doubt
his knowing anything of any real importance."
" At least it is easy to put the matter to the test. He as-
sured Duchesne that his father had witnessed the civil mar-
riage, which took place at Dinan, where it must be regis-
tered."
" Oh ! " said the vicomte, with an air of relief, " that brings
the matter down to a point which can be easily verified. I shall
go to Dinan at once."
1883.] ARMINE. 425
" That is scarcely worth while, since another person intends
going- to-morrow," said D'Antignac, smiling.
" And who is that [person, if I may ask an agent of Mile.
Duchesne? "
"So far from that, a person who complains that he could
not induce Mile. Duchesne to manifest the least interest in the
disclosure or to authorize him to take any steps whatever. But
the matter having been laid upon him as a kind of trust by her
father, he feels. bound to discover, at least, whether the proofs
of the marriage are forthcoming. There is no mystery con-
nected with his part in the affair. He is the young American
Egerton of whom you have heard me speak, who was with
Duchesne at the time of the accident, and therefore received
his last words."
" And it was to him, then, that the disclosure about the mar-
riage was made ? "
" Yes, to him, that he might convey it to Armine."
" And does it not strike you as strange that, if Duchesne be-
lieved the story of Lebeau, the old servant at Marigny, he
did not verify it for himself seek out the proofs and assert
his claim at once ? "
" No doubt he intended to do so, and thought, like many
another man, that he had unlimited time in which to act. But,
if you remember, the time which elapsed between his leaving
Brittany and his death was very short."
There was a minute's silence. Then the vicomte said :
" The matter must certainly be investigated at once. Will you
give me the address of this M. Egerton?"
" If you will ring the bell, Cesco shall find you one of his
cards," said D'Antignac. " Never having any need to pay visits,
I do not burden my mind with remembering where people live.
That is one advantage of being a fixture."
Cesco came ; the card was speedily found, and the vicomte
rose to go.
" If I decide to leave Paris immediately, I shall, of course,
not see you again before I start," he said ; " but I will let you
know the result as soon as possible. Tell me this, however :
did Mile. Duchesne mention the matter to you?"
" To me ? Not at all. It did not seem to be in her mind
in the least. Set your mind at rest with regard to her. I can
assure you of one thing: that if poor Duchesne's hopes prove
absolutely baseless, no one will be less disappointed than Ar-
mine."
TO BE CONTINUED.
426 NE w PUBLICA TIONS. [Dec.,
NEW PUBLICATIONS.
A COURSE OF PHILOSOPHY : Embracing Logic, Metaphysics, and Ethics.
A Text-Book for use in Schools. Second edition. Revised and en-
larged. By Very Rev. A. Louage, C.S.C., Provincial of Canada. Bal-
timore : John B. Piet & Co. 1883. Pp. 290.
In the preface to this second edition of his Moral Philosophy the Very
Rev. Father Louage makes an explanation in regard to the notable differ-
ence which distinguishes it from the first edition, and, indeed, entitles it
almost to the appellation of an entirely new text-book, which we think
due to him that we should quote entirely :
" When the first edition of this Philosophy appeared we made known to the public that we
originally did not have an intention of publishing, in the form of a manual, the notes which we
had gathered and dictated to our pupils. We had been entrusted with a class, in which, besides
philosophy, we were to teach other matters in one scholastic session of five months. At the
end of our course our notes were reviewed and prepared for the press by another person and
sent to a publisher almost without our knowledge. The urgent need of a manual, and the
alterations made by the reviewer, whose chief aim was to be elegant, partly explain the precipi-
tancy employed in producing the work, and also account for certain inaccurate expressions it
contained. The responsibility of the principal errors, especially those in Ontology, we ourselves
assume ; and we here take the opportunity of thanking the author of an analytical and just
criticism which appeared in THE CATHOLIC WORLD, one year after the publication of our
Philosophy, for his suggestions. We have profited by that criticism, and have made many cor-
rections and additions, principally in Logic and Metaphysics.
" We have now presented to the public a book we believe worthy of its title ; a manual that
will prove acceptable in the schools."
The writer of the present notice, who was acting editor of THE CATHO-
LIC WORLD when the criticism on the Philosophy of Father Louage ap-
peared, avails himself of this occasion to disclaim the credit of its author-
ship, which has generally been ascribed to him a mistake which he re-
frained from correcting on account of a strict injunction of secrecy from
the author of the criticism, a man of the highest eminence in several
sciences. He will doubtless highly appreciate Father Louage's generous
acknowledgment. For ourselves, we can only express our admiration for
a sincerity and modesty so very rare in authors, certainly never surpassed
and seldom equalled even by those who profess to teach and follow the
most perfect rule of moral virtue.
The system of Ontologism is one which has fascinated some of the best
minds devoted to philosophical studies, and it has only been finally ex-
pelled from the Catholic schools by the decisive and final condemnation
of the Holy See. It was principally on account of statements savoring of
the errors of this system that we thought it necessary to insert in our
pages an unfavorable criticism of Father Louage's work in its first edition.
As he has now removed all ground of objection to his manual on this
score, and has conformed his theory to the teaching now common and
approved in Catholic schools, not only on this head, but generally in
respect to the other topics treated, we withdraw our former remonstrance
against the use of this text book in the instruction of youth.
1883.] NEW PUBLICATIONS. 427
Besides this, the author has most carefully and laboriously improved
the entire work, with a view to making it suitable for its purpose as a text-
book of the easiest and most elementary instruction in philosophy. As
the proof of a pudding is in the eating, so a text-book can only be tested
in the use. The intelligent teachers and pupils who will make use of this
manual are the ones to decide on the measure of success which its author
has achieved in a most difficult undertaking, one equally difficult with the
task of composing a catechism. We hope the venerable author of this
Course of Philosophy for Use in Schools will find a reward for his earnest
effort to meet a general and pressing demand in the approbation of those
who are the most competent to judge, and in the evidence of the utility of
his manual as a text-book in our schools.
THE RETURN OF THE KING. Discourses on the Latter Days. By Henry
James Coleridge, S.J. London : Burns & Gates. 1883. (For sale by
the Catholic Publication Society Co.)
This is a collection of sermons, not containing a connected and sys-
tematic treatment of the great topic to which they refer, the Second Coming
of Christ, yet arranged on a plan which exhibits continuity in the order of
ideas and unity in the common scope, and leaving out no one department of
the general subject. These sermons are characterized by the qualities of
matter and style, always found in Father Coleridge's works, and which we
have often brought into notice in our criticisms of his various writings.
For the most part they are expositions of doctrine or applications of un-
doubted truths of religion to existing facts, in which all Catholics must con-
cur with their statements and teaching, and from which every pious reader
must derive the greatest spiritual instruction and benefit. In the exposition
of prophecy Father Coleridge is sober and reserved. He follows what is
the more common view concerning the unfulfilled prophecies, and seems
to look on the signs and tendencies of the present time as indicating the
approach of that disastrous period which many consider to be foretold in
the Apocalypse as awaiting the world in the future, and which is designated
as '* the reign of Antichrist." This anticipation casts a gloomy and fore-
boding shadow over the view and prospect of the present and the future
age of the church and the world. It may be that coming events are
actually casting these dark shadows before them. Personally we are not
convinced that the particular interpretation of the prophecies from which
these sombre auguries are drawn is so certain that we may not hope for
better things in store for us as this century draws toward its close and
another dawns upon the earth. But, whatever room there may be for dif-
ference of opinion upon this part of the subject, the great facts and truths
which Father Coleridge as a preacher of the word of God sets forth with so
much power and solemnity, respecting the second coming of Christ, the
Last Judgment, and the finality of all human issues, are awful as well as
indubitable, and worthy of the serious consideration of all Christians.
NIGHTS WITH UNCLE REMUS. Myths and Legends of the Old Plantation.
By Joel Chandler Harris, author of Uncle Remus: His Songs and Say-
ings, At Teague Poteet's, etc. With illustrations. Boston : James R.
Osgood & Co. 1883.
The public has for some years been familiar through the columns of the
428 NEW PUBLICATIONS. [Dec.,
daily press, where they were passed about from one to another, with Mr.
Harris' droll scraps of utilitarian wisdom as supposed to come from the lips
of an aged negro. Of course the obligation of authorship in such a case
insists upon the reader's imputing these thoughts to the imaginary negro,
and not to the author himself. But leaving aside the question as to
whence came the " hard common sense " of " Uncle Remus' " philosophiz-
ing, there can be no doubt, to those who have lived in the South, as to the
amusingly accurate representation of the negro dialect which Mr. Harris
has offered us in all these negro squibs of his.
But, aside from what is amusing in Uncle Remus' talk, a good deal of
interest has been excited by his stories about animals, and the many
curious legends he relates that used to be rife among the plantation field-
hands and the colored house-servants in that now seemingly far-off period
" before the war '' a period which is perhaps already assuming in the minds
of many Americans the characteristics of the Golden Age. In the seventy-
one stories contained in this latest of Mr. Harris' volumes the student of
comparative folk-lore will find a treasure. The author says that he has
been led to believe, by the success of his former books, that " a volume
embodying everything, or nearly everything, of importance in the oral
literature of the Southern States would be as heartily welcomed " as his
others were, and after looking over these stories there can be no doubt of
the welcome. He assures us that " none of the stories are ' cooked.' They
are given in the simple but picturesque language of the negroes, just as
the negroes tell them."
The dialect followed in these stories is that of Georgia and the Sea
Islands on the coast. For the Sea Islands dialect a short vocabulary is sup-
plied, and it is a delightful task to follow the amusing perversions which
English has been subjected to in these dialects, and compare the way in
which the Louisiana negro or the West Indian negro has handled the
French or Spanish which has become his adopted language.
Our American citizens of African descent have many weaknesses and
what citizens of ours have not ? but they have also a nature and a humor
that are fascinating to all who have ever been brought in contact with
them. It is, in fact, no uncommon thing for a Southerner to become
home-sick merely at the sight of an old-fashioned negro, for the sight
brings up before his memory the many happy days of his childhood and
youth that he spent listening to the mirth-provoking sallies and the queer
fancies of the colored folk about him.
NECROLOGY OF THE ENGLISH CONGREGATION OF THE ORDER OF ST. BENE-
DICT, FROM 1600 TO 1883. By the Rev. T. B. Snow, M.A., Priest of the
same Congregation and Procurator of the Province of York. London :
Burns & Oates. 1883. (For sale by the Catholic Publication Society Co.)
This is a catalogue of names of English Benedictines during two hun-
dred and eighty-three years, exclusive, of course, of those who are still
living. An interesting and careful historical account of the Order in En-
gland is prefixed as an introduction. Those scholars who are curious re-
specting documents of modern English history will be glad to add this
volume to their collections.
1883.] NEW PUBLICATIONS. 429
ALETHAURION (Short Papers for the People). By Thomas C. Moore, A.M.,
S.T.D. Leavenworth : Ketcheson & Hubbell. 1883.
This book is of the class to which belong The Faith of our Fathers,
Stumbling- Blocks, and Archbishop O'Brien's Philosophy of the Bible Vindicat-
ed, an admirable work, likewise from the pen of a Propagandist, but which
almost escaped the notice of the critics until its author was raised to the
see of Halifax. The present work, however, differs very much in style and
plan from those mentioned. It is of the West, Western. It savors of the
yellow Ohio and the Salt River, smells of the prairie and the clearing
indeed, suggests the court-house meeting and the stump rather than the
circumstances of place wherewith those of the East associate sacred ora-
tory. This doubtless is all right. We have seen priests preaching in the
squares of Rome, and have no doubt that they will yet do so on the street-
corners of New York. God may send the apostle to-morrow. We pray
for his coming. When he does he will have a style to suit, and it will
differ from the normal one now accepted. Dr. Moore shows extensive
reading, accurate learning, and genuine Catholicity. He follows the
church from her start to our times, giving very detailed information in
short, pithy, homelike, but pure grammatical language. His stories and
illustrations all appeal to the mixed audience of the " dark and bloody
ground,'' to which the papers are addressed ; hence they are in taste.
Amongst other subjects incidentally treated we mention exclusive salva-
tion, election of bishops and rectors, necessity of teaching the evidences
of religion in our colleges, evangelization of the people of the United
States, secret societies, etc., in all which there is displayed the spirit of
obedience to the church, united with sound judgment and priestly candor.
It is good to see these polemical works multiplied, as every writer adds
something important to the argument for the truth. We were struck, for
instance, by this author's treatment of miracles and of secret societies, as
well as by his chapter on hell and on the indefectibility of the church.
Brevity is the soul of his wit and wisdom. These papers will be useful to
a large class of readers. By the way, what is the secret of binding a book
so that, like this, it lies open on your table at any page ? Pity more of our
binders don't get hold of it.
REMINISCENCES OF ROME. By the Rev. Eugene MacCartan, parish priest
of Antrim. London : Burns & Gates. 1883. (For sale by the Catholic
Publication Society Co.)
Father MacCartan has managed in the three hundred and eighteen
pages of these Reminiscences to give his readers a very clear idea of how
Italy, or the parts of Italy which he visited, looked to him in 1870, the year
in which the tour here described was made. There is no attempt at fine
writing, nor does he venture upon the ground of art criticism that is so
inviting and so destructive to most foreigners going into the peninsula.
There is nothing here but faithful description of things as they were when
Pius IX. still reigned as king in Rome, before the weary law of uniformity
had stamped out the differences, that, it is said, are not so marked now,
between Genoese, and Venetian, and Lombard, and Florentine, and Roman,
and Neapolitan. Yes, there is something more than description. There
430 NEW PUBLICATIONS. [Dec.,
are Father MacCartan's thoughts upon what he saw, and these are given
in a simple, straightforward, and unconscious way, perhaps as they were
given to his parishioners on his return amongst them. Anyhow, his book
of Italian travel, though not new as might be expected, is interesting from
first to last.
But the proof-reading, especially of such Latin, Italian, or other non-
English words as appear, is not creditable to a Catholic publishing house,
though it ought in justice to be said that the stereotype plates were not
made by the house whose imprint appears above.
THE GROUNDS OF THEISTIC AND CHRISTIAN BELIEF. By George P.
Fisher, D.D., LL.D., Professor of Ecclesiastical History in Yale
College.
The reputation of Dr. Fisher as a scholar and a writer is such that any
work from his hand must command attention from all, whatever form of
belief or unbelief they may profess ; especially so when he writes on
such topics of paramount interest and importance as those which are
handled in the present volume. In a literary point of view, and in respect
to rhetorical art and style, Dr. Fisher is, in our opinion, pre-eminent among
our living authors in his own department. We hold his mental endow-
ments and scholarly attainments in certain branches of learning in great
esteem, from the evidence furnished by those of his works which we have
perused, including this his latest production. Moreover, a great deal of
what he has written, taken in a historical, philosophical, or doctrinal sense,
as an exposition of his own belief or opinion, carries with it either the full
approbation of our judgment as certainly or probably sound and correct,
or at least as an approximation to that which we are fully convinced is the
complete truth, or even matter of divine faith and essentially belonging to
revealed religion.
The present work seems to have been partially occasioned by the
ribald blasphemies of that noxious individual, Robert Ingersoll. We con-
jecture, however, that the insidious efforts to bring the influence of
agnosticism to bear on the minds of the rising generation, and to subvert
all religious belief and teaching among our studious youth, have had more
decisive influence in stimulating the learned professor to take up arms in
behalf of God and Christianity a most excellent and also a most neces-
sary undertaking.
In criticising the manner in which Dr. Fisher has fulfilled his task we
must be brief. A really solid and appreciative review of his work would
demand a long article, or more than one. In respect to certain portions to
which a Catholic must necessarily take exception we say nothing at pre-
sent, since to say anything with any effect would require us to say much.
In respect to the main body of the argument, we merely, in brief, give our
opinion that the theistic argument is sufficiently well handled to give
motives for certain conviction to any reasonable mind. What is peculiar
to it is derived from the author's familiarity with the latest forms of
atheism and his skill in availing himself of their self-contradictions. By
far the most original and, in our opinion, the most admirable chapter in
the second part of the work is that which treats of the " Sinlessness of
Jesus." So, also, the sixth, seventh, eighth, and ninth chapters, on the
1 883.] NE W PUBLICA TIONS.
Evidence for Miracles and the Authenticity of the Gospels, with cognate
topics, contain a well-constructed and unanswerable argument on the evi-
dences of Christianity. Here the author's knowledge of the works of
modern critics, both destructive and conservative, is brought into play in a
most effective manner.
HISTOIRE DE MADEMOISELLE LE GRAS, FONDATRICE DES FILLES DE LA
CHARITE. Paris: Poussielgue Freres. 1883.
We have read here and there short notices of Mademoiselle Le Gras
(Louise de Marillac) which were sufficient to excite in us the wish to
know more about so remarkable a woman. But until this volume reached
us, and we had read it, our wish had not been answered. This history has
been carefully written, is full of information, and gives evidence of close
investigation of original sources.
So great a man and saint as Vincent of Paul found in Mile. Le Gras a
woman equal to the task of co-operating in harmony with him in fulfilling
the providential designs of God. This is saying not a little in her praise.
Certainly the Sisters of Charity must ever look up to the great St. Vincent
of Paul as their founder, but it may be fairly questioned whether their in-
stitution would ever have existed had it not. been for Mile. Le Gras. She
was the foundress of the Sisters of Charity under the guidance of St.
Vincent of Paul. They are the offspring of both.
St. Benedict found in his sister, St. Scholastica, one who led also a life
consecrated to God ; St. Francis of Assisi had for his spiritual daughter
St. Clara ; St. Teresa, on whose feast we pen these lines, had for her co-
adjutor in the work of reform of the Carmelites St. John of the Cross, and
St. Vincent of Paul had for his spiritual daughter and coadjutrix Louise de
Marillac. He who reads this faithful history will recognize that she was
no woman of an ordinary stamp. What humility ! what prudence ! what
charity ! It appears a part of God's providence that all, or nearly all, great
enterprises in his church should have for their success the sympathetic
co-operation of spiritual, saintly women. We thank the writer of this
history, and hope a competent pen will put it in a worthy English dress.
SHORT SERMONS FOR THE Low MASSES OF SUNDAY. By the Rev. F.
X. Schouppe, S.J. Translated from the French, with the permission of
the author, by the Rev. Edward Th. McGinley. New York : Benziger
Brothers. 1883.
Father Schouppe is one of the most distinguished theologians of Bel-
gium. His sermons contain a methodical course of Christian doctrine,
both dogmatic and moral. They are of the first class of excellence, have
been well translated, and are published in a neat, convenient form.
AN APPEAL TO THE GOOD FAITH OF A PROTESTANT BY BIRTH : A Defiance
to the Reason of a Rationalist by Profession. By His Eminence Car-
dinal Deschamps, Archbishop of Malines. Translated from the
French by a Redemptorist Father. New York : Benziger Brothers.
1883.
This duodecimo volume of less than one hundred and forty pages con-
tains ten brief but conclusive and unanswerable arguments by one of the
432 NEW PUBLICATIONS. [Dec., 1883.
ablest writers and greatest prelates of this century. The translation is good,
but defaced by several misspelled words. Probably the translator's native
language is not English. However, English scholars consider themselves
bound to spell correctly the words of foreign languages. And, besides,
publishers ought to take care to have their proofs so carefully corrected
that palpable errors of this kind, if they are found in the copy, should not
appear in the printed text.
THE PAROCHIAL HYMN-BOOK. Words and melodies, containing prayers and devotions for all
the faithful, including Vespers, Compline, and all the liturgical hymns of the year, both in
Latin and English. London : Burns & Gates. 1883.
CROP REPORT OF THE KANSAS BOARD OF AGRICULTURE, for the month ending September 30,
1883, etc. , and Meteorological Record for the month. Wm. Sims, secretary, Topeka, Kan-
sas. Topeka, Kansas : Kansas Publishing House. 1883.
FIRST ANNUAL REPORT OF THE CENTRAL COUNCIL OF THE CHARITY ORGANIZATION SOCIETY
OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK, APRIL i, 1883. Read at the Annual Meeting, April 30, 1883.
New York City: Central Office, No. 79 Fourth Avenue. 1883. (Pamphlet.)
PROCEEDINGS OF THE CATHOLIC TOTAL ABSTINENCE UNION OF AMERICA. Issued from the
Thirteenth Annual Convention, held at Brooklyn, N. Y., August i and 2, 1883. Pub-
lished by the Catholic Total Abstinence Union of America. 1883. (Pamphlet.)
RECENT WONDERS IN ELECTRICITY, ELECTRIC LIGHTING, MAGNETISM, TELEGRAPHY,
TELEPHONY, ETC., ETC., including articles by Dr. Siemens, F.R.S., Count du Moncel, and
Prof. Thomson. Edited by Henry Greer. Illustrated. New York : College of Electrical
Engineering. 1883. (Pamphlet.)
WHAT is THE ANGLICAN CHURCH ? To which is added an Open Letter on the Catholic Move-
ment, to the Rt. Rev. F. D. Huntington, D.D., Bishop of Central New York, by the late
Rev. F. C. Ewer, S.T.D., Rector of St. Ignatius' Church, New York. Third edition.
Chicago: The Living Church Company. (Pamphlet.)
SAINT THOMAS D'AQUIN. La Science et la Saintete. Panegyrique de Saint Thomas d'Aquin,
de TOrdre de St. Dominique, prononce par Monseigneur Gastaldi, Archeveque de Turin.
Traduit de 1'Italien avec 1'autorisation de Sa Grandeur, par l'Abb Didier, du Clerge de
Maurienne (Savoie), Aumonier des Dames Trappistines de Turin. Turin: Librairie Inter-
nationale Catholique et Scieutifique, Chev. L. Romano, editeur. 1883. (Pamphlet.)
THE
CATHOLIC WORLD.
VOL. XXXVIIt. JANUARY, 1884. No. 226.
THE PROTESTANT EPISCOPAL CONVENTION.
THE triennial gathering of the Episcopal Church has been in
session for nearly a month and has adjourned. We do not know
what impression it has left upon the ecclesiastical body which it
represents. The members have said much which to external
observers seems of little importance. In order not to show any
difference of opinions, they have wisely left out all questions of
doctrine, and, to use the language of a New York infidel preacher,
they have " reiterated worn-out platitudes and nerveless ideals."
We think that they have left upon the general public the impres-
sion that they are a respectable body of men, quite satisfied
with themselves, and not disposed to quarrel concerning matters
of doctrine. Neither has any question of ritual been allowed to
disturb the placid surface of their communion. Why should
there be any quarrel where all may do as they please ? As says
the Rev. Dr. Newton, if he be correctly reported : " Of all the or-
thodox churches in the country, there is none that permits such
independence of thought as our own conservative church. It.
was not the outgrowth of one mind. It was a national church
from the first. Statesmen and not narrow-minded theologians
provided for the possible unity of those elements in England
which on the Continent were warring with each other. In our
creed there is nothing said about the inspiration of the Scrip-
tures. An article concerning future punishment was prepared
and omitted. The article on the sacraments appeals to the heart
and not to the head. The Westminster. Catechism is elaborate
Copyright. REV. I. T. HECKER. 1883.
434 THE PROTESTANT EPISCOPAL CONVENTION. [Jan.,
and metaphysical ; ours is brief, simple, unspeculative, having
chiefly in view the life of the learner. As a result a wide multi-
tude of individual opinions has grown up in the church. In this
city we can see in the church every phase of Christian thought
consistent with the Apostles' Creed." Whatever may be thought
of Dr. Newton's views, no one who knows the Episcopal Church
can doubt its elasticity in regard to doctrine. In this respect it
would almost take the premium among the Protestant sects. If
there were no pretensions to any ecclesiastical powers or posi-
tion we should not be surprised at this comprehensiveness, since
where private judgment is the arbiter of all questions, what unity
of faith could be expected ? But when this church claims apos-
tolic orders and calls itself a part of the Catholic Church, or "the
Holy Catholic Church," men may well look with wonder at a com-
munion which embraces all shades of Christian thought, in which
no man can know what he must believe. Contrary to the words
of the pastoral, the catholicity of such a body would have to be
discovered by "a special telescope or a crucible." Herschel's
magnifying power will hardly be sufficient to enable us to see it.
And if the honorable bishops and ministers would be content
with the plain facts of their position, they would not seem quite
so ridiculous as when they claim to be the successors of the
apostles, whose powers in their hands have dwindled down to
almost nothing. The Methodists have bishops whose orders are
quite as good as theirs, and, to the mind of many, much cleaner ;
but they, while more zealous for doctrine, do not pretend to be
the legitimate heirs of the apostles. We have no intention here
to dwell upon the question of their orders, which have been re-
garded null by the Catholic Church and by every communion on
the face of the earth which has preserved intact the episcopal
succession. Words are wasted on this point with them, as on
every other ess'ential note of the one true church. Yet how ca>n
sincere minds be led away by such delusions? Either there
is one church or there is none. There can no more be two
churches with different creeds than there can be two Gods.
And beyond the pale of the one church there is always confusion
of belief. The nearer any body approaches to the likeness of the
divine model without submission to Christ, who founded the
church, the more of a mockery is it to the heart and the head.
In the few remarks we have to make concerning this conven-
tion we shall abundantly make good the truth of these views
and the accuracy of Dr. Newton's proposition.
While little was done for discipline or ritual, the Protestant
1884.] THE PROTESTANT EPISCOPAL CONVENTION.
Episcopal Church has before the world still more plainly com-
mitted itself to vagueness and uncertainty of belief.
In regard to discipline we find not much to interest any one.
There were some rules proposed in regard to the trials of bishops
and ministers. These rules may be an improvement upon the
old ones. In this matter we can be no judges.
There was an attempt to bring to account Bishop Riley, of
Mexico. It would seem that this attempt is likely to fail, be-
cause this prelate considers himself independent of any control.
He has founded another branch of the Cat'holic Church, and has
consequently the right to manage it in his own way. It is not
easy from the reports of the convention to get the exact truth of
this matter. We give the words of a correspondent of the New
York Sun, which is generally very accurate :
" The state of church affairs in Mexico is a troublesome thing to the
convention. They call it 'the Mexican muddle,' which is exactly the name
for it. The convention would like to straighten oat this muddle, but there
are hindrances in the way. Some years ago, when railroads and other
means of American civilization began to make their mark in Mexico, Chris-
tian people of various persuasions set longing eyes on the Mexicans as
possible converts to evangelical religion. Several of the leading denomi-
nations sent missionaries there and found the natives good listeners. A
Mexican is by nature religious. He wants to follow some religion, without
caring much what it is. It was thought he might prove as good a
convert to Episcopalianism as to any other form of faith. So the work of
pushing Episcopacy in Mexico was committed to the care of Mr. Riley, now
known as Bishop Riley, or, to be more exact, the Right Rev. Henry Chaun-
cey Riley, D.D. Bishop Riley had been brought up among the Spaniards
of South America, and thought he understood the Spanish character. He
speaks Spanish fluently, which is a prime necessity among Mexicans. He
had a fortune of his, own, and he was* willing to engage in the work. Thus
the opening prospect f the Mexican work was bright enough. It was not
even a very heavy tax on the Foreign Mission Board, for Bishop Riley was
liberal' with his own money, and was willing to spend it all in the good
cause. But it turned out that he had no capacity for managing affairs. He
thought himself as rich as the Montezumas of- old, and paid out money as
if he had a, gold-mine behind him instead of the comparatively small pile of
one hundred and'fifty thousand dollars. His money was soon gone, and then
tee became of very little account. He got into trouble with his own adher-
ents and with the representatives of other churches, who said all manner
of severe things about him. A committee was appointed to go and see
about him and his work. Bishop Elliott, of Texas, was chairman of the
committee, which visited Mexico and saw a great deal that was unsatisfac-
tory. Now the committee is ready to report. The convention is ready to
take up the Mexican muddle and see what, if anything, can be done with it.
" But When Bishop Riley was wanted, lo ! he was not to be found. Yes-
terday one of his friends declared it was likely that he would arrive in this
43^ THE PROTESTANT EPISCOPAL CONVENTION. [Jan.,
city the day after the adjournment of the convention. Some want to try
to settle the muddle in his absence. Others say it is a shame to sit on a
man in his absence and engage in a trial, or something of the kind, which
may end in his deposition. It is asserted, by those who know, that Bishop
Riley's management has left Mexico worse off than if Episcopacy had never
been introduced there."
" What right had they," said the Rev. Dr. Fulton, " to cate-
chise the bishop of the valley of Mexico ? Could they depose
this bishop ? In Hayti they had a bishop who was not at all
under the control of the board of managers. The bishop there
was autonomous and was not responsible to any power on earth."
The committee of bishops were not satisfied with Mr. Riley's
administration. They charge him with " a want of ingenuous
dealing with the liturgy," with " misappropriation of funds,"
and " neglect of his diocese." They were " surprised and grieved
to learn that several congregations in the valley of Mexico have
never had an episcopal visitation. The number of worshippers
in the city churches scarcely equals the number attending in
1875." Objection is also made to the manner of conducting the
new orphanage for girls, which has given occasion for scandal.
They therefore request Bishop Riley to resign his office. The
Rev. Dr. Fulton charges him also with trying to induce Bishop
Cummins, the founder of the Reformed Episcopal Church, to be-
come the bishop of the valley of Mexico. It seems that he has
also called his church " the Church of Jesus," and considers him-
self independent of the General Convention. Now, says the same
reverend doctor, " he is said not to believe in the apostolicity of
the office he holds, and is placed in a position in which he has the
power to go and establish schismatic churches with an episco-
pate valid though irregular, and all without responsibility to any
power on earth." We really did not know that there could be
any irregularity, and supposed that by the branch theory of the
church any bishop could establish a part of the Catholic Church
anywhere, inasmuch as by virtue of his office he is one of the in-
dependent heads of the church. It seems, however, that there is
another brother in Hayti in a similar position. " This zealous
brother," says the Rev. Dr. Hall, " is now as independent of this
church as is the bishop of Rome, and he might say to them to-
morrow : ' My dear brethren of the church in the United States,
do not be in a hurry ; I am bishop of the church in Hayti, and I
will come and talk with you.' " It does not appear that Bishop
Riley has resigned, nor that there is any one having jurisdiction
over him to whom he could resign. His is the independent
1884.] THE PROTESTANT EPISCOPAL CONVENTION. 437
"Church of Jesus." But then what will become of the Episco-
palians whom he has gathered into his communion? The bishop
of Massachusetts has great fears that they may go back to the
Roman Catholics, or be taken up by the Methodists and Pres-
byterians, who have sent money there for this purpose. Our own
opinion, gathered from the statistics, is that this " Church of
Jesus " is not a very large branch of the Episcopalian tree, and
that the possibility of its withering is worthy of consideration.
In regard to marriage an effort was made to " regulate the
impediments to matrimony and to distinguish between them,"
and " to provide a form for the celebration of mixed marriages,
or of persons not members of the church." As far as we can see
from the journal, nothing was accomplished at this session ;
though it would be interesting to know precisely what " three
bishops, three clergymen, and three jurists learned in the law "
would determine on this subject. It has been customary for
Episcopalian ministers to marry any one without reference to
creed, or even to baptism.
Some effort was also made to inquire into the practices of the
Ritualists and others who transform the Prayer-Book to their
owrt views, and use services and vestments not ordered by the
church ; but by mutual consent this subject of agitation was laid
aside, and it was left to every bishop to do as he pleases in his
own diocese. While the discussions in regard to the changes in
the liturgy were the principal theme of argument, there was
little said about those who employ the " Sarum use " or change
the Communion office to suit their own opinions. This is the
fruit as well as benefit of elasticity.
A very important movement in favor of "church schools"
was begun and commended. The joint Committee on Education
remarks that " we need more faith in the church as the divinely-
gifted educator" that " there is no function, no region of life or
thought, which it is not the church's duty to occupy " ; and they
recommend that "the number of schools for both sexes should be
increased." The Rev. Mr. Haskins offered a resolution for the in-
corporation of a general Society of Protestant Episcopal Schools
with a capital of one hundred million dollars. The pastoral of
the bishops declares that " one hour of the seven days will never
suffice for the education of a Christian child. Parish school,
academy, college, university, our whole educational system, cry
out for invigoration." They then urge the building and en-
dowment of these schools, which shall be under the charge of
ministers and teachers of their own denomination. We wait in
438 THE PROTESTANT EPISCOPAL CONVENTION. [Jan.,
patience to see if these sentiments so plainly expressed mean any-
thing, or if, as heretofore, the Episcopalians will join hands with
Protestants and infidels in forcing the public schools, which must
be godless, upon the people of this country. Will they still cry
out against the Catholic Church because she cannot use nor
encourage education divorced from religion?
Most of the time of the convention was spent on the proposed
changes of the Prayer-Book, which, after some amendments, were
adopted and referred to the different dioceses for ratification. It
is hard for a stranger to see the precise benefit of these changes,
which are called the enrichment of the liturgy. Many of the
" enrichments " are very petty, and those which are important
are no advance in the assertion of any doctrine.
The feast of the Transfiguration of our Lord has been inserted
in the calendar, which will prove very instructive to the great
majority, who will not keep it. A very lively discussion arose,
however, as to the date of the celebration of this feast. That
there might not be any concession to the custom of the Catholic
Church, it was at once proposed to put this feast down some
time in the Epiphany season. The Pope of Rome came in for his
share of abuse because he had meddled many centuries ago in
this matter. The Rev. Dr. Adams delivered himself of some
striking sentiments which seemed to have an electrical effect :
" The things that had been done by the Roman Church from the
sixteenth century he did not call by any means Catholic. He was
not influenced in any church matter by the Church 6f Rome or
its practice, and therefore all those arguments with regard to
'the Roman Church went, with him, for absolutely nothing. His
Catholicity was American Catholicity. Yet so far as this was a
living church, this institution of the feast of the Transfiguration
was the grandest movement that had been made in it for the last
fifty years." The action of the Catholic Church in placing this
feast on the 6th of August was no consideration to weigh upon
his mind. But at last it appeared that the Eastern communions
keep the feast upon the same day, and a learned divine, who had
studied the whole question, " hoped that this church would not
sacrifice this great opportunity of placing herself in harmony
with the rest of Christendom." So at last the celebration was
set down for the 6th of August. This settlement gave occasion
to much joy, as the freedom of " American Catholicity " was
visibly manifested in contrast with other less favored portions of
the branch churches. Dr. Huntington said that " he should startle
some members present, and amuse others, and open the eyes of
1884.] THE PROTESTANT EPISCOPAL CONVENTION. 439
all who had eyes to be opened on this point, when he said that
some of the best liturgical scholars of the Church of England
took the ground that if any of their clergymen were to under-
take the observance of the feast of the Transfiguration they
would make themselves liable to fine and imprisonment, and to
whatever other penalties of pramunire there might be." We pity
the narrow circumstances of these clergymen, and would advise
them to emigrate to the happy land of Columbia, where they
can have festivals, altars, wax candles, stoles, and piscinas at will.
We hope also that the laity of the American Episcopal Church
will learn the meaning of the Transfiguration, and not be con-
fused on the subject, as a church-warden whom we once knew,
who did not know whether it meant transfusion or transformation.
Yet wardens and vestrymen are apt to be ignorant, and in many
cases are not members of the church. The warden of whom we
write was not even ever baptized. And although an effort has
several times been made, as in this convention, to require that
the wardens and vestry be communicants, we believe that this
rule of discipline has never been adopted. And any one knows
that all the members of the Episcopal body are free to keep or
not tcJ keep the feasts or fasts of their church. They are not
even obliged to go to public worship on Sunday. We there-
fore earnestly hope that this " grand event " of a new feast will
be the means of giving them new life.
A very important proposition was made at the beginning of
the liturgical discussion namely, that the Protestant Episcopal
Church should change its name. We have always considered it a
matter of questionable taste for a grown man to change his name.
But for a church to take a new title seems to us quite grotesque.
It was proposed to call the Protestant Episcopal communion
" the Church," or " the Holy Catholic Church." Of course this
change would make it whatever they called it. It reminds us
of a resolution once passed in a Protestant convention : " Re-
solved, That the Pope of Rome is Antichrist, and that he be and
hereby is destroyed." If the Episcopalians should call them-
selves " the Holy Catholic Church," what consternation would
be felt all the world over ! What would the rest of us do ?
The late Dr. Ewer declared that " the name Protestant Episco-
pal Church is as absurd as if Massachusetts should call itself the
' Anti-Mormon Gubernatorial State.' ' A gentleman from New
Mexico says that "he lives in a country almost exclusively
Romish," and that the old name "puts his light under a bushel."
" We are the Catholic Church of America," said he, "and it is
44-Q THE PROTESTANT EPISCOPAL CONVENTION. [Jan.,
a great misfortune that we have a name which we must con-
stantly explain away and apologize for." Another gentleman
says, what will give great quiet to many, " There has been need
for the present title, but the necessity has passed and we ought
to bury the bloody shirt." " Our mission is not to fight Roman-
ism, but to build up the church." The Rev. Dr. Fulton, however,
exclaims : " The Protestant Episcopal Church is not the Holy
Catholic Church. We are one of the very least of the great
tribes of Israel. I live in a city of three hundred and fifty thou-
sand inhabitants, where our communicants number not more
than two thousand five hundred. Would it be modest and truth-
ful to call ourselves the Catholic Church of the United States ? "
Yet when one has a father is it quite right to be ashamed of that
father? And were the fathers of the Episcopalians so very
absurd when they named the church which they founded ? If
they were so very absurd what is the logical inference ? But
the Episcopal Church did not change its name this time. Four
bishops to whom the proposition was referred gave a mournful
report, recommending that there be no rebaptism of the eccle-
siastical body. That name " Protestant Episcopal " was forced
upon them by the " external pressure of circumstances," and " it
is a trial to faith and patience, but not less a note of the kingdom
which cometh not with observation." It is certain that this note
does not come with observation. And the sad bishops find con-
solation in the fact that they allege, that " it was not till a com-
paratively late period that the Catholic formula of the Creed
obliterated the names of local churches." Then follows a series
of statements partly true, partly false, and wholly dishonest, and
a fearful dart is hurled at the Catholic Church, which does not
need to change its name, as it is " no trial of faith and patience."
We are the wicked people who " adulterate the name of the
whole Catholic Church by the prefix Roman" There is some-
thing terrible the matter with us, as we have within us " an in-
ternal canker which eats out the verv core of Catholic unity."
How sad that we are so very sick and are ignorant of it! But,
say the bishops, there 'is a good time coming, when "truth will
naturally assert itself, and the whole chaos of American Chris-
tianity be shaped into unity and beauty." Then, we presume,
they -who are so sick of canker will be gone, and the term " Pro-
testant Episcopal " be synonymous with " Holy Catholic."
Under these encouraging circumstances why not wait and let
one's name stand ?
The discussions in regard to the Prayer-Book developed some
1 884.] THE PROTESTANT EPISCOPAL CONVENTION. 441
curious phases in ecclesiastical life. Many desire more liberty
and choice in their worship. The Rev. Dr. Morrison demanded
more flexibility. He said : " In the country parts of the United
States the church is very weak. It is said to be strong in the
cities, but he was yet to learn where it is strong in the country
places. Was it even as strong- as it ought to be in the cities ?
They were told that they had altogether something like three
hundred and fifty thousand communicants, but he presumed that
these figures were made up from the rolls furnished by various
parishes, and were hardly reliable. Why was the church weak in
the country places ? Because he thought the order for morning
and evening prayer was away over the heads of many persons to
whom it was addressed. It was too intellectual for them."
Some changes were made in the Scripture lessons, and the
joint committee had seen fit to strike from the calendar " the
story of Balaam and his ass." Why this instructive miracle was
to be left out we do not know, as even Dr. Hanckel said that
"an ass may speak and act sometimes more wisely than a man."
So the House of Bishops moved to put back this portion of
Scripture, and after some quite interesting argument their reso-
lution* was sustained. Some thought the whole story was a,
dream, this being " the opinion of a long line of commentators."
And, said the Rev. Dr. Harrison, " if any clergyman wished to
get rid of that chapter, the remedy had been provided. One of
the rules made it possible for any one who found one of those
chapters unsuitable for reading at any particular time to change
it, and, therefore, there was no absolute objection to the retention
of this chapter." It is difficult with these rules to see how there
could be any objection to anything.
The " Beatitudes of the Gospel " were made a special service,
but also left entirely optional. Some of the members desired to
put them at will in the place of the Ten Commandments. One of
the reverend doctors said that " he had long felt the burden of
having to say the decalogue at every celebration of Holy Com-
munion." This amendment did not meet with the consent of
the majority, and, as far as we can see from the journal, the Com-
mandments will still keep their place. To us this seems a wise
provision, since while many need to be familiar with the de-
calogue, there are not many to whom the beatitudes apply.
Nearly all the proposed changes in the services were of lit-
tle doctrinal import. Some curious opinions were, however,
evolved when any doctrine was touched, and it was evidently
the purpose of the committee to avoid anything by which
442 THE PROTESTANT EPISCOPAL CONVENTION. [Jan.,
faith might be either affirmed or denied. The discussions con-
cerning the form of absolution are a most remarkable illustration
of the elasticity and vagueness which distinguish the Episcopal
Church. The old forms of absolution are both declaratory, and
would be an insufficient form of the Sacrament of Penance, even
if it were the intention of the church to administer it. There
is surely no such intention, as no well-informed person would
propose to give absolution publicly to a mass of people upon a
general confession where only an admission of general sinfulness
was expressed. And, besides, the articles of their faith declare
that penance is not a sacrament, " that it has no visible sign or
ceremony ordained by God," and " that it has grown of the cor-
rupt following of the apostles." If it ever has been the inten-
tion of a few ministers to give absolution thus publicly, it is
certain they have failed, as they have neither orders nor juris-
diction, nor the proper matter and form of the sacrament. The
forms hitherto ordered were only prayers which any person
might use, which laymen in the Catholic Church could well offer
to God. He who would make anything more of these forms
would involve himself in many absurdities. The High-Church
element seems, nevertheless, disposed to make out of these
prayers a kind of sacramental absolution. The new form pro-
posed is an adaptation of the prayer which both priests and
people use in the Catholic Church. It simply asks " that God
will grant absolution and remission of sin, space for true repen-
tance, amendment of life, and the grace and consolation of the
Holy Spirit." Some of the members saw in this an attempt
to undervalue the priestly powers of which a few are proud,
and they resisted any change. One learned minister tells us
that these prayers for absolution are a full and perfect form, to
convey the sacramental pardon of all sin. He has profoundly
studied the whole subject, which, he says, " is an exceedingly
difficult one." Moreover, it was necessary to guard against Ro-
mish errors. " The man who came into church and heard the
priest pronounce this absolution could not feel drawn into Ro-
mish errors or mistakes. He could not have the idea that the
words pronounced gave him absolution, unless he had grace.
He could not suppose that these words gave him such absolu-
tion ; that he could go out and say : ' All my sins are wiped out ; I
have been a debtor for so many sins, but I have had so much
absolution, and the balance is struck; I am a saint."
It seems to us also well to avert the danger of this dreadful
catastrophe, even if powerful means were necessary. But the
1884.} THE PROTESTANT EPISCOPAL CONVENTION. 443
same very learned gentleman has found out " the flaw in the
faith of the Roman Catholic Church. It gives absolution upon
.bare confession, not for repentance and doing good works
meet for repentance, not for faith, but simply on confession,
without good works done, and without faith shown." We need
not say here that this flaw has no existence except in the mis-
representation of this Episcopal minister, whose ignorance is
hardly excusable. We would refer the honest gentleman to any
Catholic catechism.
But the Rev. Dr. Fulton tells us that "there are degrees of
absolution," which, however, he does not explain to us. He ad-
mires this beautiful precatory absolution, in which the word
"consolation " sweetens and enriches everything. " He thought
it was pretty hard to be absolving people all the year round in
God's name, and never get absolution one's self. If the committee
could only have given to the ministers of the church a chance to
be absolved by the congregation, he should like very much to
say his confession, and should very much like to hear the con-
gregation say to him: 'The almighty and merciful Lord grant
thee absolution and remission of all thy sins.' '
Then' arose a gentleman from western Michigan, who said
that he firmly believed he had power to absolve, and he had be-
lieved this for sixteen years. " Was he now to be undeceived ?
He failed to understand why it was that the priest of God
should rise up at the time of prayer, and merely make a de-
claration or precatory statement that the people were forgiven
by some indefinite, subjective method. They were proclaiming
against the subjectivity of Protestantism around them, and had
they not the power to tell their people, when they made the
confession which the church puts on their lips and in their
hearts, that the priest had authority to give them absolution?"
It was immediately objected that this whole discussion was "the
introduction into the church of questions of doctrine," and the
Rev. Dr. Corbett reminded them of " the story of Aladdin and
the wonderful lamp how the old magician had obtained the lamp
that performed miracles, by calling out in the street opposite the
palace, ' New lamps for old ones ; new lamps for old ones.' His
advice was to keep the old lamp still." Mr. Whittle, of Georgia,
asked, " When doctors disagree, who was to decide? " And an-
other gentleman remarked " that the discussion was utterly use-
less and that he saw no means whatever to the settlement of the
question." So it was not settled, and the disputants were all
pleased, while the Rev. Dr. Huntington declared " that never in
444 THE PROTESTANT EPISCOPAL CONVENTION. [Jan.,
any assembly of the American church, convocation, congregation,
or convention, had the burning question of absolution been dis-
cussed so kindly, so temperately, and so considerately."
Libert}' 1 of opinion is indeed great in this community, but we
sometimes wonder what good this church does to any of its
members. It certainly never tells them what they are to believe.
There was a very interesting or peculiar debate in regard to
the Nicene Creed. This symbol contains the article of faith
which declares the procession of the Holy Spirit from the Son.
Mr. Judd, of Illinois, objected to this formula, and " thought the
able and learned secretary ought to know that the great Eastern
Church, with its one hundred millions of souls, held to precisely
the view which he had been advocating. A hundred Episcopal
conventions could not make him repeat the filioque. The idea of
his calling the Church of Rome the Mother Church was a pecu-
liar condition of things, especially when they know that the
Church of Rome was an infant church as compared with theirs ;
the Church of England having been planted, according to the
best authorities, in the British Isles in the year 38, and the
Church of Rome having never been heard of until the year 61,
or soon thereafter " ! " He hoped that this church would not
undertake to put a bar against the communion of a single mem-
ber of the Universal Church, which it would do if it insisted
upon inserting into the Communion office the so-called Nicene
Creed."
The Rev. Dr. Abercrombie, who had been to the depths of
this subject, explained then to the members how it was with the
Oriental Church, and how badly in this matter Nicholas I. had
conducted himself: " He asked this House not to lay an unnec-
essary yoke, not to put as the creed, in the central act of worship,
the Communion office a thing which would remain a stigma
upon the church, and which would remain a bar to catholic
communion. If the House would take the proper step and refuse
to do an act so contrary to unity, he believed that the church
would go forward conquering and to conquer, and that the idols
of superstition, of false doctrine, and of the authority of Rome
would fall like Dagon before the ark. He prayed that God
might speed that day." This electrical speech did not seem to
have produced much effect, though we wonder that, with th(
hope of such tremendous results, the House did not at once d(
what he asked, especially as it was only not to do a very little
thing. At this juncture one of the members called the attention
of the delegates to the fact that " Article VIII. of the Articles of
1884.] THE PROTESTANT EPISCOPAL CONVENTION. 445
Religion declared that the Nicene Creed ought to be received
and believed, since it may be proved by most certain warrants of
Holy Scripture ; and that the litany told him to say, ' O God
the Holy Ghost, proceeding from the Father and the Son.' "
Then Mr. Meigs, of New Jersey, interposed that " the work of
the joint committee was being endangered by the differences
between parties in regard to doctrinal questions, such as the
filioque. He therefore desired that this proposition of the com-
mittee should be rejected." It was then rejected by one hun-
dred and fifty to one hundred and seven votes. So the Nicene
Creed was left where it was, and, as it is optional, need never be
recited. It was made manifest, however, that the majority of the
convention did not favor professing a belief in the procession of
the Holy Ghost from the Son. Our own opinion is that many
do not comprehend the meaning of the term ; but also that many
would be glad to sacrifice anything, if only any of the Eastern
churches would recognize them in any way. Such recognition
will never take place, for the older branches of the Oriental
schism are too well penetrated with the ancient traditions to
associate \vith any form of Protestantism, which they have many
times anathematized. We do think, however, that it is not
honest nor dignified for a respectable body like the Episcopal
Church to continue to implore a bow of recognition from a com-
munion whose faith condemns all that they profess. And the
truth is that they would give the world if any church having
valid orders would' give its guarantee to their own. For this
any sacrifice would be cheap. And in all this, as in their shame
of their name, they contradict the action of their fathers. Schaff,
in his History of Creeds, tells us that " the English Reformers fully
admitted, with the most learned fathers and schoolmen, the ori-
ginal identity of the offices of bishop and presbyter. The most
learned English divines before the period of the Restoration, such
as Cranmer, Jewel, Hooker, Field, Ussher, Hall, and Stillingfleet,
did not hold the theory of an exclusive jure divino episcopacy,
and fully recognized the validity of presbyterian ordination.
They preferred and defended episcopacy as the most ancient and
general form of government, best adapted for the maintenance of
order and unity ; in one Word, as necessary for the well-being
but not for the being of the church." * In this view we believe
that the great majority of the Episcopalians concur.
Much was said in regard to the growth of the Episcopal
Church in the last one hundred years. In reading over the
* History of Creeds, i. p. 605.
446 THE PROTESTANT EPISCOPAL CONVENTION. [Jan.,
report of their missions and the statistics of the convention we
are struck with the comparatively small number of baptisms and
communicants. It would seem that the small minority only are
communicants, and that many of the missionary bishops can
hardly live, and could not live without supplies of money from
the East. Some complain, and during the past three years
report no progress at all. The whole country has increased
somewhat in population during the last one hundred years, and
statistics which cover this period ought to show a large increase.
The Committee on the State of the Church recommends that
" church-membership should be computed on the basis of the
baptized rather than on that of communicants. This basis would
be more churchly and less misleading." They also say that
" their greatest deficiency is in the inadequate number of candi-
dates for holy orders." They further tell us that there has come
among them " a more tolerant and catholic spirit, which has per-
vaded the whole length and breadth of the church to a degree
never known before." By this we are officially informed that
doctrine has been made more vague, and that each member has
become more indifferent as to the belief and practice of his fellow-
members. If their words do not imply this we fail to grasp the
meaning of the phrase, " tolerant and catholic spirit."
The House of Bishops, as the " successors of the apostles," is
the most important part of this convention. The sessions of this
body are private, and we therefore do not hear of their discus-
sions. We only know of them by what they see fit to make
public. In the past they have not been as conservative as the
House of Clerical and Lay Deputies. They have denied the Real
Presence of our Lord in the divine Eucharist, and the doctrine of
baptismal regeneration, which the lower House probably would
not have done. And on this occasion, in the opening sermon of
Bishop Clark and in their pastoral, they have almost announced
liberalism in belief. " The Episcopal Church," says the New <.
York Christian Union, " makes room for all forms of spiritual
experience, without emphasizing any single phase ; it has a place j
for the zeal of the Methodist and the cooler and less emotional ]
life of the Unitarian. It lays no peculiar stress on a special rite,
as does the Baptist; it does not insist upon a Calvinistic cree(
with the Presbyterian, nor upon an Arminian creed with th<
Methodist ; it welcomes alike Calvinist and Arminian."
Bishop Clark tells us that " the catholic teaching of th<
church, the scnsus communis of Christendom, is of no more authc
rity than the opinion of the individual, and in some quarters it
1884.] THE PROTESTANT EPISCOPAL CONVENTION. 447
ends in setting aside both the witness of the early church and
the inspired record upon which that witness rests." " The
church of our inheritance allows its ministers and members to
construct their complicated schemes of doctrine according to the
best light they have, but it does not demand assent to any of
these schemes as matters of faith." " To whatever school of
theology we belong, I trust there are none of us who are not
ready to say : ' Woe is me if I preach not the Gospel.' " " It is
safe for us to allow the same play of individual thought and
opinion in respect to all matters which are not strictly of the
faith that existed in primitive times." " It is the wisdom of our
church to require of her members only a simple affirmation of
the Apostles' Creed."
. It will be observed that the whole question as to the true
meaning of this Creed, and as to faith held in primitive times, is
to be decided by every individual in the full exercise of his
liberty. Where, then, is the difficulty in reciting the Apostles
Creed, and where is the internal bond of belief ? Each one for
himself interprets the Bible, the Creed, the teaching of the early
church. What larger liberty is possible ? If there be greater
elasticity we fail to comprehend it.
The pastoral is the address of the bishops to their people on
the most solemn occasion, and they are all responsible for it.
What do we find, then, in this authoritative document ? We find
therein many unintelligible sentences which even the writer him-
self probably did not understand. We may well say to them in
the language of Job : " Who is this that hideth counsel without
knowledge?" " Who is this that wrappeth up sentences in un-
skilful words ? " We agree with the minister we have already
quoted: "It reiterates the old symbols, though it fails to gal-
vanize them into any semblance of life and meaning. At a time
when the tendency of the educated classes is against the assump
tion of dogmatic dictatorialism, when millions believe in nothing
at all, this church meets the mighty difficulty by reiterating
worn-out platitudes and nerveless ideals." We do not understand
what is meant by the balance, which the bishops say is not to be
hoped, " between loyalty to unalterable truth and a due regard
to what is variable but none the less actual in the needs of
society." The'y tell us that " it must always cost an effort to
adjust in a satisfying harmony the contending claims of old with
new, uncompromising creeds with honest movements of religious
thought." We always considered truth invariable in its very
nature, which no mutations of time or speculations of so-called
448 THE PROTESTANT EPISCOPAL CONVENTION. [Jan.,
science could alter. Then they would have their people know
that " the Gospel is not a philosophy. The church is not dis-
covered at the end of a line of argument, any more than by a
telescope or a crucible. Personal power rules in the realm of
spiritual things, as in institutions and reformations upon the
earth." "A reverent scrutiny of documents, and a searching
criticism of what is human in grammar, arithmetic, or version, are
a part of the church's business, and belong to her scholars."
We did not think that there was anything inhuman or super-
human in either of these things. But they add that the Old and
New Testaments are eminently in each other, as " a greater
student of these lively oracles than we are likely to meet in any
of our thoroughfares long ago declared." No information is
given as to who this gentleman is, nor why we are to look
through the streets to find his equal. Yet already, they say,
" time has brought a reasonable end to that factitious quarrel
between science and faith which only a little while ago dis-
turbed so many minds, the reconciliation of these foolishly alien
ated creatures of God consisting in so simple a remedy as the
discrimination of their spheres." We hope the average reader,
who may wonder at the unintelligible, will be able to catch the
meaning, even if he do not admire the style. We are glad to
hear that time has brought an end to the quarrel between those
two foolishly alienated creatures. If the quarrel be over in the
Episcopal Church we are inclined to think that faith has been
driven from the ground. But now for the dogmatism of the pas-
toral : " The fontal truth which is the promise of a rectification of
much disproportioned theology " is the Incarnation of the Son of
God. " This Incarnation includes atonement, as it includes every
article of the creeds, every ministration of grace, all the forces
and functions of the living body of Christ." All this is indeed
true, if it were in their power to understand it. But how can
they either explain or understand it who deny the unity of
Christ's body, who assert its corruption, who render to the
Mother of God no honor nor reverence ? There may be a few
who know the words by which this vital doctrine is stated ;
there can be none who feel it in their hearts or know its power.
" Our Anglican fathers knew what they did when they placed
the article of the sufficiency of the Scriptures next after the
articles of the Trinity, and they did not mean that the rule
whereby all doctrines are to be infallibly proved is itself fallible,
or is yet to be proved." The world may respectfully ask of the
Episcopal Church the reason why she holds to the inspiration of
1884.] THE PROTESTANT EPISCOPAL CONVENTION. 449
the Scriptures and what that inspiration is ; and it will receive no
reply. The world may ask how that can be an infallible rule
which every one is at liberty to interpret according to his own
views. And the world will point to the fact that unity of faith
among Episcopalians, even regarding the Trinity and Incarnation
of the Son of God, is neither actual nor possible. The bishops
take good care not to define anything, not'to state in terms any
doctrine, else they would disagree. They can deny truth ; they
cannot affirm it. Why did they not state to this material age
what they believe, and what men ought to believe, in regard to
the two natures and one person of the Word made flesh ? Why
did they not state the meaning of the Apostles' Creed which
every one ought to hold ? The answer is manifest because
they do not possess any clear conception of truth, and cannot,
therefore, express it ; because the first step into the region of
doctrine leads to the discovery of their hopeless disunion.
Now r they look at their sister Protestant sects and hope to
win them. " To call these generous reformations Christless
would be unfair. The love of Christ is in them." They are all
right, and "only lack what Christ has offered to provide through
the ordinances and offices of his heavenly kingdom." Let them
only come to these successors of the apostles and get what they
lack. Let their ministers come for episcopal ordination. Then
all will flow on beautifully and in order. Will these " generous
reformations" comply with this invitation? Does the Episcopal
Church expect some of the Protestant denominations to apply
for admission as a body? We hardly think any of them will
come. And if they were to ask advice of some one fully as wise
" as any one we may meet in our thoroughfares," he would
probably ask, " Why would you do it, and what would you gain ? "
" You will gain nothing whatever in certainty of faith, nothing in
unity. You will hear ' airy generalities,' and the assumption
of claims which all Christendom rejects. Better remain where
you are than take a position more unreal and be deceived by
forms which have no substance."
Here we close our brief commentary. They who are true in
heart, who really believe in one God and one Christ, will come
to his one church. The day is past for insincerity or play with
questions which concern the salvation of the soul. It is sad to
deceive one's self even in the things of this life ; it is endless ruin
to deceive the soul in the things of eternity. The signs, of the
Son of Man are in the heavens ; and there are only two forces in
the field, the Catholic Church and the infidel.
VOL. xxxvin. 29
450 THE FIRST CHRISTMAS EVE. [Jan.,
THE FIRST CHRISTMAS EVE*
IN the year of Rome 746, on the seventh day before the
Calends of January, corresponding with our 25th of December,
towards five o'clock in the evening, two mounted Roman offi-
cers left Jerusalem by the gate of Damascus, followed by an
escort of soldiers and a few slaves. One of them, a man of about
fifty years of age, of a powerful build, red of face and free of
tongue, suggested at a glance, by the thick regularity of his fea-
tures, the type of Vitellius. Epicurean in doctrine and in habits,
he quoted on all occasions, whether to the point or not, the
verses of an illustrious poet, lately deceased, copies of whose
poems he occasionally received from Rome. He never failed to
add after each quotation : " And to think that I knew him, that
divine Horace ! How often have we played together in our
childhood !
" ' O saepe mecum ! ' '
This officer bore the name of Mansius Quadratus.
The other was a young man hardly thirty years of age. His
expression was grave, and he replied by rare monosyllables only
to the inexhaustible volubility of his jovial companion. The out-
line of his finely-cut features, his head shaved after the manner
of the Romans, stood out in sharp relief against the clear sky of
a beautiful evening of Palestine. Indifferent to the idle conver-
sation of his companion, he was gazing thoughtfully upon the
environs of Jerusalem, apparently absorbed in the study of a
difficult problem.
" Sooner or later, my good Octavius," said the Epicurean,
" you will acknowledge that wisdom does not consist in dreaming
of the future, but in enjoying the present :
" m ' Nunc est bibendum, nunc pcde libero
Pulsanda tellus !'
O that immortal Horace ! We were dear friends in our
youth. Believe me," he continued, without awaiting an answer
from the taciturn young man, "you can never change the
world. The world, my young friend, is older than you. I
cannot but regret that you have given up that richly-endowed
* Translated from the French of the Abbe" H. Perreyve, by Miss M. E. Perkins.
1884.] THE FIRST CHRISTMAS EVE. 451
soul of yours to vague reveries of progress and of the future
which rob it of its daily joys, and that you have condemned
your youth to a hopeless expectation of an indefinite good.
Alas ! Octavius, the world is going, and always will go, from
bad to worse ! Believe me, we must accept it as it is, take our
share in its pleasures as they go, and not weary our hearts long-
ing for the return of the golden age :
"/ Aetas parentum, pejor avis, tulit
Nos nequiores, mox daturos
Progeniem vitiosiorem.'
Ah! that inimitable Horace! Our fathers were near neighbors
at Venusium, in our beloved Apulia." A moment of silence
followed this already familiar exclamation, and nothing was
heard but the regular tramp of horses' feet, the clanking of heavy
swords against the saddles, and the quick step of the escort.
" At least," resumed the indefatigable Quadratus, " might one
inquire whence you have drawn your extraordinary ideas about
the world and its future ? If my question is indiscreet I do not
ask for an answer. Above all things I believe in respecting the
opinions j of others, provided that they, on their part, will not
interfere with mine. But, to tell the truth, it seems that since
your sojourn in Jerusalem the doctrines of the Jews have had
more or less influence on your mind, and that the son of the
patrician Octavius has not been wholly insensible to the super-
stitions of the good people of Judea. Be not angered, friend ; I
can foresee your answer, and would not have you take too seri-
ously what is intended merely as a jest.
" ' Dulce est desipere in loco,'
as Horace says."
Another silence followed this short quotation. Just then a
slave left the ranks of the escort and ran towards the officers.
Both of them absorbed, one in his reverie, the other in his own
remarks, had passed beyond the road which led to Bethlehem.
Made aware of their error, they retraced their steps a short
distance and turned into the ravine extending along the foot of
Mount Sion.
" Well, I shall not insist upon it ; and since my remark seems
to have pained you, let us speak no more on the subject. Only
allow me once more to exhort you, my dear Octavius, to shake
off this melancholy which nothing warrants surely not your age,
nor your brilliant prospects, nor the present state of the world
under the divine and ever-glorious Augustus! Look at the
452 THE FIRST CHRISTMAS EVE. [Jan.,
empire, look at the whole universe, happy under the sway of
Cassar, and do not discourage the general joy for the sake of vain
theories of which you yourself in fact "
" Quadratus," interrupted Octavius, " the night is already
falling. Do you think we are still far from Bethlehem ? "
"We are hardly half way," said Quadratus, "but when we
shall have reached the summit of the slope we see before us we
shall see the lights of the town. At best we shall arrive late
barely in time to secure quarters for the night. I know of but
one inn in Bethlehem, and I hardly see how we shall find place
for all our Jews. For my part I would not have one of them
within fifty paces of my room :
" ' Odi profanum vulgus et arceo
I am not like a certain officer of my acquaintance, upon whom
the charms of Judaism "
" Quadratus," said the young man gravely, " since you will
insist upon the subject, let me put an end once for all to this
offensive jesting, and so explain myself that it may be no longer
possible "
" Come, now ! has he really taken offence ? One can no longer
dare to jest with these young men ! What was comedy for their
fathers is tragedy for them. Indeed, I believe the world will
soon have forgotten how to laugh." So saying, he shrugged his
shoulders with an air of despair.
Octavius continued : " After all, Quadratus, you must forgive
some souls for seeking their consolation elsewhere than in the
wine-cup. I am not a Jew, as you would make me out, nor am
I tempted to become one. I am a Roman as well as you, wholly
independent, heart and mind, free from all superstition, and little
disturbed, it seems to me, by vain scruples. I have, on the con-
trary, tried everything and already exhausted all. I am dying
of weariness in the midst of pleasures. I envy and admire you
in the tranquillity of your happiness ; for myself, I have not learned
the secret of it. I find that the joys of this world only excite in
my heart a hunger and a thirst which they are powerless to
satisfy. Everything is too much or too little. Like you I would
willingly lull myself to sleep in these pleasures, forgetting therein
the world and myself, did not some indefinable sense of the
infinite come to disturb my rest and awaken within me dreams
and desires that seem endless and insatiable. So I wait, I long,
I pray. To whom or for what I know not. I pray for that
which must come to respond to this profound instinct which
1884.] THE FIRST CHRISTMAS EVE. 453
possesses my soul. I believe in a good which I do not know,
but without the hope of which I would not wish to remain a day
on this sad earth."
" You are ill, my friend," replied Quadratus in a paternal
tone. " You are affected with the malady of the age. By Her-
cules ! I have no patience with the dreamers who have disturbed
so many beautiful souls of our time, and could I but lay hands
on that Plato of yours I would get this good Murena to thrash
him soundly ! Would I not, Murena? "
" Yes, sire," answered a stalwart slave, looking up at his mas-
ter with a stupid laugh.
" But tell me, Octavius," resumed Quadratus, " what is this
indefinable 'infinite/ which has even no name in the Roman
language? Why do you believe that a man, in order to be
happy, must needs aim at something superior to himself ? The
secret of our true happiness is in ourselves and in the good
things which surround us. Learn to appreciate these advan-
tages and you will be happy. Common sense teaches us this.
After all, why desire a happiness which our nature cannot
attain ? Even supposing such happiness to exist, I refuse to
recognize or desire it, for this would only condemn me to the
tortures of Tantalus. I merely ask of the gods to leave me in
peace on earth, and not to disturb my life with the hopeless de-
sire of anything better, any more than I, miserable mortal, at-
tempt to interfere with their pleasures of Olympus. The gods
are happy where they are ; I try to make myself as comfortable
as possible where I am. Every one to his place. By Hercules !
my dear Octavius, it is many a day since I have attempted to
philosophize thus."
" Then you are contented, philosopher," said Octavius, with a
sad smile, " with such good things as fall to your lot in this life ?
Pardon me, but I cannot accuse you of ambition. What, Quad-
ratus ! you are no longer young ; the evening of life with its infir-
mities must soon come upon you, and then what will remain to you
of all your mortal career ? The bittep recollection of a few plea-
sures, purchased perhaps at the price of the sufferings of others ;
of fruitless trials, unexplained and unconsoled ; the feeling that life
has been one long disappointment, and that after death we have
nothing to look forward to, nothing to hope for. And can it be^
for such an end that you have been endowed with that active in-
telligence which you may try in vain to stifle, that heart so capa-
ble of loving, and of whose generous sincerity I myself have had
so many proof sj> For my part I cannot believe it. I cannot be-
454 THE FIRST CHRISTMAS EVE. [Jan.,
lieve that this short and troubled dream can be the secret of
man's destiny. I believe there must be some better solution to
the problem. I believe that a time will come when our eyes shall
behold what they have so long sought ; that humanity shall not
roll on eternally in this desolate darkness, but that one day the
long-desired truth shall be ours yes ! even should a god have to
come down upon earth to bring it to us
" Well done, Octavius ! Behold indeed a solution ! All that is
necessary, then, my dear friend, is to break the chains of Prome-
theus, that the ancient benefactor of mankind may bring back the
sacred fire amongst us."
" Do not be too ready to laugh at those old dreams of the
sages," said Octavius. " The fable of Prometheus has always
impressed me deeply." *
" Is it possible ! " exclaimed Quadratus, offering his hand
gaily to Octavius, who returned the salute without smiling.
"After all, it is beautiful," continued the former, drawing his
horse's head away from that of his companion, "it is indeed
charming, to be as young as you are, when the world is as old as
it is."
" Really, my poor friend," returned the young man, " we have
no two ideas in common. You look upon the world as old. It
seems to me very young ; to tell the truth, I believe it has hardly
yet cast off the obscurities of its childhood. I believe it is barely
on the eve of awakening to a moral consciousness. What master
has yet instructed it ? What powerful and beneficent hand has
pointed out its true destiny ? Humanity seems to me like a poor
weak child given over in its very infancy to an evil genius, by
which he has been injured, robbed, but not irretrievably ruined,
and who, before he can recover what he has lost, must await the
* In the tragedy of Aeschylus the chorus says to the martyred hero : " Must thou suffer
unceasingly ? Is there to be no end to thy woes ? "
PROMETHEUS. " Not until Jupiter so wills it."
CHORUS. "Dost thou hope that such may be his will ? Dost thou not admit thy fault?
But to reproach'thee with it would give us no pleasure, and would only afflict thee ; rather let
us seek some means of deliverance."
PROMETHEUS. " It is easy for those who know not adversity to advise and reprove those
who are less fortunate. I foresaw this, and it is voluntarily, yes, of my free will, that I have
acted thus ; I do not deny it. In order to save mortals I have sacrificed myself " (v. 263-275).
" Is it not extraordinary," says Patin, " to find fn a pagan poet this sublime idea of a God
offering himself in sacrifice for man ? Some of the Fathers of the church have been so struck by
it that they have traced therein a sort of confused presentiment of the grandest mystery of our
religion " (Etudes sur les tragiques grecs : Eschyle, Le Promithie).
The tradition to which the learned critic refers is very ancient ; already in the second cen-
tury, Tertullian speaks of Christ as the true Prometheus : " Hie enim est verus Prometheus "
(Apologet. xviii.) And be again refers to the ancient fable in his first book Contra Marcion.
1884.] THE FIRST CHRISTMAS EVE. 455
help of a power whose devotion will be without limit, because its
love shall know no bounds."
" And you believe in such a power ? "
" I do."
" And you await its advent ? " .
" I expect it."
" You are more seriously affected than I had supposed," said
Quadratus gravely.
At this moment the little caravan emerged from the denies
which they had followed along the foot of "Mount Sion, and, leav-
ing the valley of Kedron, they crossed the wide tableland of a hill
whence a vast and solemn panorama spread itself out before them.
They were leaving behind them on the north Jerusalem, now
reddened by the last rays of the setting sun ; on the west were to
be seen the mountains of Judea ; and on the east, beyond the Dead
Sea, the mountains of Arabia.
The young man, again absorbed in his reveries, gazed half un-
consciously on the scene, the profiles of the mountains standing
out sharply against the clear twilight sky. Quadratus called
two men from the escort and ordered them to go on in advance,
in order to make preparations in Bethlehem for the arrival of the
Roman envoys.
The reader has doubtless already surmised the object of their
journey. Augustus having at that time ordered the taking of a
general census of all the subjects of his empire, and the inhabi-
tants of Palestine having been for this purpose summoned to the
principal cities of the country, our two officers had been sent from
Jerusalem to Bethlehem to see that the commands of the emperor
were properly executed, and to maintain order in case of need.
The Romans were not in actual possession of Judea, but Pompey
had subjected it to a tax. Herod held sway under Caesar, and
the nature of the alliance between the Jewish and the Roman
people was such that it secured to the latter the benefits of the
tribute. It was more especially for the distribution of this tri-
bute that the census had been ordered, and the nominal inde-
pendence of Judea could not prevent its being executed under
the Roman form and by Roman officers. Our two friends, there-
fore, expected to arrive that evening at Bethlehem, and to begin
their operations the following day.
"Do you know what I am thinking?" said Quadratus, de-
spairing of eliciting from his young companion any satisfactory
answer to his previous questions. " I am thinking what miserable
luck we have to be off here at the end of the world among these
456 THE FIRST CHRISTMAS EVE. [Jan.,
savages, while the divine Augustus is shutting the gates of the
temple of Janus and exhibiting with a grandeur hitherto un-
known the immense majesty of universal peace. To think that
while the whole world has its eyes turned towards Rome, I must
needs be occupied with this miserable business of registering the
names of the people of Bethlehem ; the whole crowd of them are
not worth counting, and a few thousands more or less can make
little difference to Caesar. By Hercules ! this is no place for
us, Octavius, and I swear that this shall be my last year of ser-
vice in the East."
"A marvellous land, this East ! " thought Octavius, giving no
attention to the bitter exclamation of Quadratus. " It is the birth-
place of all light, no less of the intellectual than of the terrestrial
sun. What power has ever lasted that has not sought here its
consecration ? What doctrine has ever taken root that has not
sprung from this quarter of the earth ? And, if we can believe
the mysteries of tradition, the time has come when this ancient
orient is to recover its strength by a new fruitfulness, and to as-
sume the direction of the whole world;* What instinct is it that
makes me so love these traditions ? When I gaze on these moun-
tains of Judea, land of so many prodigies, I fancy I can see the
dawning light of a new era rising from behind them. O moun-
tains of Palestine ! O silent, voiceless plains, mute since the day
when ye echoed the sounds of the Eternal Voice ! O strange and
solemn land ! better do I love thy rivers and thy palm-trees than
the shores of the Tiber ; nor would I give one hour of thy grave
solitude for all the glorious tumult of the Capitol."
" Do you not agree with me this time ? " said Quadratus.
" You do not answer me."
" What did you say ? " asked Octavius gently.
" I say that we are entering upon the field of Rama," con-
tinued Quadratus, evidently piqued.
The caravan had, in fact, just reached the field of Rama, made
memorable by the beautiful lament of Rachel, who mourns for
her children and will not be comforted because they are not :
" Et noluit consolari, quia no?i sunt" The angel of night had al-
ready spread his wings over the earth, and the solitude of Rama
seemed even more solemn than was its wont.
fc, As they passed the tomb of Rachel the Jews left their places
* " It was then universally believed," says Tacitus, " upon the faith of ancient sacred writ-
ings, that the East was about to receive new strength, and that men from Judea were to take
possession of the whole world Pluribus pereuasio iuerat, antiquis sacerdotum litteris contineri,
eo ipso tempore fore ut valesceret Oriens, profectique Judaea rerum potirentur " (Htst. l.v, c.
xiii.) Suetonius mentions the same tradition (In Vespasian.)
I? 84.] THE FIRST CHRISTMAS EVE. 457
in the caravan to press their lips on the sacred monument ; but
Quadratus ordered them back and gave strict orders that no one
should quit the ranks, now that night had fallen, and that the
first one to disobey should be put in irons. All moved on in
silence save one old Jew, who muttered between his teeth :
" Cruel daughter of Babylon ! happy he who shall seize thy chil-
dren and crush them against the stone ! "
" These Jews are certainly the most superstitious people on
the face of the earth ! " said Quadratus. " It was only last week
that I had to restore order in the Temple among those who had
come to offer their oxen and sheep for sacrifice, and who were
rushing at each other right and left, throwing everything into
confusion. Can anything be more absurd than to believe that
burning animals on their altars can give pleasure to the gods?
Do I not at least in this meet your views, my dear philosopher? "
said he, turning towards Octavius.
" Not at all, friend ; I am of the contrary opinion."
" Ah ! now you speak for the sake of contradicting. I know
you, young man. You are not more devout than the rest of us,
for since we have been together in the service of Caesar I have
never known you to sacrifice to the gods so much as a chicken."
" So much the worse for me. Quadratus, this is my misfor-
tune. I was born either too soon or too late. I do not believe
enough to take part with the believers, and only doubt enough
to make me regret the want of faith. I am a sceptic, which
means great suffering to an earnest soul ; but my scepticism does
not prevent my recognizing everywhere the general features of a
universal religion, which seems to me to be not so much an
entire error as the alteration of a truth. Sacrifice is one of these
general features. How can you believe that a universal custom,
one that is found among all peoples, in all ages, in all parts of the
world, is a mere accident or is merely the result of human imagi-
nation ? No, no ! Man, once conscious of his guilt, feels the
necessity of appeasing the justice of Heaven. For this he seeks
an adequate victim ; he seeks on all sides, below as well as within
himself; sensible of his own imperfection, of his powerlessness, he
would find a victim superior to himself, capable of effecting his
reconciliation with the gods. If ever a new Hercules should
appear upon the earth to purify and save it I feel that it would
be by suffering and dying for it."
"Come, now, Octavius!" said Quadratus, trying to laugh,
"you are indeed beyond me. I confess that I cannot at all under-
stand these reveries of yours ; let us leave them and arrange to-
458 THE FIRST CHRISTMAS EVE. [Jan.,
gether how we are to organize our affairs at Bethlehem. By the
way, what is the meaning of this name of Bethlehem ? for in the
language of the Jews each name is a poem in itself, and it always
amuses me to hear their significations. Who can tell me this?"
said the officer, turning to the escort. " Aram," he called, " tell
me the meaning of the name of Bethlehem, and all that you know
about this poor village. I warrant we shall 'hear something mar-
vellous," said he, turning towards Octavius, " and that Athens
herself will be as nothing compared with this Bethlehem ! Just
listen."
The Jew left his place in the ranks of the escort and hastened
as best he could to the head of his master's horse. Seizing the
bridle, not to guide the animal, but to steady his own feeble
steps, he began his explanation :
" Bethlehem, sire, means ' house of bread.' "
" I expected as much ! " interrupted Quadratus. " And what
more ? "
" Our rabbis tell us that the name is symbolic, and signifies
that Bethlehem will one day nourish all the nations of the earth."
" Good for a beginning ! The pretension of these beggars
is astonishing ; it is always they who are to save the world !
Go on ! "
" Bethlehem is called Ephrata also that is to say, the fertile,
the fruitful."
" I'll warrant that it is called Ephrata because it will one
day be the richest, the most beneficent city of the universe, and
that it will spread its treasures over the whole world ! "
" Even so, sire," answered the Jew gravely.
" By Hercules ! " exclaimed Quadratus, " I am becoming a
rabbi myself."
" Bethlehem," continued the old Jew, " belongs to the tribe
of Juda, and the ancients called it the city of David, because that
holy prophet was born there."
" David, David ! " interrupted Quadratus. " Was he not one
of your kings?"
" Yes, sire."
"And this great King David was born in Bethlehem?"
"Yes, sire; which means, say our rabbis, that Bethlehem will
also give birth to the true David that is, to the true King of the
world, who, according to promise, is to inherit all the nations of
the earth."
Quadratus laughed heartily.
" Are you listening to all this marvellous information, Octa-
1 884.] THE FIRST CHRISTMAS EVE. 459
vius? They are superb, these beggarly Jews! Ah! my old
fellow, you had better speak softly ; were Csesar to hear you he
might be jealous of the King of Bethlehem ! And David what
did he do in Bethlehem ? "
" Before he was the anointed of the Lord he tended flocks,"
continued the Jew gravely ; " wherein, say our rabbis, he is the
symbol of the great Shepherd who is to gather all men into one
flock, and lead them from the desert of this world into his eternal
pastures."
" Better and better ! " cried Quadratus. " Behold the King
of Bethlehem is also King of Olympus. A moment since he de-
throned Caesar; now, it seems, Jupiter himself must beware ! "
" Amen ! it is even thus," continued the old Jew. " Other
great men have also been born in this town : Abissan, Elimelech,
Obed, Jesse, Booz. It was in this very field, now trodden by
thy horse's feet, that Ruth gathered the ears of corn left by the
reapers. Our rabbis say that this harvest is the symbol of the
life to come, when all souls shall be gathered together to appear
before the face of Jehovah."
" Good ! Then I, too, shall be there ? " asked Quadratus.
" Yes, sire," said the old Jew solemnly.
Quadratus seemed much amused. " And when is he to appear,
this true David, this King of the world, this Saviour of the uni-
verse ? When is he to take possession of his palace of Bethle-
hem?"
As he said these words he leaned forward, and, shading his
eyes with his hand, seemed to be trying to distinguish some
object in the darkness before him.
" Our rabbis say," answered the Jew, " that, according to
the calculation of the weeks of the Prophet Daniel, he must soon
come."
" Soon ! " exclaimed Quadratus. " So much the better. I
should certainly be delighted if Octavius," said he, interrupting
himself, " what is that we see moving just before us?"
The young man started as from a dream, and, looking over
his horse's head, said : " I see a poor man and a woman walking
slowly ; we are coming up with them."
" Tell me, old Jew," resumed Quadratus, " if this were to be
thy Messias who is coming to take possession of his throne of
Bethlehem ! "
At the insulting tone of these words old Aram started like a
young man, stopped short, and, darting at the Roman officer a
look in which the fervor of the believer mingled with the rage
460 THE FIRST CHRISTMAS EVE. [Jan.,
of the patriot, " // may be! " he exclaimed, and with one bound
he fled away into the darkness.
" You are crucified if they catch you ! " cried the Roman.
" But let him go," said he to the soldiers who made ready to
follow him ; " the old slave was not worth the cost of his food."
" It may be," repeated Octavius to himself. His heart beat
quickly and a strange uneasiness took possession of his mind.
Meanwhile they were approaching Bethlehem. The road was
narrow and rough. A few steps more and the horse of Quad-
ratus had overtaken the two travellers who had a moment since
attracted the attention of the officers.
" My good man," said Quadratus, " who are you ? "
Thus addressed, the old man turned. Never did a milder
dignity adorn so manly a countenance. He saluted the officer
courteously, and answered a few words in Hebrew, which Oc-
tavius alone understood, he alone being familiar with that lan-
guage.
" He tells you that his name is Joseph," said Octavius, " and
that he is on his way to Bethlehem with his wife to obey the
orders of Caesar."
" And she what is her name ? " continued Quadratus.
" My friend," said the young man to Joseph, " he asks you the
name of her who would seem to be rather your daughter than
your wife. She seems to walk with difficulty."
The stranger again replied in Hebrew.
" Her name is Mary," said Octavius, " and she is very weary."
The older officer made some brutal answer which aroused the
young man's indignation.
" Silence ! " he exclaimed sternly. Just then a movement of
the horses separated the two strangers ; Joseph remained on the
side of Quadratus, the young woman at the side of Octavius.
While the former officer was asking Joseph some rude and stupid
question the young Roman felt his heart stirred within him.
His sight became suffused, and an emotion beyond his control
brought to his lips accents unknown to himself.
Trembling, he stooped down towards the young woman and
said to her softly in Hebrew :
" O thou who art called Mary ! whoever thou mayest be, I
know not what instinct impels me to ask of thee the secret of my
destiny. O daughter of Judea ! I have read the writings of thy
prophets ; distracted between my own despair and their hopes, if
thou hast a word to enlighten my soul, in the name of Heaven
speak ! "
1884.] THE FIRST CHRISTMAS EVE. 461
The young woman heard his fervent prayer, and as she
turned towards him his eyes fell upon her face. At that moment
the moon, coming out from behind a cloud, lighted up the coun-
tenance of the Virgin. What tongue could tell the beauty of
that heavenly vision ? What pencil would be worthy to trace
its features ? The Virgin's face was pale but luminous with a
celestial light. No mortal could look into her eyes ; she raised
them not, but in a sweet, grave voice she uttered these words :
" Blessed are the pure in heart, for they shall see God ! "
After these words Octavius heard no more, saw no more,
felt no more.
When he came to himself again Octavius was alone in a room
of the inn ; his arms were on the floor, guarded by a sleeping
slave ; a lamp hanging by a long iron chain gave a dim, flickering
light ; he himself was seated, with his elbows resting on a table,
and before him lay a roll of papyrus.
He opened the roll.
For some time back Octavius had been in the habit of
writing each evening a journal of his life.
The last lines of the manuscript before him were copied from
some verses which a favorite poet of Augustus had lately given
to Rome, and whose prophetic accents had deeply impressed the
young officer.
Only a few hours before leaving Jerusalem Octavius had
written out the following lines :
" Ultima Cumaei venit jam carminis aetas ;
Magnus ab integro saeclorum nascitur ordo ;
Jam redit et Virgo, redeunt Saturnia regna;
Jam nova progenies caelo demittitur alto.
Teque adeo, decus hoc aevi, te consule, inibit,
Pollio, et incipient magni procedere menses;
Te duce, si qua manent sceleris vestigia nostri,
Irrita perpetua solvent formidine terras.
Ille Deum vitam accipiet. . . .
Adgredere 6 magnos, aderit jam tempus honores,
Cara Deum soboles, magnum Jovis incrementum,
Adspice convexo nutantem pondere mundum,
Adspice venture laetantur ut omnia saeclo.
O mihi tarn longae maneat pars ultima vitae,
Spiritus et quantum sat erit tua dicere facta."*
*"The time sung by the Sibyl is accomplished; a new and grand series of ages begins.
The virgin returns ; the era of Saturn is restored to us ; a new race descends from the highest
462 THE FIRST CHRISTMAS EVE. [Jan.,
The copy of the verses ended here. He read with a troubled
heart these beautiful lines, which sounded to him like the dicta-
heavens. When shall appear the child who is to close the age of iron, and over the whole uni-
verse raise up the golden age, protect his birth, chaste Lucine ! Thou consul, it is to come, this
glory of the new age ; thou consul, Pollio, these great days are to begin their march. Did there
still remain some vestiges of our crime, his hand, effacing them, shall deliver the whole earth from
eternal terror. Come, then, it is now time come receive thy great honors, dear child of the
gods, glorious son of Jupiter. At thy coming see the world rise and leap, see the earth tremble ;
the depths of the sea, the very heights of the heavens, are moved. See with what joy the uni-
verse is filled at the first hour of thy age ! Oh ! may one moment of life, one burning breath, be
still left to me, that I may sing thy first graces, and I die content. . . ."
The fourth Eclogue of Virgil remains to this day a strange and mysterious enigma to all
critics. Science would seem to be equally at fault, according to the declaration of M. Firmin
Didot in his translation of the Bucolics: " I have read nearly all the commentaries that have
been written on this Eclogue, in the hope of coming to some satisfactory conclusion as to what
mysterious child Virgil intended to designate ; but after having devoted much time and care to
the subject I found myself as undecided as to the object of my researches as- 1 had been before."
Heyne attempted to attribute to this wonderful poem the proportions of a simple fact by
saying that Virgil had merely made a skilful use of some sibylline prophecy which he had found,
announcing to the world some immense future blessing or happiness : " Unum fuit aliquod
(sibyllinum oraculum), quod magnam aliquam futuram felicitatem promitteret. Hoc itaque
oraculo et vaticinio seu commento ingenioso, commode usus est Virgilius" (Heyne's Virgil,
London, 1793). But this explanation only establishes and increases the problem instead of
solving it. An ancient tradition, well received among Christian authors, recognizes and admires
in this fourth Eclogue of Virgil an echo of the sibylline oracles announcing the coming of the
Saviour. The origin of this tradition is well worth knowing. We find it expressed for the first
time in a discourse which Eusebius ascribes to Constantine, and in which that monarch under-
takes to prove at some length that the fourth Eclogue of Virgil clearly predicts the coming of
Christ. The discourse of Constantine includes and comments upon a considerable part of this
Eclogue, translated into Greek, probably by Eusebius. In many cases, since Constantine, the
same interpretation has been given to these celebrated verses. Lactantius quotes them in this
sense in the seventh book, section 24, of his Divine Institutions. And St. Augustine, who also
refers to them, does not hesitate to say : " Is it not of Jesus Christ that the great poet bears
testimony ? Whatever may be, in fact, the progress of humanity in the ways of justice, if crime
disappears our mortal infirmity still retains its vestiges, which can only be cured by the hand of
the Saviour, clearly designated by these verses " (De Civit. Dei, 1. x. c. xxvii.) The middle ages
received and respected this touching tradition regarding the poet of Mantua : " Deified by
pagan science," says M. Ozanam (Ve. SiMe, IXe. legon), "raised up as pontiff, as Roman
priest, as inheritor of sacerdotal tradition, Virgil became also the representative of the religion
of the future." To save him the barbaric ages threw over him a corner of the prophet's cloak.
Owing to his fourth Eclogue, he was looked upon in the Christian world as one of those who
had announced Christianity ; and this interpretation, which began with Eusebius as early as the
fourth century, was continued through the middle ages. He was ranked among the prophets,
which accounts for the greater respect paid to his works. Tradition tells us that St. Paul, that
proud scorner of profane science, having come to Naples, went to visit the tomb of Virgil, and
that, having opened the Eclogues and read the fourth, he began to weep. The memory of this
tradition was long preserved in a sequence sung in the cathedral of Mantua, which recalled the
legend in charming terms :
41 Ad Maronis mausoleum
Ductus, fudit super eum
Pie rorem lacrymae ;
Quern te, inquit, reddidissem,
Si te vivum invenissem,
Poetarum maxime ! "
Popular tradition wished to add something of its own to this more ancient legend, and the
shepherd who pointed out to travellers the tomb of the poet showed near by a little chapel
" where," he said, " Virgil used to hear Mass " !
1884.] THE FIRST CHRISTMAS EVE. 463
tion of a Sibyl, and which so eloquently expressed his own pre-
sentiments. He seized the papyrus and tried to write. The de-
parture from Jerusalem ; the questions of Quadratus ; his own re-
plies, mysterious even to himself; the impression produced by
the sight of the plains of Palestine ; his reveries, his hopes, his
desires^ stronger, more impatient than ever; the revelations of
the old Jew ; that " It may be " that he had uttered ; the meeting
with the two strangers 7 that woman nobler than a goddess, purer
than an angel ; that sweet name of " Mary " ; the supernatural
brilliancy of that heavenly face ; the sound of her voice, sweet as
that of a child, strong as eternity ; her strange words ; the ecstasy
that had followed them ; the inexplicable joy which inundated
his soul after years of doubt and sadness ; the vague feeling of a
destiny fulfilled, an intense longing for death all these memo-
ries, these sentiments, filled the heart of Octavius to bursting.
Overwhelmed, he fell forward upon the table and buried his face
in his hands.
Suddenly he started up ; it seemed to him that an extraordi-
nary light had replaced the darkness of night. He hastened out
upon the terrace, which overlooked all the surrounding country.
A marvellous light covered the heavens. The very silence seem-
ed to have been endowed with life, and the distant echo of an
indescribable melody seemed to bring to his ear these sweet and
holy words : " Peace to men of good will." He was seized with
fear, and began to doubt his own sanity ; but, returning to his
room, he had no sooner crossed its threshold than all was chang-
ed. A profound peace took the place of his feverish agitation ;
the feeling of anxious desire and expectation which had so long
tormented his soul gave way to one of peaceful confidence in the
possession of a long-desired treasure. Henceforth Octavius
sought no more he loved ! He never lost this divine peace.
Hardly two months after the events just related Octavius died.
His last word was the name of her whom he had met on the
road to Bethlehem. With his last breath he uttered the name
of" Mary." Those who after his death found the roll of papyrus
containing the memoirs of the young Roman wondered at find-
ing the journal interrupted at the 25th of December. On the
page which bore this date they read only these lines in Hebrew :
" Blessed are the pure of heart, for they shall see God." And
just below a name the name which at the hour of death had
purified his lips : " Mary."
464 PSYCHE ; OR, THE ROMANCE OF NATURE. [Jan.,
PSYCHE; OR, THE ROMANCE OF NATURE*
WHO is there possessed of a delicate appreciation of the beau-
ties of Nature who has not at some time in his life tried to enjoy
botany ?
Have you never, on coming home from a country excursion
or a walk in the woods, bewitched with the perfume of flowers and
with the lovely pictures revealed to you in the vegetable king-
dom have you never looked up some special treatise on natural
history, hoping to find an intelligent guide to penetrate with
you behind the veil which your superficial observation had only
pierced ?
For, of course, you know that the display of odorous petals and
the harmony of color and perfume, intended to attract and capti-
vate, are not the most remarkable manifestations of vegetable
life. Internal organs of insignificant appearance, often not visi-
ble to the naked eye, really constitute the essential parts of the
plant.
So, tired of mysteries, you eagerly opened the volume that
was to explain everything ; but what was your discomfiture to
find, instead of revelations, a series of dry lists, methodical classi-
fications, barbarous nomenclatures, systems of Tournefort, La-
marck, Jussieu, Candolle, and I don't know what else an inex-
plicable jumble of heterogeneous terms and polysyllables.
Dizzy and perplexed with Greek and Latin, you tossed aside
the musty volume, and with it science and its pedantic worship-
pers. And you were right ; for pedantry, muffled in big words
and grand airs, often masks presumptuous ignorance. Real sci-
ence, like truth, is attractive and accessible. Since the science
of natural laws has ceased to rest on pure speculation, it has
spoken the vulgar tongue. The faster it progresses the more it
will disdain any inheritance from Moliere's doctors and other
scholars in us who make up in words for the lack of everything
else.
What should you say, now that your righteous indignation
has cooled down, if a new guide offered himself, promising to
make short work of fantastic names and dead languages, and lead
you through the realm of trees and flowers so wickedly hedged
off by pedants with a triple row of thorns?
* Translated from the Rtvue Gtntrale. See THE CATHOLIC WORLD for July, 1883.
1884.] PSYCHE; OR, THE ROMANCE OF NATURE. 465
Perhaps you would consent to listen, and even to follow him
in his walks, now that spring vegetation is displaying its first
treasures.
If so, we'll profit by the first ray of sunshine and the earliest
conveyance to leave town. An American omnibus will take us
in a few minutes to the most picturesque environs of Brussels
La Cambre, Schaerbeek r and Laeken, where the varied floras of
wood, hillside, field, and meadow are in full bloom.
Quick ! jump in and be off !
Here we are at Laeken. We must notice, in passing, the
dusty relics of La Kermesse, so popular with our forefathers, and
even now one of the liveliest suburbs of Brussels. Here is the
interminable church with its insignificant facade hiding monu-
mental treasures. We'll cross the cemetery, skirting th^ mauso-
leum of our kings, and enter the Avenue Sainte-Anne.
Here we are ! It is a fit entrance to the kingdom of Flora,
sweet with the freshness and verdure of spring. On our right
are the royal parks with their sombre groups of beeches, chest-
nuts, acacias, and plane-trees; and on the left white country-
houses and little villas, nestling amid early foliage, give variety
and cheerfulness to the scene.
Let us pause in this vestibule of the domains of the fruitful
goddess, for strange things already claim our attention.
Look at the foot of the elms that border the avenue. The
ground is strewn with little oval leaves of a tender green. Can
there have been a fall of leaves so early? Is this the first ves-
ture cast off by the giants of the vegetable kingdom ?
Look closer at the pretended leaves, and you will notice in
the centre of each a little lump masked by the vegetable tissue.
Open it and you will find that this is not a leaf, as you supposed,
but a fruit covered with a light, membranous wing which will
float on the wind and so disperse the seeds.
Plants have many a device for scattering abroad their seeds.
" Many plants trust to numbers," says a celebrated English
naturalist, Grant Allen, "and produce an incalculable multitude
of germs. Many, like the elm, fasten them to little contrivances ;
and wings, nets, feathers, tufts of down, are entrusted to the
winds to carry in all directions the fertilized germs. Some
plants, like the impatient balsam, toss them to a distance ; and
there are tropical trees that fire them off with such force as to
give a violent blow. Other plants, again as, for instance, the
scratchweedand the burdock use animals for colporteurs, hook-
ing their seeds on to their bodies; or like our apple arid plum
VOL. xxxviii. 30
465 PSYCHE; OR, THE ROMANCE OF NATUKE. [Jan.,
trees, they enclose the seed in a hard, indigestible covering, and
that again in an envelope which is sweet and succulent. The
object of Nature is evident ; the proof is in the fact that there
were no apples, pears, plums, or peaches before the miocene (ter-
tiary) period that is, before the animals appeared that feed upon
them. ,
'" So the plant makes a compromise, like a merchant fallen
among thieves, who sacrifices a portion of his goods to save the
rest. Sometimes the merchant hides his treasures under paltry
coverings, or he arms himself to the teeth and puts on a threat-
ening aspect. As specimens of this we all recognize walnuts and
chestnuts."
But to return to our sheep, or rather to our elms. You ask
if these ^reat trees have had time to blossom, bear fruit, and bring
it to maturity before the leaves unfold, so early in the spring, in
spite of the frosts and hailstorms of March.
Certainly ; and if you had noticed the trees in question in your
walks on the boulevard, you would have remarked the eccentric
fashion in which they array themselves, before any verdure ap-
pears, in a reddish-brown peruke, which really consists of bunches
of flowers. Are you surprised ? Nothing is more common
among the trees of this region than this mode of precocious
propagation.
The ground of our public walks is strewn in spring with all
sorts of catkins. These catkins, surrounded at the base with two
glutinous scales, are flower-spikes that have accomplished their
work of fertilization and detached themselves voluntarily from
the tree.
But do not misunderstand me. You must notice one dis-
tinction of which casual observers, unacquainted with botany,
have very inexact ideas. Catkins which fall and are lost in the
dust do not always bring the fruit with them, like these first
spoils of the elm, because there is a radical difference in their or-
ganic structure.
With a simple lens, or even with the naked eye, we easily
recognize in the elm-blossom the union of fertilizing and fertilized
organs in the centre of one and the same envelope and upon the
same axis. This is called an hermaphrodite flower.
When the axis is detached the seed of the elm must necessa-
rily fall ; therefore it makes haste to grow and ripen before leav-
ing the branch that gives it sap and life. With most of our for-
est trees this hasteiis not necessary, and so their fruit ripens at
its leisure and drops off later, sometimes in the form of catkins,
1884.] PSYCHE ; OR, THE ROMANCE OF NATURE. 467
sometimes furnished with long wings, as in the case of maples
and hornbeams, or with long, silken threads that let the seeds flut-
ter to a distance.
Nut trees, for instance, which blossom in our gardens at the
close of winter and are the first heralds of spring, ripen calmly
all summer and do not yield their fruits until the autumn.
This is because their .male and female flowers are independent
of each other, although situated on the same branch. Therefore
the male flower can drop off after the fertilization without bring-
ing the other with it.
It is the same with alders, birches, plane-trees, beeches, and
oaks.
The distinction is still more marked in the willow and poplar.
Each kind of flower is found on a different individual, which
gives them their name of dioecious, formed from two Greek
words meaning two dwellings ; as opposed to other flowers
called monoecious that is, possessing but one dwelling for two.
But, alas ! here am I, after all my protestations, talking Greek
as unconsciously as any pedant.
" Et tu quoque, Brutus ! "
Now I am beginning on Latin ! But don't give me up quite
yet ; the attack is past, and I will return to what scholars, who do
not talk like other men, call contemptuously the vulgar tongue.
Let us cross the Avenue Sainte-Anne, at the end of which we
shall see the whole extent of country in all its variety.
Here we are! Before us rise the blossoming beeches of Little
Switzerland, as they call the beautiful valley which reminds one-
in its wild solitude of Gustave Dore's enchanted forests designed
for Perrault's tales. The fields of colza cutting through the
tender green of the wheat look like great fields of cloth of gol'di
spread on the wide plains. Certainly this is one of the most pic-
turesque places in our neighborhood.*
Now that you have appreciated the charm of the whole scene,
let us return to details, to the study of plants.
You see that reddish-brown hillside, colored with oxide of
iron, where a sort of dandelion flaunts its cottony stem and great
indented leaves? The blossom is past, but the feathery tufts of
the fruit remain. Following the fashions of the great personages
we have been describing, this plebeian mimics the vegetable
* Since the completion of the royal park " La Petite Suisse " has lost the charm>of solitude.
I went there lately, but
" The wood had lost its mystery,
The nightingale its voice."
468 PSYCHE; ox, THE ROMANCE OF NATURE. [Jan.,
aristocracy and blossoms before bearing leaves, thus producing
strange effects. In the month of February you may see its long
stem, wrapped in cotton, emerge from the ground, bearing on the
end a yellow flower almost identical with the dandelion. If the
first fine days of spring entice you into the country you will
be struck with the unusual adornments of the odd plant called
by the common people colt's-foot, and by the learned tussilage
(cough-loosener), on account of the medicinal properties of its
flowers, an infusion of which is said to be good for troubles of
ihe lungs.
It will not do to slander this crazy-looking philanthropist.
'We will apologize and enter the wood.
.Stop ! here is another queer thing, a tuft of arrow-headed
tleaves with a green cornet in the middle. Surely this plant
cannot .have flowered. We will unroll the horn and see what is in
tit. What is this reddish, club-shaped thing with two little gar-
lands placed one above the other at its base ? Can it be a pecu-
liar mode ot blossoming ?
Yes, it represents a flower, or a legion of flowers, arranged in
two divisions forming the two wreaths, of which the upper one
contains exclusively male flowers, called stamens, and the lower
one female flowers, called pistils. By this arrangement the
weight alone .suffices to scatter the fertilizing dust or pollen of
'the stamens on to the pistils. When the fertilization is completed
rthe upper flowers fade and drop off, the club and the horn dry
up, and the axis bearing the lower flowers turned to fruits
lengthens out into a little tree. Then the leaves drop off in their
turn before autumn ; and our plant becomes unrecognizable,
despoiled of verdure, like the colt's-foot in spring. It looks like
a pretty spike of fleshy texture covered with little, bright-red
.apples, but quite bare of foliage. It would require mesmeric
.second-sight to recognize under this disguise the individual once
wrapped in a cornet.
Such are the metamorphoses of the wake-robin, or the arum
onaculatum of naturalists. His name and aspect are as odd as
those of his kindly rival, the colt's-foot; but his instincts are
quite different.
While the colt's-foot is benevolent and good for colds, wake-
robin is a ferocious homicide. In spring he is armed, like a
savage, with a sheaf of poisoned darts of terrible power under
the form of leaves.
" Almost insipid when you begin to chew them," says Dr.
Mace, " they soon develop a sharp, burning taste ; the inside of
1884.] PSYCHE ; OR, THE ROMANCE OF NATURE. 469
the mouth seems to be pricked by thousands of needles ; then
come on violent pains in the stomach, with vomiting, colics, con-
vulsions, and cramps in short, all the symptoms of cholera
morbus."
Bulliard tells of three children who had terrible convulsions
after eating some of these leaves, which they mistook for sorrel.
The two younger ones could swallow nothing and died, one at the
end of two hours, the other in sixteen hours. The eldest, who
was stronger, or had eaten less of the poison, had his tongue so
swollen that it completely filled the cavity of his mouth. He
recovered, but was always very emaciated.
The leaves of thyme are said to allay the inflammation caused
by these leaves. Nature loves to place a remedy near an evil,
and even to draw a remedy from the evil thing itself. The roots
and leaves of the arum applied to the skin make an excellent
derivative, akin to powdered mustard ; and its leaves, cooked
with sorrel, are a sovereign poultice for drawing an abscess.
Moreover, the root of arum maculatum, deprived of its ma-
lignant power by boiling and drying, contains a great deal of
farina, and is said to be a good substitute for potatoes. During
the French Revolution a horticulturist named Bosc took refuge
in the forest of Montmorency and lived on these roots. He de-
clared that they grew abundantly enough to furnish subsistence
for thousands of men.
So we feel more kindly towards this assassin, especially as he
only poisons and kills in legitimate self-defence when people eat
him without proper precaution. I think the severest jury would
bring in a verdict of not guilty in view of this extenuating cir-
cumstance.
It is the same with nettles, whose young shoots you see by the
roadside and upon the rising hills, already on the defensive.
Young nettles taste like spinach when they are cooked, and later
in the season their stems give out a fibrous substance which makes
an excellent kind of tow after being thoroughly soaked in water.
In Kamtschatka it is greatly valued for making cordage, cloths,
and nets.
Unfortunately the nettle is covered with hollow hairs which
secrete the same corrosive liquid as the sting of the ant formic
acid which sets the skin afire and often irritates the sensitive
epidermis of the botanist.
Do not confound this with the pretty, harmless plant impro-
perly called the dead nettle (lamium album), which seems to
copy the nettle's form and bearing in order to keep its pretty
470 PSYCHE; OR, THE ROMANCE OF NATURE. [Jan.,
flowers safe from indiscreet hands. This parody, as we have
seen, is quite common in Nature, and in the animal kingdom as
well as in the realm of Flora.
The nettle has colorless blossoms, which open in June, while
the dead nettle half opens its white, helmet-shaped corolla as
early as the month of April.
See that big humble-bee disappearing within one of those
flowers. Do you know that this gorgeous visitor is just now
accomplishing unconsciously one of the most exquisite results in
Nature? Nature, who guards so jealously the preservation of
species that she holds cheap the life of the individual, has given
to insects the task of preserving integrity of type by crossing
forms of the same species.
With this object she has established a harmony so perfect
between the structure of the plant and the organs of the insect
that the latter sometimes fertilizes only flowers belonging to
distinct types.
Sir John Lubbock, a positivist of Spencer's school, says that
there are few flowers in which the adaptation of the various
parts to the visits of insects is so clearly and beautifully mani-
fested as in the common dead nettle (lamium album).
The nectar occupies the lower and narrower part of the tube,
and is protected from rain by an arched upper lip and by a thick
border of hairs. The tube is broad at the entrance and throws
out a large lip which serves as a landing-place for big bees.
The length and narrowness of the tube, and moreover the
ring of hairs situated at its base, prevent the smaller species from
having access to the nectar, because they would injure the plant
by exhausting the honey, without producing any useful result.
The dead nettle, like many other field flowers, is especially
adapted to humble-bees. They rest on the lower lip, which pro-
jects laterally so as to give them a firm footing. Then they can
plunge their proboscis down into the nectar.
Moreover, the arched upper lip is admirably fitted by dimen-
sions, form, and position, not only to be a protection from rain,
but also to oblige the insect to press the pollen that it brings
against the pistil. Remark that the stamens are not arranged in
the usual way around the pistil, but on the side along the external
arch of the flower. This arrangement prevents the pollen from
blinding the insect and from touching those parts of its body
which ought not to come in contact with the stigma, as we call
the top of the pistil, through which penetrates the tube put forth
by the grain of pollen laid upon the surface.
1884.] PSYCHE; OR, THE ROMANCE OF NATURE. 471
You can have visual proof that the size and rounded form
of the upper lip, the relative position of pistil and anthers, the
length and narrowness of the tube, the peculiar formation of the
lower lip, the ring of hairs and hidden feast of nectar, all lead to
the transfer of pollen by the bees from one flower to another.
If we compare the dead, nettle with flowers fertilized by the
wind as, for instance, pines, which give out clouds of pollen we
see the wonderful economy of organs and functions effected by
the admirable adaptation of this flower.
Towards the close of the last century, when the relation of
stamens to pistil was well understood by naturalists, the mode of
fertilizing certain superior plants, such as the primroses, that
adorn our gardens in the spring, still remained a mystery.
It was asked how the fertilizing dust of these hermaphrodite
plants could reach the pistil, of which the summit was made in-
accessible by the peculiar structure of the plant ; or how the
pollen could pass from the stamens of certain unisexual flowers
to the pistil of flowers situated often at a great distance upon
another plant.
It was a German named Conrad Sprengel who solved this
problem. He saw honey-bees, attracted by the perfumed, sugary
glands at the bottom of flower-cups, bring away on their hairs
or their sticky proboscis the fertilizing dust of the stamens, and
lay it upon the pistil as they left the flower ; or transfer pollen
from the stamens of one flower to the pistil of another, even at a
distance.
Monsieur le Maout tells us that " towards the middle of the
last century Bernard de Jussieu, professor of botany in the
Royal Gardens, while examining the trees confided to his care,
saw that a pistachio tree which had flowered every year with-
out bearing fruit was then about to bear pistachios : the fruit
had knotted. The top of the seed-vessel had certainly received
fertilizing dust, but where had it come from ? There was not in
the whole Garden of Plants a single pistachio-tree whose flowers
had stamens. They searched the neighboring gardens, but in
vain. A fruit formed by seeds developed without the aid of
pollen would give a rude shock to the theory of fertilization of
flowers, which was not then as solidly established as it is to-day.
The great botanist, though disturbed at the uselessness of his
search, maintained firmly that there must be in the neighborhood
a pistachio with stamens, and that it had caused the knotting of
the tree in the king's garden. It must be found. Bernard de
Jussieu betook himself to the authorities; the police sent its
472 PSYCHE; OR, THE ROMANCE OF NATURE. [Jan.,
agents out into the country with an exact description of the in-
dividual that had so effectually baffled search. The agents went
round and round the garden, always widening a little the spiral
course of their investigations, until they found near the Luxem-
bourg, in a corner of the nursery of the Cistercians, which skirts
the Observatory Walk they found, I say, a small male pistachio-
tree which had blossomed that year for the first time. The
pollen, then, must have passed through the air over the Faubourg
Saint-Germain, the Faubourg Saint-Jacques, and the Faubourg
Saint-Marceau, to reach the top of the pistil of the pistachio-tree
planted in the middle of the Garden of Plants. Now, it was hard
to admit that the wind could have carried a little pollen so far
without dispersing it anywhere but on the tiny surface of the
flower that needed it. Some other aid to fertilization must be
found.
" They soon remarked that the bees, after rifling the stamens
of the 'male pistachio, flew in the direction of the Garden of
Plants, after rising straight into the air in the manner of carrier-
pigeons. Thus that mysterious instinct was revealed which in-
sures the fertilization of flowers by leading bees to feast on
plants of the same species.
" The flower, properly so-called," adds M. Maout, " is intend-
ed to indicate to insects, by its form, color, and smell, the reser-
voir of nectar that they seek. It is the label of the vase that
holds the ambrosia ; it is the unvarying uniform of all flowers of
the same species, and insect-travellers know by its brilliant sign
the perfumed caravanserai where they will find refreshment."
Darwin pursued these observations, and published in 1862 a
monograph on the fertilization of primroses. He showed first
that the Chinese primrose cultivated in the garden has two or
three distinct floral types.
While in the first the style, or long neck of the pistil, overtops
the stamens, in the second the stamens rise above the pistil.
Darwin soon remarked that when these plants are protected
from contact with insects fertilization is effected with great dif-
ficulty ; and that even the short-styled types, which are espe-
cially prolific when well fertilized, remain invariably sterile.
Numerous experiments, skilfully made, led him to the con-
viction that, generally speaking, a flower fertilized by another
flower is superior in form, vigor, and fruitfulness to the produce
of a self-fertilized flower.
Finally, he found that the produce of the artificial fertilization
of one of two types by the other is always more fruitful than the
1884.] PSYCHE; OR, THE ROMANCE OF NATURE. 473
produce of two similar forms crossed. If, for instance, you cross
two similar forms of primrose, you notice, as in a case of hybrida-
tion, that the descendants grow weak and become sterile.
When an insect takes nectar from a long-styled primrose his
proboscis is covered with pollen precisely to the part which will
touch the head of the pistil when he visits a short-styled flower.
This result is invariable, because the stamens in a long-styled
plant rise exactly to the same height as the pistil in short-styled
plants. On the other hand, if the insect visits first a short-styled
plant the proboscis becomes covered with pollen much farther
from the tip, just at the height of the summit of the pistil in a
long-styled plant. Darwin obtained later a third form that fer-
tilizes itself, the stigmas being on a level with the anthers that
is to say, a flower which unites pollen-sacks of the long-styled
floral form and a pistil of the short-styled form.
Look through my lens; examine carefully the top of the
style in the primrose you have just gathered. You will notice
scattered on the surface of the stigma little balls, which are
nothing but grains of pollen.
This is because at the period of fertilization the stigmas
bristle with delicate hairs, or short lashes, and produce a vis-
cous secretion intended to retain the pollen and facilitate its
penetration. What can be more simple and at the same time
more ingenious? Sometimes Nature seems to take pleasure in
accumulating difficulties in order to conquer them by a thousand
original combinations, where insects play a part all the more
wonderful because of their unconsciousness.
Sometimes, as in the sage, the stamens and pistil ripen at
different periods, thus making self-fertilization impossible. Then
bees come to the rescue, and the flower lays actual traps for
them. When the bee enters a sage blossom with ripe stamens a
spring stretches out and claps down upon his hairy back the
anthers, laden with pollen, which were before hidden under the
upper lip of the corolla. The insect then enters a more mature
blossom with its ripened pistil hanging towards the opening of
the corolla ; and thus the stigma necessarily comes in contact
with the pollen.
The nectar of flowers is perhaps only distilled by them in
order to attract insects, for flowers that do not need their aid
secrete none. Perfumes and colors serve equally to attract, and
are usually wanting in flowers fertilized by the wind. FJowers
fertilized by nocturnal or twilight insects give out their scent
only in the evening. Often arrangements are made to suit but
474 PSYCHE; OR, TJTE ROMANCE OF NATURE. [Jan.,
one species of insect, and always so that the creature, in order to
reach the nectar, must take a certain position and make certain
movements, that he may alternately touch and avoid the stigmas
and anthers.
Pollen grains are carried on the back, head, feet, or proboscis.
Domestic bees moisten the pollen with nectar and carry it on
the outer surface of their flattened legs. These are edged with
stiff, bent hairs, so as to make a real little basket.
The obstacles opposed to fertilization vary in a thousand
ways. Sometimes the difficulty lies in the separation of the
sexes, or the difference of period in the maturity of pistil and
stamens, or in the inequality of form in the two organs and their
situation in the flower. Sometimes the stamens are hidden be-
hind the stigma or the anthers oppose themselves to the. egress
of the pollen. Sometimes the insect is imprisoned and nourished
by the flower until the pollen is ripe and can be taken away.
This is the case with certain arum blossoms and with the aris-
tologus clematis. The insects are imprisoned by a range of bent
hairs, which become straight when they are to be released.
Meantime the anthers ripen and pour their pollen on to the backs
of the visitors. Then the hairs shrivel up and the captives are
set free. Can anything be more ingenious, simple, and admirable ?
Again, as among the orchids, the flower, which is especially irri-
table, tosses its pollen from a distance on to the insects hovering
over it Or, as in the barberry, the stamens snap like a spring
on to the visitor's back. We should never end if we were to
enumerate all the wonders of fertilization by intercrossing
which the labors of contemporary naturalists have brought to
light.
Darwin, in his work entitled On the Various Contrivances by
which British and Foreign Orchids are fertilized by Insects, and on
the good Effects of Intercrossing, has collected hundreds of observa-
tions of this kind, which show among various species of plants
subjected to crossed fertilization a peculiar structure, calculated
with precision to prevent self-fertilization, and to bring about
the transfer of pollen to the stigma of a different blossom by an
insect of a given species.
Thus the tubes of the corolla of the common red clover do
not at first sight appear to differ in length from .those of the
crimson clover. Yet the nectar of the common clover is inacces-
sible to the honey-bee. It must seek that of the crimson clover,
while the humble-bee reaches the bottom of the corolla of the
common clover with its long proboscis. Thus whole fields of
clover, as Darwin observes, give no nourishment to the honey-
1884.] PSYCHE; OR, THE ROMANCE OF NATURE. 475
bees, though they are very fond of its nectar. However, the
flowers of the second crop are usually smaller, and therefore ac-
cessible to the busy creatures celebrated by Virgil. Another
observation, even more striking, has been made by Darwin on
the same subject, showing the close connection that exists be-
tween creatures apparently most distinct.
The propagation of humble-bees, which, as you see, abound
in spring before the honey-bees appear, is dependent on the
number of cats and mice that infest the rural districts. If mice
and dormice abound the nests of the humble-bees are destroyed j
and as the fertilization of clover is allied to the number of humble-
bees, the apparently improbable result follows that cats assist in
preserving the crops. They are, if you choose, the police of our
hay-fields, and especially of our cultivated meadow-lands.
These hidden connections form an invisible and interrupted
chain, some of whose links escape the notice of the superficial
observer, who sees in Nature only harmony of color, sound, and
perfume, and does not suspect the extent of the great law of con-
tinuity in time and space. He calls himself poet and thinker,
and maintains that he alone understands Nature, while in fact he
receives from her only bewildering and incoherent sensations.
The vain youth who mocks at science and scientists, and rocks
himself to sleep with an empty jingle of words, understands no-
thing of the universe and its glories. He is blind and deaf to
the wonders and harmonies around him. The fairest sights and
richest combinations in Nature do not exist for him.
" Most men, even among those who consider themselves well
educated, are satisfied with meagre notions of science picked up
in childhood and youth, and pass their lives in ignoring their
own ignorance.
" Yet man is man only by intelligence. The greater his intel-
ligence the more complete is his manhood. The more exact are
his impressions and the more just his ideas, the greater is his intel-
ligence. Now, this exactness is attained only through labor, study,
and constant reflection, by which true scholars are made, whose
intellectual horizon extends beyond the limits attained by the
ordinary mind. Unassisted natural talent, which we call intuition
or inspiration, may make literary men poets and artists ; but
though these arouse and stir the world, they leave it at the same
intellectual standpoint where they find it. The perseverance of
men of science alone succeeds in tearing away some fragments of
the veil under which God has hidden natural truth, and in really
enlarging the field of human efforts."
I am not speaking now. I have given place to one of the
476 PSYCHE; OR, THE ROMANCE OF NATURE. [Jan.,
most celebrated of our contemporary naturalists, whose nume-
rous discoveries place his knowledge and judgment beyond
doubt, as the robe he wears insures his orthodoxy from suspicion.
I mean the learned Abbe David, the French missionary who has
revealed to u^J^^e fauna of China. After twenty years of travel,
study, amKrcpdi^auhJi amid the solitude of an unexplored, virgin
nature, KwrvfitanK rAiest formulates a conclusion before which
only peml spiSts injtnese days can recoil. It is that the methods
and dati|0jf n^|den/^S)cience, which is not to be confounded with
rationali^^5-<^^eratively needed in instruction of every
grade. Finft; m-"primary education, because science substitutes
intuitive teaching, and the exercise of the faculties of observation,
imagination, comparison, and judgment, for the too exclusive
training of automatic memory, which turns the child into an
unthinking parrot, restive under all intellectual discipline.
And in intermediate education, which is to most minds the
Pillars of Hercules, because the scientific method develops rig-
orous exactness of mind without prejudice to the imagination,
which it disciplines, and at the same time captivates by a gradual
revelation of the great romance of nature.
Because scientific data freed from all systematic narrowness
teach man the true conditions of his existence here below, and
gradually show him the causes of his physical and mental un-
easiness, without prejudice to religious feeling.
What can better develop a heart unsullied by passion than a
true comprehension of the universe, where, as the poet tells us,
" God's name is written on earth in letters of flowers, and in
the heavens in letters of fire " ?
Is it not better than spending the best years of youth in dry
exercises of memory, where the study of the sense of words is too
often sacrificed to a study of the meaning of things, so that the
over-driven collegian, who comes from his rhetoric puffed up
with fine periods and phrases, possesses a quantity of discon-
nected intellectual baggage and an ill-balanced mind whose ver-
satile weakness betrays false training?
I am wandering from the point. I beg your pardon, but it is
partly your fault in being so patient a listener. Perhaps Nature
herself has pleaded with you better than I, who have lifted only
a corner of her veil. I know her eloquence is irresistible, and
many a time, like you, I have listened spell-bound in a perfect
ecstasy to her overpowering fascination. The divine harmonies
of Nature have often made me deaf to human discords and for-
getful of the cruel deceptions that meet a heart that seeks can-
didly among men for truth.
i8?4-] REMINISCENCES OF BETHLEHEM. 477
REMINISCENCES OF BETHLEHEM.
When thou wert born, O beaming star !
Three holy angels flew to earth ;
The three kings from the East afar
Brought gold and jewels of great worth ;
Three eagles on wings light as air
Bore the news East and West and North.
O jewel fair, O jewel rare,
So glad was heaven to greet thy birth !
From a Sicilian " Canzune," translated by J. A. Symonds.
No one can read the beautiful office of Advent without
feeling something of the ardent longing- with which the church
looks forward to the festival of the Nativity. The solemn anti-
phons, in particular, called the Great O's, sung during the eight
days previous, are like deep sighs from her yearning, waiting
heart. She calls to the coming Messias by all those significant
titles which the prophets used as they gazed into the future with
longing eyes : O Sapientia ! O Adonai ! O Radix Jesse ! O
Oriens, Dayspring, Brightness of everlasting Light ! come and
give light to them that sit in darkness and in the shadow of
death. She sings again and again : Drop down, ye heavens,
from above, and let the skies pour down the Righteous One !
Oh ! that thou wouldst rend the heavens, that thou wouldst come
down, that the mountains might flow down at thy presence.
The oft-repeated Aperiatur terra et gcnninet Salvatorem seems to
announce the glad tidings to the inanimate world. Some of the
church-bells even, like the melodious chime at Rheims, change
their song as the Nativity draws near and sprinkle the air with
the sweet Rorate, cceli, dcsupcr. A cry of admiration and wonder
goes up to Mary : Quia quern cceli caper e non pot er ant tuo gre-
jnio contulisti Him whom the heavens could not contain thou
bearest, O Virgin of virgins ! in thy bosom.
During this season of expectation the church fasts and prays,
and gives herself up to holy rigors, especially in the hidden
recesses of the cloister. The Cistercians, for instance, redouble
their austerities during Advent, and in cold and hunger await
the coming of Christ in memory of Mary's awaiting in the cold
cave of Bethlehem. But on Christmas night a fire is kindled on
their hearth in token of joy, the only night in all the year, and
the monks gather around it with a holier flame kindled in their
478 REMINISCENCES OF BETHLEHEM. [Jan.
hearts that which made St. Alfonso de Liguori exclaim in his
meditation on the Nativity: " O Ignis qui semper arde s, accende me
O fire that ever burnest ! inflame me."
As the hour approaches when, as St. Gertrude says, the sweet
dew of divine grace falls on all the world, and the heavens them-
selves drop sweetness, the church, as she chants the Venite, exulte-
mus Domino, breaks out five times during that psalm with the
joyful Hodie scietis This day ye shall know that the Lord cometh ;
and in the morning, then ye shall see his glory !
St. Chrysostom calls Christmas " the mother of all festivals."
Not that it was absolutely necessary the church should set apart
a special day for that which she no more loses sight of than she
does of the Divine Passion. She never forgets that the Incarna-
tion is the key-note of the Redemption. Three times a day she
reminds us, by the Angelus bell rung throughout the Christian
world, that the Word was made flesh. The divine Infant is to
be seen everywhere in our churches, in every Catholic house-
hold, and in some favored lands by the very wayside, pillowed on
the immaculate Heart of Mary. And there is not a single hour of
the twenty-four that in some part of the world thousands do not
bend the knee in lowly reverence at the words of the last Gospel
of the Mass, Et Verbum caro factum est, and at a similar portion
of the Nicene Creed.
The legends of the saints, too, are full of reminiscences of the
manger. The espousals of St. Catherine with the Child Jesus,
which so many artists have depicted ; the Verbum caro factum est
engraved on the heart of St. Mary Magdalen de Pazzi ; and the
divine Infant in the arms of St. Anthony, are instances of this.
And it was one Christmas eve, after long meditating on the mys-
tery of the Incarnation, that St. Bernard beheld our Saviour in a
vision, as still in his human infancy, which so impressed him that
henceforth he only thought of the best means of serving God.
And more than once has the Child Jesus been visible to purer
eyes than ours in the uplifted Host, as of old in the star that
appeared to the Magi, according to an ancient commentary on
the Gospel of St. Matthew, spoken of by Baring-Gould, which
says that the Star in the East had the form of a radiant child
bearing a sceptre or cross a tradition illustrated by some of the
early Italian masters :
" In a trice a star shone forth,
Oh! so brightly shining.
Nearer, nearer yet it came,
Still towards earth inclining ;
1884.] REMINISCENCES OF BETHLEHEM. 479
And 'twas shaped O wondrous sight !
Like a child with visage bright,
Holding sign of kindly might,
With a cross combining."
There have been several holy persons in the church, of won-
drous lives, whose mystical states of prayer were a kind of
dramatic representation, if one may say so, of the mysteries of
the Holy Childhood, especially at Christmas time, as in the case
of Catherine Emmerich. In them the divine Infancy seems to be
perpetuated. The venerable Margaret of Beaune, too, as Christ-
mas approached, became more and more absorbed in divine
things ; her lips refused all nourishment ; her ears seemed closed
to all earthly sounds till the bells began the joyful carillon be-
fore the midnight Mass. And while her physical faculties were
suspended her sense of spiritual things was proportionally in-
creased. Nor is this surprising, for, as she said herself : " The
capacity of the soul that possesses God is marvellous. The more
it is filled with his divine grandeur the more it expands towards
the infinite. The holy presence of God surrounds the soul like
the waves of a shoreless ocean whose flow never ceases, and in
proportion as the soul is inundated does it draw nearer to God
and become capable of contemplating and adoring him." She
spent whole hours repeating, Et Verbum caro factum est, -to ob-
tain pardon for sinners, as if she thought it sufficient merely to
remind our Saviour that he became man for their redemption.
And she had a vision, wonderful as that of St. Anthony which
Murillo has so gloriously depicted, in which the divine Infant
appeared to her with those potent words emblazoned in gold on
the palms of his hands. It was through her influence that M.
Olier introduced the devotion of the Holv Infancy among the
Sulpiciang; with a special service on the 25th of every month,
and, after the office of the Nativity was sung, the now well-
known litany of the Infant Jesus was chanted, composed for
the purpose by Fenelon, afterwards archbishop of Cambrai, but
then at the seminary of St. Sulpice. And how fully the latter
was imbued with the spirit of the manger is to be seen by his
incomparable meditation for Christmas, which one is never weary
of repeating.
It is this devotion to the Holy Childhood that for many years
has garnered in so plentiful a harvest of the Sainte Enfance in
China, whereby so many thousand children have been rescued,
to become, as Father Faber says, " the sweet prey of the Babe
of Bethlehem."
480 REMINISCENCES OF BETHLEHEM. [Jan.,
So absorbing is this devotion to the Nativity that, while some
of the saints have spent their lives in contemplating the won-
derful events of the thirty-three years, going from one degree of
glory to another, others have stood perpetually before the man-
ger in amazement, and let their days waste sweetly away like the
lamps of fragrant oil in the cave of the Incarnation.
" O blessed who with eyes so pure
Have watched Thy cradle day by day ;
Thy looks may in their hearts endure,
Brightening their dim and weary way.
Blest whom sweet thoughts of Christmas-tide
Through all the year may guard and guide,
As on those sages journeying smiled
In dreams the Mother and the Child."
Such was St. Paula, who, though she went from a sumptuous
abode on the banks of the Tiber, where the pilgrim now goes to
venerate her memory in the church of San Girolamo della Ca-
rita, found Bethlehem the sweetest, most attractive spot in the
whole world. The first time she entered the Cave of the Na-
tivity she was so penetrated with the wonderful mystery of the
Incarnation that she resolved to spend the rest of her life watch-
ing besid'e the manger where the divine Infant once lay on the'
straw, and repay suffering by suffering, love by love. St. Jerome
describes this visit in his letters :
" Arriving at Bethlehem and entering the grotto, she contemplated the
holy asylum of the Queen of virgins. There I heard her say that with the
eyes of faith she saw the divine Infant, and the Magi'adoring, and the Vir-
gin Mother, and the shepherds hastening to behold the Word made flesh.
With joy and holy tears she cried : ' Hail, Bethlehem ! so worthy of the
name ; House of Bread, where the Bread of Heaven deigned to descend for
us. Ah ! how is it possible that I, a wretched sinner, shoul^ be found
worthy to kiss this cradle, to pray in this cave, where the Virgin Mother
deposited her divine fruit ? This shall be the place of my rest, since it is
the country of my God ; here will I dwell, since my God did not disdain to
be born here ; here will I give myself to that God who gave himself up for
me.' "
And she built a hospice by the wayside to shelter pilgrims
drawn thither by the Star in the East, in the very place where
Joseph and Mary could find no suitable asylum, and founded a
monastery for religious women who 'kept up the angels' song of
" Gloria in excelsis." Alleluia ! was their joyful cry on awaken-
ing in the morning, as it is now the constant refrain of the church
at Christmas time.
The memory of St. Jerome, too, must always be associated
1884.] REMINISCENCES OF BETHLEHEM. 481
with Bethlehem, where he ended his days. His stern, austere
nature no doubt needed the softening influences of "the peaceful
star of Bethlehem."
" The thought of the Eternal Child
Upon his cloistral cell
Must sure have cast an influence mild,
And, like a holy spell,
Have peopled that fair Eastern night
With dreams fit for an eremite,
Beside that cradle poor bidding the world farewell."
His remains now lie appropriately in the magnificent chapel
at Rome sacred to the Presepio ; and the church of St. Anas-
tasia, where he often officiated when in the Eternal City, was
afterwards chosen by the popes in which to offer their second
Mass on Christmas morn.
Nor is Bethlehem forsaken in our day. Holy men still keep
watch around the manger and offer hospitality to the pilgrim.
A procession is daily made to the holy place, and the angelic song
sung on the spot where it was first heard. Lady Herbert tells us
of a priest who, saying Mass for the first time in the Cave of the
Nativity, could hardly repeat the "Gloria in excelsis" for his tears.
But who has not at some portion of his life been sweetly
lured on to Bethlehem, at least in spirit, especially at Christmas-
time, and there shed such blessed tears ? Who has not pictured
to himself the cave, the crib, the beasts of burden, the stra\v, the
cold, the dampness, and the gloom ? the gloom till lit up by
that celestial radiance of the Child Jesus which so many painters
have represented and poets sung :
" See, the rays His brows adorning
Are the light of endless morning."
Mystic writers, too, have seen this heavenly light in their
visions. Mary of Agreda and Catherine Emmerich both saw
Mary with her face turned toward the East, and both saw the
light St. Joseph had placed in the cave grow dim in the radi-
ance that became brighter, and brighter still, till a marvellous
splendor revealed the birth of Christ. Crashaw beautifully ex-
presses this in his hymn to the Nativity :
" We saw thee in thy balmy nest,
Bright daw"n of our eternal day ;
We saw thine eyes break from the East
And chase the trembling shades away.
We saw thee, and we blessed the sight.
We saw thee by thine own sweet light."
VOL. XXXVIII. 31
482 REMINISCENCES OF BETHLEHEM. [Jan.,
Milton, after singing the splendor of this " greater sun," adds :
" And all around the courtly stable
Bright harness'd angels sit in order serviceable/'
Every painter of the Nativity has given a group of these an-
gels. One has represented them as gazing with wondering eyes
into the manger where Jesus is laid, twinkling like the stars, and
each star above looking as if it might burst forth into an angel.
Botticelli has painted a band of angels, full of grace and sweet-
ness, weaving a joyful dance in the air above, while others are
embracing the astonished shepherds below. As Fra Jacopone da
Todi sings :
" Little angels all around
Danced and carols flung ;
Making verselets sweet and true,
Still of love they sung ;
Calling saints, and sinners too,
With love's tender tongue."
Lope de Vega makes Our Lady caution the angels as they come
through the palm-trees :
" Holy angels and blest,
Through these palms as ye sweep.
Hold their branches at rest,
For my Babe is asleep.
" And ye, Bethlehem palm-trees,
As stormy winds rush
In tempest and fury,
Your angry noise hush ;
Move gently, move gently,
Restrain your wild sweep ;
Hold your branches at rest
My Babe is asleep.''
St. Luke, the first artist to depict the Mother and Child, is
another of the saints of Bethlehem. Father Faber calls him " the
Evangelist of the Sacred Infancy," because we owe most of our
knowledge concerning it to him. And " by him were the ' Mag-
nificat,' the ' Benedictus,' and the 'Nunc Dimittis' all canticles
of the Holy Infancy laid up and embalmed for the delight and
consolation of all time." Every Christian poet since has striven
to echo and vary these songs of joy. Of these none are more
beautiful than Fra Jacopone's ' Stabat Mater speciosa,' and his
' Presepio ' so full of homely tenderness :
1884.] REMINISCENCES OF BETHLEHEM. 483
" By thy great and glorious merit,
Mary, Mother, Maid !
In thy firstling, new-born Child
All our life is laid.
For thy beauteous baby Boy
We a-hungered burn ;
Yea, with heart and soul of grace
Long for him and yearn.
Grant us, then, this prayer : his face
Toward our bosom turn :
Let him keep us in his care,
On his bosom stayed.
O poor humble human race,
How uplift art thou !
With the divine dignity
Reunited now !
Even the Virgin Mary, she
All amazed doth bow ;
And to us who sin inherit
Seems as though she prayed." *
The people, too, have come to the manger with their carols
that breathe the freshness of the woods and pastures, the sweet-
ness of the wild flowers, and the unstudied grace of pastoral life.
Borrow tells of a beautiful hymn common in Spain, which the
hostess of a country inn sang while cooking his breakfast, begin-
ning as follows :
" Once of old upon a mountain shepherds overcome with sleep
Near to Bethl'ern's holy tower kept at dead of night their sheep ;
Round about the trunk they nodded of a huge ignited oak,
Whence the crackling flames, ascending bright and clear, the darkness.
broke."
These shepherds have even had names assigned them. In one of
the illustrations of a beautiful book of Hours printed for Simon
Vostre in 1502, depicting the adoration of the shepherds, their
names are inscribed as follows : Gobin le gay (i.e., merry), le
beau Roger, Aloris, Ysauber, Alison, and Mahault. And there
is an ancient tradition that among them were Simon and Jude,
afterwards apostles.
Some have objected to the tradition that a cave was the place
of the Nativity ; but, as travellers know, people in the East often
build their houses against a cavern, by which means" depth and
coolness are obtained. This is also done in the Apennines. St..
* Symonds' translation.
484 REMINISCENCES OF BETHLEHEM. [Jan.,
Justin Martyr, who was a native of Palestine and flourished
shortly after the death of St. John the Evangelist, and therefore
had every opportunity of knowing- all the first Christian tradi-
tions, declares that our Saviour was born in a grotto at Beth-
lehem. And at a later period St. Jerome confirms this state-
ment.
Mrs. Jameson finds something inexpressibly touching and
significant in the presence of the inferior animals at the Nativity.
It is as if they, who, with all nature, participated in the fall of
man, had now become sharers in the benefits of the Incarnation.
The ass in particular has been regarded with a certain venera-
tion on this account, and because of its having borne more than
once the Son of man :
" The ox and ass to them was given
To see our Lord : the light of Heaven
Fell on them in that hour.
" And since our Lord she bare
In triumph to his place
One patient beast hath .seemed to wear
The mark of his high grace,
His token to dumb creatures, freed
From slavery and unholy deed."
The middle ages considered the sobriety, patience, resignation,
and many other qualities of this animal as well worthy of imi-
tation by Christians. " Salvete, fratres asini ! " was St. Fran-
cis' fraternal salutation, which Coleridge has echoed in his line :
" I hail thee Brother ! "
The festival that commemorates the flight into Egypt was once
popularly known in some countries as the Feast of the Ass, and
a young matron with a babe in her arms was escorted through
the streets on a gaily-decorated ass, and led into the very church,
where, before the high altar, a hymn was sung in honor of that
lowly beast, one version of which runs as follows :
" From the country in the East
Came this strong and handsome beast,
This able ass beyond compare,
Heavy loads and packs to bear.
Now, Seignor Ass, a noble bray,
Thy beauteous mouth at large display.
Abundant food our harvests yield,
And oats abundant load the fields.
1884.] REMINISCENCES OF BETHLEHEM. 485
He-haw !
He was born on Shechem's hill,
In Reuben's vale he fed his fill,
He drank of Jordan's sacred stream,
And gambolled in Bethlehem," etc.
Some parts of this ceremony seem to us very grotesque, par-
ticularly the braying- of the animal in the chorus ; but, as Michelet
remarks, the church did not discourage the innocent customs of
the people, but made herself a child to prattle with her children,
and blended her sacred language with theirs.
The remembrance of their participation in the scene at Beth-
lehem has led, Christians from remote ages to give animals a
share in the abundance of Christmas time. St. Francis of Assisi
wished he had the power to compel all the chief magistrates of
towns and villages to scatter grain through the streets on Christ-
mas day, that the birds might have occasion to rejoice, and to
give an abundant supply of food to the cattle in memory of Him
who was born between an ox and an ass. Even in Sweden the
old Catholic custom has been kept up of putting out sheaves of
oats and barley on the trees and houses and high poles for the
birds, who testify their joy in language that cannot be mistaken.
For every creature ought to rejoice on a night that brought life
into the world. You see these sheaves on the top of every barn,
and the poorest laborer who has no grain asks and receives a
sheaf from his more wealthy neighbor, that the birds may rejoice
around every dwelling. A Swedish poet thus summons them :
"Come hither, little birds, merry of mood,
By barn-door and dwelling-house corn-ears are strewed.
Christmas comes hither,
Then may ye gather
Food from the bread-giving straw golden-hued."
Miss Bremer, in her charming story of Strife and Peace, has
woven this beautiful custom into a Christmas scene with happy
effect. The very crows, too, in that country have a cake and a
sip of Christmas ale given them, and fresh straw to lie on, which
reminds one of the crow-song of the old English mummers:
" My good worthy masters, a pittance bestow.
Some oatmeal, or barley, or wheat, for the crow ;
A loaf, or a penny.^er e'en what you will
From the poor man a grain of his salt may suffice,
For the crow swallows all, and is not over-nice."
In some places the very children sleep on the straw-covered
486 REMINISCENCES OF BETHLEHEM. [Jan.,
floor in honor of the Child Jesus in the manger, and we read in
Ten Years of Penal Servitude in Siberia that the prisoners there
piously strew their cells with straw on Christmas eve. The
proud Polish nobles, too, hang a sheaf of straw in the most con-
spicuous place in their banqueting-halls in memory of the pov-
erty of Jesus and Mary in the stable of Bethlehem.
The practice of giving food and clothing to the poor at this
season, now so general, is derived from the good old Catholic
custom. Scott makes one of his characters lament the death of
the Lady of Ellangowan because "on ilka Christmas night, as it
came round, the leddy gae twelve siller pennies to ilka puir body
about, in honor of the twelve apostles like." " Xhey were fond
to ca' it papistrie," she adds, " but I think our great folk might
take a lesson frae the papists whiles. They gie another sort o'
help to puir folk than just dinging down a saxpence in the broad
on the Sabbath, and kilting and scourging and drumming them
the sax days o' the week besides." In some parts of Germany
food is provided for the poor in a most delicate manner. A table
is bountifully spread " for the Blessed Virgin and the guardian
angels of those who slumber," as it is said, and left unattended,
with lights upon it, for the benefit of the poor wanderer who
might be ashamed to beg.
In feudal times serfs were often freed at this season of general
charity. The very dogs were unchained. The dungeons were
opened to set the prisoners free, or some of them at least, and
the remainder had their condition alleviated, that none might be
excluded from the common joy.
This rejoicing seems to extend even into the other world.
The old legend of St. Brendan makes.the traitor Judas tell of the
refreshment he finds in his terrible torments from " Chrystmasse
to Twelfth-daye." Other legends say that on Christmas night
Our Lady descends into Purgatory that holy realm of suffering
over which Faber says she is crowned as queen with power to
deliver certain souls, because on this same night she brought
into the world Him who came to redeem them.
The inanimate world also sometimes breaks forth into joy at
this exceptional time, as at Glastonbury, where the Holy Thorn,
planted by St. Joseph of Arimathea,
" Blossoms at Christmas, mindful of our Lord."
And there was likewise an old oak near Malwood Castle, in
Hampshire, that used to bud every year at the Nativity. The
Pere Poire" also speaks of an apple-tree near Nuremberg that
1884.] REMINISCENCES OF BETHLEHEM. 487
formerly bore apples at Christmas in honor of Mary, who for us
bore the fruit of eternal life. Perhaps it was the flowering of
some such tree that led to the pleasant German custom of the
Christmas-tree which annually gladdens every household with
the sweet fruit of domestic affection. In some parts of England
the people still assemble in their orchards on Christmas eve to
bless them and invoke a good crop for the coming year. In
Kent they sing :
" Stand fast, root ; bear well, top ;
God send us a youling sop,
Every twrg.'apple big ;
Every bough, apples enow."
The English are generally thought to be specially attached to
the festival of Christmas. And they have reason to be, for it
commemorates important events in their history. It was on
Christmas day, A.D. 596, that ten thousand Anglo-Saxons were
baptized by St. Austin and his fellow-missionaries. No won-
der the great apostle made it henceforth a doubly joyful festival.
The bells were rung almost incessantly from Christmas till the
Circumcision. The churches were trimmed with holly, laurel,
and ivy. The yule log was cut with great care to burn brightly
on every hearth. And immense candles were lighted at mid-
night in token of the true light they had received, as sung in one
of their many beautiful carols :
" Then be ye glad, good people,
This night of all the year,
And light ye up your candles, for
His star it shineth clear.
And all in earth and heaven
A joyous carol sing ;
For lo \ to us a Child is born,
And all the bells do ring."
488 THE COINERS" DEN. [Jan.,
THE COINERS' DEN.
No man has more admiration for moral virtue than I. I am
persuaded that the good and virtuous should be carefully cher-
ished and highly prized ; that it is equally incumbent on private
persons and public society to adopt every practicable expedient
to promote the happiness and prolong the life of every truly
meritorious member of the body politic ! This is my belief.
Strongly impressed with this persuasion firmly rooted in my
mind, I determined, when I had finished my college course, to
give myself a holiday and luxuriate for some months at my ease
in a charming village situated in County Wicklow a few miles
distant from the Irish metropolis. There was nothing selfish in
this resolution. It originated in a profound sense of duty. I un-
dertook it pro bono publico for the benefit of the public at large.
I retired to a romantic valley in that mountainous county by way
of rendering a service to the Irish nation that is, from a feeling
of patriotism exalted into philanthropy. For the good of my
country I took care of myself. Really good people are notorious-
ly few in number ; there is unfortunately such a paucity of truly
exemplary characters that I deemed this indulgence highly com-
mendable " set down in my duty " and I am sure my readers
will agree with me. I had worked very hard in preparing for
examinations, and felt quite exhausted. My system craved relaxa-
tion desipere in loco, as Horace has it where I could take my ease
and repose in a " castle of idleness," preparatory to entering on
the serious business of life. I always had a great talent for doing
nothing, and ardently admired the profound genius of Italy, not
so much for its magnificent poetry, its life-like sculpture and
majestic architecture, as for that admirable proverb, Dolce far
niente. The people who originated that incomparable proverb
will ever receive my unqualified admiration ! I do believe, too,
that no man enjoys the exquisite beauties of natural scenery
" the warbling woodland, the resounding shore " so much as
your incorrigible idler. He is a gifted being in this respect,
being more alive to the varied loveliness of external phenomena
than more hurried and bustling characters. In the valleys of
Wicklow the pied daisies and the yellow buttercups, which
opened their tiny chalices of gold to the sun and gemmed with
their innocent beauty the emerald verdure that undulated in the
1884.] THE COINERS' DEN. 489
wind and clothed the mountain-sides, had an exquisite charm for
me in these " hours of idleness." Owing to the length of time I
gave to their contemplation, I could see, I fancy, more in them
than other men. I felt, with the poet,
" There is a pleasure in the pathless woods,
There is a rapture on the lonely shore,
There is society, where none intrudes,
By the deep sea, and music in its roar."
This is one of the prerogatives, the heir-looms, of the great
family of " Do-nothings." They feel more delight than other
men in the leisure which succeeds unavoidable labor. I enjoyed
my emancipation from college tasks the corroding cares, the
doubts and fears, connected with approaching and dreaded ex-
aminations. As no man fights more fiercely than a coward when
found in a corner, so no man works more industriously than an
idler when he cannot help it. Such was my case. The idleness
which succeeded my deliverance from study was not only de-
lightful, it was delicious. I found exquisite pleasure to stretch
my listless length beside some crystal rivulet, and, while the sky-
lark was filling the summer air with thick warbled notes,
" To pore upon the brook that babbled by."
But it is useless to dwell upon this subject. Let it suffice to
say that there is a pleasure in sloth which can never be fully
understood by any but the slothful. Some young men have the
disedifying habit, when at Mass, of gazing at the female mem-
bers of the congregation, and thus neglecting their devotions to
gratify their curiosity. This habit I never indulged in, even in
my youngest days ; and therefore it is somewhat unaccountable
that on the second Sunday after my arrival in the village I be-
came conscious, while hearing Mass, of the presence of three
ladies who knelt at the right, while I knelt at the left, side of the
attar. I dare say a mesmerist could account for my know-
ledge of their presence, but I could not, as my eyes during the
ceremony were riveted on my prayer-book, lest I should once
look at the ladies !
At the conclusion of the service I managed to get out of
church before the majority of the congregation, and then stood
at some distance from the door, through which the congregation
defiled in an unbroken stream for several minutes. My object
was merely historical ! I wished to contemplate the faces and
figures of the descendants of those gallant clansmen, the Byrnes,
Tooles, and Kavanaghs, whose mediaeval wars with the English
490 THE COINERS' DEN. [Jan.,
Pale make such a figure in the annals of Dublin. This was my
exclusive object. But while thus engaged the three ladies 1
have spoken of issued from the porch, and, mounting a private
car in waiting for them, drove rapidly away. As my conduct
during Mass occasioned me an uncalled-for scruple of conscience
as I feared I had given scandal I took a crown from my
pocket and sent in my card to the priest who had celebrated
Mass, and who was then disrobing in the sanctuary. During our
conversation I requested him to remember my intention at the
Holy Sacrifice, and, strange to say, though I made no inquiry on
the subject, the names and address of the ladies leaked out !
Two of them were daughters of a rich professional man in
Dublin, while the third, who seemed little more than seventeen,
was their cousin. The features of this girl seemed to me (it
might not be so to others) the very perfection of female loveli-
ness. There was something so artless in the expression of her
modest countenance, in "the mind, the music breathing from her
face," an air of such guileless sweetness and innocent beauty,
wholly unconscious of its fascinating potency, that I was charm-
ed and enslaved to a degree that the day before I would have
laughed at as wholly incredible. The other and elder ladies
were likewise handsome, but there was so artificial an air about
their beauty that I was inclined to ask :
"Are those tresses thickly twined
Purchased hair pinned on behind ?
Is the blush which roses mocks
Bought at three-and-six the box ? "
There was something cosmetic in their beauty. They seemed
so perfectly conscious of their charms that I could not admire
them. They resembled that Lesbia in the Irish song who wore
her golden robe so tightly laced
" That not a charm of beauty's mould
Presumed to stay where nature placed it."
While their niece resembled the Norah Criena of the same song :
" Few her looks, but every one,
Like unexpected light, surprises."
To my eyes she resembled a young rose, laden with morning
dews and fraught with fragrance, which waves carelessly in the
garden and imparts perfume to every breeze with every motion.
Horace would have addressed her in the words which he ad-
dressed to Phidyle in his third book, twenty-third ode :
"Coelo supinas si tuleris manus, etc."
1884.] THE COINERS' DEN. 491
If she raised her suppliant hands her prayer would assuredly
be heard, etc.
Her father, as I was informed by the priest, had been a mer-
chant in the West Indies, who, after a life of labor, had invested
a large fortune in landed property and then suddenly died, not
without circumstances of a suspicious nature. Unfortunately
this purchase had never been registered, and the title-deeds had
.disappeared in some mysterious way which could never be eluci-
dated. Owing to this lamentable contretemps the young lady
who had woven unconsciously a chain for my heart, and whom I
shall name Eala was left comparatively penniless.
Entering one morning the principal street of the county town,
what was my astonishment to see two chaises, laden with trunks
and travelling-bags, standing before the principal hotel, and a few
minutes afterwards four ladies one of whom was Eala issued
from the house, entered the vehicles, and drove rapidly off in the
direction of Dublin. All my hopes seemed to vanish. I felt un-
speakably crestfallen and desolate as the flying vehicles, amid a
cloud of dust and the shouts of ragged children, disappeared in a
turn of the road. From that day forth whatever was the rea-
son the County Wicklow lost all its picturesque loveliness in
my eyes. It was very strange and wholly unaccountable, but I
could no longer discern " the soft magic of streamlet and rill "
which the poet speaks of, and which had been so conspicuous
before ! Everything around seemed to become " weary, stale,
flat, and unprofitable," and I began to wonder what poets and
travellers could have seen in the landscapes of Wicklow. I
came to the conclusion that there had been great exaggeration in
those descriptions. To me not only Wicklow but life seemed
lone and dreary, and I began to ask myself, like a certain modern
philosopher, was it really worth living ? I also began to remem-
ber that it was not by reclining under beech-trees or poring
upon brooks that the great heroes of antiquity had achieved
their immortal reputation, but by vigorous and energetic action
in confronting danger and undergoing toil and suppressing ty-
ranny. I therefore, in order to approximate to those immortal
heroes, determined to return to Dublin. In that city I took up
my abode in Summer Hill, where I endeavored to discover the
residence of Eala ; but all to no purpose.
I found, however, that her two fair cousins resided just at my
elbow in Mountjoy Square; but though I saw them almost daily
in their walks to the more lively and commercial parts of the
city, where they visited the stores of silks and soft goods, I
492 THE COINERS' DEN. (Jan.,
could never see Eala in their company, from which I concluded
that she did not live with them ; but whither she had gone or
where she resided I could not ascertain.
My landlady in Summer Hill was an admirable person,
cleanly, obliging, and attentive. She had only one fault : she did
not appreciate my vocal music as she should do. Her musical
education, I regret to say, had been entirely neglected, inso-
much that she characterized my nocturnal vocalizations as mere
" noise," which, she said, disturbed her family, her lodgers, and
herself. I considered this want of taste as very provoking. I
could not at first account for such barbarous insensibility to
sweet sounds, but on due consideration I attributed it to the
nature of the song. Most assuredly it could not be owing to the
nature of the voice ! That was impossible ; so I took from my
repertoire another song with which I was convinced she must be
pleased.
So unaccountable are tastes that my landlady was still more
displeased, though I sang at the top of my voice until two
o'clock in the morning. So I sallied forth one morning, after
an unreasonable lecture from my landlady, in search of new
lodgings, repeating as I went Cowper's lines : " Oh ! for a lodge
in some vast wilderness." The illogical character of my land-
lady's mind, her passionate propensity to sarcasm and invective,
her unpardonable violation of the rules of reasoning, fired my
blood to such a degree as to lend wings to my steps; and so
before I well knew where I was going I found myself in the
southern part of Dublin. I had crossed Carlisle Bridge and was
pacing through Stephen's Green before my mind reverted to the
object of my excursion. When I had in some degree recovered
my equanimity, and time and motion had mitigated my very
justifiable anger, my eyes fell upon an outside car which excited
all the faculties of my soul in a most extraordinary manner.
This car was driven by an elderly man in a frieze coat, who might
be a farmer and was apparently its owner, while I was quite
certain that I saw Eala seated on the other side, accompanied by
what appeared to be the farmer's wife. What a chance this was !
I immediately ran to a car-stand, and, jumping on a vehicle,
ordered the driver to follow the farmer wherever he went.
He crossed the bridge of Rathmines, traversed that beautiful
outlet, and then, turning to the right, entered Rathgar Road.
"Here at least he will call a halt," I said to myself; but he did
not. He prosecuted his journey to Rathfarnham. He crossed
the Dodder that winding stream whose devious wave turns so
1884.] THE COINERS' DEN. 493
many mill-wheels and entered the wild and picturesque country
which lies between the Dodder and the mountains. I had often
roamed through that district with pleasure. But it never ap-
peared so verdant and beautiful as on the present occasion. It
was worthy of Paradise. I asked myself what people could see
in the County Wicklow a county so vastly inferior, in my mind,
to the County Dublin. Here the verdure was visibly greener,
the sun brighter, the air balmier, and the music of the lark more
dulcid and exhilarating. At least so it seemed to me, and so I
am sure it was.
After some further driving we came to what was termed
then, and possibly is still, the " Military Road." Along this road,
constructed by the army of England during the rebellion of
'98, we proceeded until the fresh breezes laden with the saline
vapors of the sea apprised us that we were approaching the
rocky shores of Howth. Ships became visible in the distance,
gliding with snow-white sails and imperceptible motion, swan-
like and beautiful, et spumas sails cere ruebant "and broke the
splashing waves with their prows." Here we found the soil
degenerating into barrenness, thinly covered with a starveling
vegetation, and dotted with squalid cabins walled with mud
and thatched with straw, picturesque to look at but undesirable
to live in. To my unspeakable amazement, the car containing
my inamorata stopped before one of those wigwams, and she her-
self, bounding from the vehicle and accompanied by her female
companion, went in. " What on earth can she want in such a
den? Assuredly she cannot live in that pig-sty," I said to myself
half aloud. " I wish to mercy I could find some pretext for fol-
lowing her into that hideous hovel and ascertaining the object of
her visit."
" I know what your honor wants," said the driver, as he pe-
rused me with a keen glance. " You want an accident ? It's
what a good accident would fit you to a T. Isn't it? " " That's
exactly what I want," said I, brightening up at the suggestion ;
" an accident would serve me as an excuse for penetrating that
hovel and ascertaining what's going on inside." " There, now,"
said the driver exultingly, " didn't I know what you wanted ?
There is nothing like a good sound accident in cases of this kind.
When you're dealing with a young lady an accident is the sove-
reignest thing in life. It touches her heart and makes her sensi-
ble at wanst, the darlint."
" But while you're talking we're losing time," said I impa-
tiently ; "let me have your accident at once." "Oh! fair and
494 THE COINER^ DEN. [Jan.,
asy goes far in the day," replied the driver. " What would your
honor be willing to give for an accident a good sound accident
that would impose on a peeler without the least taste in life of
design in it ? What would you be after giving for an accident ? "
" I'll willingly give you five shillings over and above your t fare,
if you supply me with a plausible excuse for entering that pig-
sty."
" Five shillings ! " shouted the driver, with an indescribable
air of mingled astonishment and disgust. " Did any one ever hear
the like ? Five shillings for an accident ! Things are come to a
purty pass ! By gor ! accidents must be very cheap when they're
going for that price. Five shillings for an accident ! Oh ! wir-
rasthrue, wirrasthrue, what's the world coming to at all ? Five
shillings for an accident ! Was the like ever heard of ? " " Well,
come," said I, " you shall have ten shillings when the accident is
completed."
" You're nothing but a gentleman ! " exclaimed the driver,
quite satisfied. " I'll give you an accident that would take a
pearl off a piper's eye and make a blind man see again." So
saying, he descended from the car and took out the linch-pin.
" Now, your honor, the wheel will come off and rowl into the
ditch, and the car will stop of itself, and we'll be thrun off of it ;
and sure Gubbawn Saer himself, if he was to the fore, could not
invent a purtier accident considering the price." " I think you
have earned your money very easily," said I, giving him his fee ;
" but if it serve the purpose all is right."
" There's not in the seven parishes a jarvey that's handier in
getting up an accident nor my own four bones, though / say it,
that oughtn't to say it ; and now your honor can go into the cabin
and see what's to be seen." " No ; you had better go in first,
tell your story, and ask assistance ; I'll go in afterwards and seek
shelter." " And who'll mind the mare ? " asked the driver.
" Oh ! the mare will mind herself. A jarvey's mare is as knowing
as a jarvey. Besides, when I go in you can come out." " All
right, your honor."
The interior of the cabin, as I found on entering, was per-
vaded by darkness broken by the light of a large fire blazing on
the hearth, over which a large pot was suspended on an iron
hook descending from the black and smoky interior of the cav-
ernous chimney. The naked rafters which supported the roof
were, like the roof itself, black with smoke and polished with age,
while the walls were destitute of windows and the floor formed
of clay. Behind the chimney a second room was situated, to
1884.] THE COINERS' DEN. 495
which access was obtained through a rude doorway opening be-
side the fireplace.
In this doorway I could dimly discern the form of Eala talk-
ing to the old woman, whom I took to be a farmer's wife, and
who had sat beside her on the car. It was evident from the
plaintive tones of her voice, which went like an arrow to my
heart, that Eala was overwhelmed with distress and anxiety.
. " What is to be done ?" she asked. "How am I to act in this
dilemma?"
I immediately stepped forward and saluted Eala, hat in
hand. " I beg pardon for this intrusion," I said, " but I have met
with an accident. My car broke down just adjacent to this
place, and I have ventured to come in for assistance. I have had
the honor of seeing you in the County Wicklow, where you re-
sided with the Staunton family. If I can be of any use to you
please to command me. I shall be delighted to render you any
service in my power. Be so good as to inform me if I can ren-
der you any assistance."
Eala looked at me with an inquiring glance from those fawn-
like eyes, worthy of Juno, in which by the light of the fire I
could see a tear was glistening. What was my delight to hear
her say in that musical voice, which seemed worthy of Paradise :
" It would be affectation in me to say that I do not remember
you. I have learned who you are, and I frankly and gratefully
accept your proffered assistance." " Only tell me where I shall
go or what I shall do ; and, were it even at the risk of my life, I
shall endeavor to accomplish it."
"You run no risk whatever," she replied. "The whole affair
is simply this : A man stretched on his death-bed, groaning and
struggling, in this room, and apparently on the verge of the grave,
knows where a document is concealed of infinite importance to
me. He refuses to communicate the secret to any one who can-
not speak Latin. Now, if you will go in and pronounce a few
Latin words in his hearing he may possibly tell you where the
deed is hidden. -This is all."
The room into which- the old woman conducted me was
dark, low, and damp a most uncomfortable apartment, in which
nothing at first sight was visible. When my eyes became accus-
tomed to this artificial twilight I could easily discern in the
centre a truckle-bed covered with dingy blankets and a tat-
tered counterpane. The occupant of this squalid couch was a
raw-boned Colossus, a man of herculean proportions, whom
disease had prostrated, robbed of muscular power, and reduced
496 THE COINER:? DEN. [Jan.,
to the weakness of infancy. Worn to the bone, gaunt, skinny,
and haggard, with beetling brows, feverish aspect, and lurid eyes,
he glared at me like a tiger. His voice was gruff, hoarse, and
horrible; there was something, I thought, supernatural in its
tones as he asked me, " Where are you from ? "
The speaker seemed to me at that moment a man whom " the
vile blows and buffets of the world " had maddened to despera-
tion, and who, forced by undeserved misfortune, had made war
on society in the view of making an end of himself, if he could
not inflict vengeance on mankind. But disease, in chaining him
to his pallet, had subdued his rebellious spirit, tamed his innate
ferocity, and inclined his obdurate heart to repentance.
"My good man " I began. "I am not a good man," he
gruffly replied, with an indescribable growl. " What do you call
me a good man for? Is it mocking me you are? But tell me,
are you from the priest?" Here the old woman muttered some-
thing which I did not understand, which seemed to appease him.
" I come here," I continued, " by pure accident, which this
woman can explain to you. But if you have anything to impart
which it would ease your mind to communicate, you may con-
fide in me. I have been told you have some information to
give."
" Ay, ay," he exclaimed, " tell me, can you spake Latin ? Let
me hear you spake Latin." I immediately repeated the first
lines of the ./#*&: " Arma virumque cano Trojse qui primus
ab oris," etc. " Well, I believe that's a prayer for my sowl?
It's very fine, anyhow. Tell me, will you hear a confession ? "
" It's raving he is, sir," said the old woman, and she again mut-
tered something in his ear. " He's the greatest loony ever you
seen. Don't mind him, yer honor." She seemed to be appre-
hensive that the Sacrament of Confession might be profaned by
our proceedings. Meantime he was glaring at me like a man
who had lost his senses and was half inclined to fight with me,
meditating an attack. "Come here," he exclaimed in a hoarse
voice, at the same time fumbling under his pillow, from which he
brought forth a bag.
" Come here," he repeated. " Take this bag ; there's a paper in
it. It's not the thing you want, but it'll be the means of getting
it. Tell me, do you know Meath Street Chapel ?" " To be sure
I do; what about it? "said I. "Go to Meath Street Chapel,
do you mind, and ax the dark where Pat Maher does be. When,
you see Pat Maher show him this paper. Do you mind? And
if he axes you for th' other token, say :
1884.] THE COINER^ DEN.
" ' Qui, quae, quid,
Do what you're bid :
By the mark on your face,
Give the bearer the lease,'
and he'll give it to you."
These words I took down in pencil as he repeated them over
and over again. Then, putting the bag into my hands, he added:
" Now stir your stumps. You have no time to lose, and if you
meet the priest on your way tell him to make haste, for my
time is short. Thank God ! my mind is easier now since I made
the restitution."
Now, I regarded this communication as unworthy of a mo-
ment's attention. I was half ashamed of my part in the drama.
" It's evidently all nonsense," said I to the old nurse as she led
me out of the room. " No such thing," said she ; " it's nothing
of the sort. Glory be to God that you got it out of him ! It's the
great secret entirely. It's proud and happy you ought to be to
get it out of the likes of him. It's more nor I ever expected.
There's some chance for his poor sowl now. God be praised ! "
No less to my surprise than satisfaction Eala's face flushed up
with pleasure when I gave her the paper. She never looked so
beautiful. Her eyes were brighter, her cheeks rosier, and her
smile sweeter than ever. She seemed quite certain that a matter
of much importance had been accomplished, a great victory
achieved. She expressed, with great timidity, a hope that I
would follow up the affair by complying with the dying man's
directions and endeavoring to obtain the lost deed. I assured
her with no little warmth that nothing would give me greater
pleasure than to oblige her, and that if it were at all possible the
deed should be recovered and placed in her hands. It is impos-
sible to describe the expression of her guileless countenance as I
made this protestation. Her eyes sparkled with delight and
gratitude beamed in every lineament. But when I solicited, with
a low bow, permission to accompany her to Dublin this expres-
sion vanished at once. A change came over her countenance.
She declined my escort with an air of embarrassment which ren-
dered her appearance even still more interesting. Finally I
begged to know where I should wait upon her when I had ac-
complished my mission an inquiry which she answered at once
by giving me her address in Stephen's Green. Being unable at
the moment to invent any plausible excuse for remaining longer
in her presence, I bowed myself out of the cabin and proceeded
to rejoin my jarvey.
VOL. xxxvin. 32
498 THE COINER& DEN. [Jan.
The dexterity of that ingenious individual in repairing an ac-
cident proved no less remarkable than his ability in producing
one. He had the car on its wheels, and was prepared, whip in
hand, to drive me back to " the city of the swords." I was sur-
prised to find, when we were on the road, that the landscape, which
afforded me so much pleasure in the morning, was no longer
what it had been. A change had come over it in the interval
which it puzzled me to account for; but to make amends we
travelled more rapidly, and this augmentation of celerity com-
pensated, I thought, for the strange disappeaFance of scenic at-
traction.
I requested Patrick Brady such was the patronymic of my
Jehu to drive to Meath Street Chapel, expecting, to find the cus-
todian of that sacred edifice in the vicinity or interior of the
chapel. But it is " the unexpected " that always takes place, and,
in perfect accordance with this indisputable maxim, which ex-
perience loves to corroborate, I found the custodian out. I
was told, however, that he would be visible at night. Now, pa-
tience is a virtue which, in the whole course of my life, I have
never succeeded in cultivating. I have always rebelled against
it in the most morose and sulky manner, and if I submitted on '
this occasion I submitted like the poet's " captive lion," which
" Gnaws and yet may break his chain."
Night finally came, and with it a kind of microscopical rain
such as -they possibly have in fairy-land. It was a stealthy
Scotch mist in the gradual process of development into a dashing
, Irish rain. You would require a magnify ing-glass to discover
the drops with the eye, but to the sense of feeling it was much
more perceptible. It was an insidious rain, too, which little by
little wet you to the skin and drenched you more thoroughly
than a driving shower. The effect of its incidence on the earth
was to convert the natural mud into a pasty substance of a
greasy nature, which was invented apparently in the interest of
the carmen, being exceedingly unpleasant to walk in.
Shrouded in darkness, pelted by rain, and impeded by mud, I
plodded along with weary steps and a melancholy countenance
from College Green to Thomas Street. Every native of Dublin
will remember this thoroughfare, which extends through Dame
Street, High Street, and Corn Market until it finally reaches
Thomas Street. Here I turned to the left and entered Meath
Street, where I fortunately found the clerk, or sexton. He pe-
rused me from head to foot when I asked for Pat Maher, and
1884.] THE COINERS' DEN. 499
was silent for a second or so. At the moment I did not under-
stand this pause, but subsequent reflection explained it to me.
He was surprised that so well dressed a man should inquire for a
person so abject and degraded.
" You'd never make it out by yourself," he exclaimed, " but I'll
send a boy with you. He'll lead you to the spot." By this
guide I was conducted to a dark, damp, and dismal-looking hall
which night and day stood open to the winds and rains, and this
owing to the absence of a hall-door, which, if it once existed, had
been subjected to the vicissitudes of fortune had fallen like
ancient Troy and been given to the flames. There was a
general air of negligence in this domicile, which, grim and gloomy,
seemed to be devoted to evil destinies, or, as the ancients would
say, consecrated to the gods of Tartarus a kind of highway
to the under-world, the haunt of melancholy desolation, and an
ante-chamber to the dominions of Pluto.
I paused upon the threshold, as if reluctant to penetrate the
gloom, which might be filled with armed Shades or vociferous
Furies ; but the cheerful voice of my young companion, in the
midst of the gloom, exhorting me to proceed revived my cour-
age and dispelled my apprehensions. The hall, as I advanced,
seemed to be an ingenious continuation of the street ; for, like
the street, it was floored with mud.
Notwithstanding its dilapidated condition, this ruined house
swarmed with inhabitants. Every room might be compared to
a cage crowded with children, whose young voices were resonant
in all directions. It resembled a rookery a resemblance which
increased as I ascended, for the caged and invisible children
seemed more numerous and more noisy at every landing.
Malte-Brun remarks that old trees and old animals become
barren, cease to be prolific ; and he fancies that old nations par-
ticipate in this infecundity and likewise become barren. In this
way he accounts for the total disappearance of the nations which
flourished in ancient times on the margins of the Mediterranean
the Etrurians, -Carthaginians, and Phoenicians. But the Celts,
though ancient, are not barren. " The Celts," says Emerson,
" are an old family of whose beginning there is no memory, and
their end is likely to be still more distant in the future." This
opinion of Emerson's derived from this half-ruined house an un-
expected corroboration.
Having reached one of the landings, my young guide whom
I mentally compared to the Casta Sibylla of Virgil's ^Eneid, for he
conducted me through shades blacker than those of Tartarus
500 THE COINERS' DEN. [Jan.,
suddenly paused and said : " This is the place." With these
oracular words he applied his knuckles to the door and elicited a
hollow sound, which was immediately answered. The door was
thrown open, and a large, comfortless room, dimly lighted, and
thronged with gazing children, was presented to my view. I
was reluctant to advance. I shrank back with the modesty
characteristic of Irishmen, and allowed my young friend to act
as internuncio. His inquiry was answered in Irish, and some
words were added in a whisper which were less intelligible.
Without a moment's delay my young guide turned to me and
said:
" Pat Maher is not here ; but if you want to see him imme.
diately I'll bring you to where he is." " That is exactly what I
want," I replied. " Come along, then," was the answer, and
accordingly we went along.
We groped our way down to the street, which we finally
reached I resembling the pious ^Eneas, and he the Sibyl that
conducted the Trojan and ascertaining at every step the vera-
city of the Latin poet when he tells us, " Facilis descensus Averno
est." Having reached the street in safety, we turned to the left
and set out for Thomas Street. This street at that hour was
thronged with buyers and sellers, and " humming like a hive."
Near the footpaths on either side tables were standing, piled with
edibles which provoked a world of bargaining and chaffering, and
proved clearly that Thomas Street at that hour was haunted by
good appetites and shallow purses. The edibles consisted of
black puddings, sheeps' trotters, salt herrings, onions, and cab-
bages, which evidently possessed great attractions for the pas-
sengers moving along the pathways, as they were perpetually
pricing them.
In the most crowded part "of the thoroughfare, vociferating
prayers and entreaties in a hoarse, strong voice, and making him-
self universally heard, sat a sturdy beggar with his back to the
wall, and having a lighted candle before him in a sort of paper bag.
This paper bag, which was whitish in color and partially trans-
parent, served as a lantern to shield the flame from the wind. Its
owner assuredly did not put his light under a bushel ; for, what
with his hoarse voice and burning candle, he was the observed
of all observers. The candle stood between his knees and shed
its light, not only on his face, which was black and repulsive, but
upon his arms, which were skinny and white, being utterly flesh-
less mere skin and bone, as if their proprietor were a living
skeleton. His object was to excite compassion by the exhibi-
1884.] THE COINER DEN. 501
tion of those skeleton arms. His body was in motion, rocking
backward and forward to the cadence of his voice somewhat
like a tree " laden with stormy blasts." In his supplications he
invariably spoke of himself in the third person : " O good Chris-
tians! " he exclaimed, " have compassion on that poor object, for
the sake of your father's and mother's sowls, and the sowls of all
belonging to you." His supplications were eloquent and pa-
thetic, but the expression of his face counteracted their effect,
for it was displeasing and repulsive.
Cicero assures us that in addressing the public an orator
should have not only a good character but a good countenance.
Now, in this respect the beggar seemed to be defective. He had
not a good countenance. My guide, to my astonishment, stood
stock-still before this figure, and whispered, " That's Pat Maher,
sir." I was at once shocked and disgusted by this information.
My aristocratic prejudices revolted at the idea of making ac-
quaintance with this squalid mendicant ; but the expectation of
serving Eala mitigated my disgust, and I swallowed my repug-
nance.
It seemed difficult, however, without attracting attention to
an undue degree, to get into conversation with this man. I
shrank from the task of addressing him. Finally I gave my
guide a penny, which he slipped into his hand, whispering at the
same time into his ear: " There is a man here wants to spake to
you." " I'll be with him in a minute," replied Pat Maher. " Let
him wait a minute." I accordingly waited, paying my guide at
the same time and dismissing^him.
Gradually Pat Maher lowered the tone of his apostrophes.
His voice declined to a whisper by degrees, and finally ceased.
Then by a great effort he scrambled to his feet with the assist-
ance of the wall, and approached me with" What do you want?"
"Do you know this paper?" I asked. "I do," was the reply,
after a moment's examination. " Have you any other token ? "
" I have : ' Qui, quae, quid. Do as you're bid,' " etc.
" That will do," said he; "folly me." He led the way into
Meath Street, with the assistance of a staff, and advanced with
knocking knees, splay feet, and strangely shambling gait, faster
than I supposed he could go. Having reached Meath Street, he
halted before an open cellar, cavernous and black. " We must
go down here," said the beggar.
"What! into that horrible cavern?" I asked. "Yes, in-
deed," was the reply, " into that same." I fancied I heard the
sound of running water splashing in the subterraneous depths.
502 THE COINERS' DEN. [Jan.,
" It's there the deed is hid ; you must go down there," added
the beggar-man. " If you haven't the courage to go down there
you had no business coming to me." "If that's the case I'll go
down," said I. " Yes, I think it's the best of your play," he
replied. " We shall want a light ? " said I. " You can't find the
parchment in the dark ? " " Be gor, you're very 'cute entirely."
said Pat Maher. " I wonder has your mother any more of ye?"
He plunged his hand into the pocket of his dress, and brought
out a piece of wax taper, whteh he held up to me triumphantly.
" What do you think of dat ? " he asked, with a glitter of the eye
whi'^h seemed to say, " Do you think I'm a fool ? "
We descended into the cellar by broken steps, and then ad-
vanced through the " darkness visible " that pervaded the vault,
until we reached a door. This door was pushed open by the
beggar and revealed a flight of stone steps, clean, unbroken, and
visible by a glimmering light of a wavy and supernatural charac-
ter, resembling light that had died. It seemed to stream up from
the bottom of the stairs, as if its source were in the depths of the
under-world.
" You must go down dem steps," said the beggar, pointing to
the stairs. I turned as pale as a sheet at these words, and trem-
bled in every limb. I felt myself paling. But the thought of Eala
enabled me to subdue my apprehensions, and, affecting a courage
which I by no means felt, I descended the steps, followed by Pat
Maher. At their foot we came to another door, which when
pushed open revealed, to my amazement and horror, a room full
of light. The most remarkable article of furniture in this sub-
terraneous apartment, which secured my attention the moment I
entered, was a huge engine rising to the ceiling, which, like a sen-
tient being, was groaning, wailing, churning, and creaking, as if
dissatisfied with its task, weary with labor, and querulous with
toil. The light which revealed its ponderous operations and en-
abled me to see it was given out by a fire flaming on a hob and
attended by a fireman, at the extremity of the apartment. This
fire was kept constantly in an incandescent state by a huge leath-
ern bellows, which, as if in sympathy with its fellow-slave, the
machine, was hoarsely groaning and complaining apparently of
unrequited toil and protesting against oppression. Both were
tended by men, bare-armed and black-looking, their stern faces
smutted with smoke, and their aspect lowering, scowling, and
repulsive.
In one of these men, better-featured than the others, my ap-
pearance seemed to excite a profound interest. He sidled near
1884.] THE COINER& DEN. 503
and perused me with a long 1 , concentrated gaze, in which I thought
I could detect an expression of affection. After a searching and
meditative stare he questioned me in a shy and distant manner as
to my kindred in Tipperary. I replied with the utmost frank-
ness, letting him know who I was. While my attention was
thus engaged my arms were suddenly pinioned to my sides and
bound behind my back with cords. My hat was removed, and a
small linen nose-bag, such as carters use to feed their horses in,
was thrown over my head and twisted round my throat. I was
then seized and thrown on my back, while a dexterous hand was
plunged into my pockets, which were emptied in a moment of
some gold coins and a gold repeater, while threats, intermingled
with curses of a savage and diabolical character, were hissed into
my ear.
" Those will make the fine wash entirely," exclaimed one of
the banditti in a tone of rapturous exultation, as he jingled the
guineas found in my pocket. " We're made men, by the Ho-
kies ! " " But what will be done with the shalwadore ? " * ex-
claimed a voice. " Oh ! that's easy settled a sticking-plaister
will stop his gob, and de sack-em-ups '11 carry him away."
At that time an infamous traffic in dead bodies which were
not always dead raged in Dublin. The anatomists paid a high
price for "subjects," and miscreants were found ready to supply
the demands of science from motives which were by no means
scientific. " Look at this, boys ! " cried a confederate, who had
been gazing on me with compassion. " This man that's lying
here is my foster-brother. It's an owld sayin', an' a thrue, Dil
fear gaoil, act searc mo croidhe dalta.\ He and I sucked the same
breasts. Before you lay another hand on him you must first kill
me."
A shout of ironical laughter hailed this sally. " Ah ! what do
you mean, man, at all ? Would you be after lettin' him out to call
the bulkies an us and git us all hung or transported ? Are you
out of your senses, or what ails you at all ? Is it ravin' you
are?" " Ravin' or no ravin', all I know is this : before you kill
this man you'll first kill me." " Well, we will kill you, then, if
that's all that's wanted." This exclamation was hailed with a
shout of approving laughter.
" Not so fast," cried another desperado. " This man is my
comrade. We coom together into the gang, and we'll g'out of
it together. The first man lays a hand on him I'll split him down
* Sealbhadoir ownef, proprietor.
t " A kinsman is beloved, but the pith of the heart is a foster brother." .
504 THE COINER^ DEN. [Jan.
to the chine." And the speaker raised a butcher's cleaver over
his head.
This called out a storm of shouts, threats, and imprecations.
The band seemed to resolve itself into two factions, which, amid
a world of clamor, came to blows. The roar of contention rang
through the hollow vaults. Yells, howls, cries, and curses were
heard on all sides, confusedly blended in a chaotic tumult of
sound. A furious wrestling, struggling, tumbling, and screaming
filled the whole concavity and occupied every member of the
band. In the midst of this hurly-burly, this furious Babel of
exasperated uproar, I managed by a desperate effort to break my
cords and set myself free. I rose to my feet, ran for my life up
the stairs, and got out into the open air.
The terrible scene I had passed through impressed itself so
forcibly on my mind, was so present to my scared and bewil-
dered imagination, and appalled and terrified me to such a de-
gree, filled me with such horror and affright, that it is no ex-
aggeration to say I was insane with fear. I sped through the
centre of the streets as if I were winged. I could not fly fast
enough. I fancied every moment the banditti were at my heels,
a howling troop, straining after me like bloodhounds, clamoring
to pull me down and murder me. Finally I reached the college,
panting and exhausted, where a friend who had chambers gave
me hospitality. Into his "pale ear "I poured the terrible inci-
dents of my recent adventure. But my agitation threw me into
a fever from which I recovered with slow and tedious difficulty.
Meantime my friend communicated with the authorities. A
company of soldiers for there were at that time no policemen in
Dublin proceeded to Meath Street and ransacked the coiners*
den ; all the stamping machinery and other materials were hauled
out, and among the rest a trunk in which the deed was discover-
ed which in after-time restored Eala to her long-lost inheritance.
I need not say more. The reader will himself supply the suc-
ceeding incidents which crowned my sufferings with the antici-
pated reward the hand of Eala. And now, like another ./Eneas,
communing with another Dido, 1 can describe in tranquillity the
appalling adventure
" Quae ipse miserrima vidi,
Quanquam animus meminisse horret luctuque refugit."
1884.] WICKED No. 7. 505
WICKED NO. 7.
BOB SHIPPEN was engineer of the night express running
between Des Moines and Council Bluffs on the Chicago, Rock
Island, and Pacific Railroad. He was a stout, jovial fellow,
with thick, coal-black beard and a heart as big as himself. In the
Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers no member was better
liked ; and when, on one of his trips, he met with an accident
which laid him up for a fortnight, a good many sympathizing
letters were written to him, all ending with the hope that he
might soon be on his legs again.
The fireman who rode with him was his bosom friend ; and
one winter evening Dick Barnes was seated in Shippen's humble
home at Des Moines, Iowa, smoking a pipe and talking over the
late mishap. Nobody was in the room besides themselves, ex-
cept a baby a crowing, healthy baby, not much more than a
twelvemonth old, who had been christened Bob after his father.
" The little ' critter ' does nothing but laugh," spoke the fireman,
poking the child with his grimy forefinger. " Yes, Bobby is his
dear, dead mother over again. Martha never had a frown on her
face. She was a good wife," answered Shippen in a slightly
tremulous voice. " She knew how to make corn-cakes to a T,"
said Barnes.
" And she never kept me waiting for my meals not a minute,"
said the engineer. " Oh ! it was hard to lose her ; 'tis over a
year now since she died." Here he fetched a sigh and drew his
sleeve across his eyes. Then turning to the crib where Bobby
lay, trying his best to talk and Bobby could utter a few words
" My child," he added, " needs so much a mother's care. I'm
away all night long, and when I get home at sunrise I have to
sleep, you know--I must get rest ; and I wonder how Bobby
thrives as he does." " Well, now, don't be angry if I tell you
something, will you?" said Dick. "No, speak out," said the
engineer.
" Well, if I were you I'd marry again, just for the child's
sake." His friend made no response, but sat a few minutes with
his face buried in his hands.
Presently Shippen looked up, and, eying the other closely,
said : " I'm to be on the 'road again to-morrow night." " Are
you? Really?" exclaimed Barnes, turning pale. "Well, by
506 WICKED No. 7. [Jan.,
Heaven! 'twill be my turn next. That locomotive has killed
three men already, you know good, worthy members of the
Brotherhood and she tried her level best to kill you." " Pshaw !
don't talk nonsense," said Shippen. " No. 7 is a tip-top machine.
Accidents will happen." " Well, what made her act as she did
when you got hurt?" asked the fireman. " Surely you're not in
earnest, are you? "said Shippen. " I am," said Barnes, thump-
ing his knee with his fist, which made little Bobby burst into
another fit of laughter. " I tell you No. 7 has a devil in her, and
and if I didn't like the man who drives her, and whose name is
Robert Shippen, not another trip would I make on her ; I think
too much of my life."
The following evening Shippen wended his way to the engine-
yard, where No. 7 was hissing and panting for him to arrive, and
where his fireman was very glad to see him. " For I do hate to
be alone on this machine," said Barnes. " Why, ever since I've
been getting up steam I've " Bah ! bah ! " interrupted Ship-
pen, as he perched himself upon his elevated seat on one side of
the cab. " Don't talk nonsense. Off she goes!" And so saying,
he pressed his hand against the throttle-lever and brought the
locomotive to her place at the head of the train, which was a
pretty heavy one : three express-cars, seven sleepers, and two
baggage-cars, and several of the cars had come all the way from
the Pacific. The depot presented a lively, bustling scene.
" Please tell me, sir, does this train stop at Casey? " inquired
a young woman with a gun resting on her arm, and addressing
Shippen, who had alighted to take one more look at his engine
the grim, iron monster, with huge six-foot driving-wheels ; and
more than one impatient traveller paused to admire No. 7.
" No, miss, this is the lightning express," answered Shippen.
" Too bad ! " ejaculated Lizzie Elder. " I want so much to get
home to-night with my brother Jim's rifle." " Sorry, but you
can't be in Casey till to-morrow," pursued the engineer.
" Too bad ! " repeated Lizzie. " Well, I am s*orry, truly sorry,
that we don't stop there," said Shippen, glancing up at the big
clock four minutes yet. At this moment an oldish woman ap-
proached, carrying a bundle which on nearer view proved to be
a baby. " What ! brought Bobby here to get one more kiss out
of me?" exclaimed Shippen, smiling and rubbing his greasy
beard all over the child's face, which Bobby greatly enjoyed ; for
he laughed and thrust out his tiny hands toward Lizzie Elder,
who was very fond of children, and this was such a bouncer !
She could not help pausing to look at it ; she might never see it
1884.] WICKED No. 7. 507
again. " What a little beauty ! " she said as she peeped into its
merry blue eyes.
" It's a boy called Bob after me ; he'll drive a locomotive
some day," said Shippen, giving his offspring one more kiss.
Then, bidding the woman take good care of it, he mounted up
to his place on the engine, and, leaning out of the cab window,
waved his hand to Miss Elder, who was still admiring the baby.
" If I was the superintendent of this road, miss," he said, " I'd
stop this train at Casey just to accommodate you I really
would." On which the girl smiled and said : " I thank you very
much."
" He isn't joking, miss. He'd do exactly what he says,"
spoke Barnes, the fireman, who had been devouring Lizzie with
all his eyes.
" All aboard ! " shouted a voice at the far end of the long
depot " all aboard ! " Immediately the engineer drew back
from the window and placed his hand on the throttle ; in another
moment the train was moving.
" Good-by," said Dick Barnes, who had the satisfaction of
having the last look at Lizzie Elder " good-by." For Shippen's
watchful eyes were now fixed intently on the track ahead, while
Dick continued to gaze upon the young woman as he pulled the
bell : " Ding-dong ! ding-dong ! ding-dong ! " And his eyes did
not leave her until she faded from his vision amid the crowd and
smoke and waving lights. During the run to Council Bluffs the
engineer spoke but very few words to his friend the fireman.
No. 7 was causing Shippen "for the first time grave uneasiness,
and he did not wish to excite the other's fears more than they
were already excited by the uncommon heeling of the locomo-
tive every time she went round a curve ; and once it really seem-
ed as if she had left the track. But when they were flying past
Casey, Shippen spoke and said : " That was a mighty fine-looking
girl that admired my Bobby. I wish that I could have stopped
at this place to accommodate her." " Yes, she was just the kind
of girl I admire," answered Barnes. " Tall and straight as an
arrow ; no silk and satin doll. And I liked, too, the way she car-
ried that rifle." " And she's fond of children," pursued Shippen.
" Well, if this devil-possessed locomotive doesn't break my
neck " No. 7 had begun to bounce and rock frightfully, yet this
was the smoothest part of the track " I'll see that young woman
again afore long," said the fireman, as he swung open the furnace-
door to shovel in more coal.
And he did see Lizzie Elder again a week later. She had
5o8 WICKED No. 7. [Jan.,
come to Des Moines in order to go to confession ; for she was a
Catholic, and Christmas was approaching 1 . Shippen and Barnes
were leaving the engine-yard after their usual night trip, tired
and longing to get a good sleep, when they met the girl, accom-
panied by her brother. The dawn was breaking in the east, and
Lizzie and Jim were about to take the early train for home.
Lizzie nudged Jim's arm and said : " Here comes the engineer of
the night express the man who has the pretty child I told you
about." Shippen saw her smile, and as they were passing one
another Jim Elder wished him " Good-morning." Whereupon
Shippen paused and informed him that in spring the express
trains were going to stop at Casey.
" Indeed ! That's good news," exclaimed Lizzie.
" And then I hope I may have the pleasure of taking you
home now and then," continued the engineer, looking at her with
a pleasant smile.
" I'm his fireman," put in Barnes, " and I can recommend his
train." " We neither of us see much of the sunlight," continued
Shippen. " We sleep in the daytime. But Casey is a thriving
village ; I can tell that when the moon shines bright, although
we generally pass it going forty miles an hour." " Well, come
and make us a visit," spoke Jim Elder, who liked the engineer's
honest face. " 'Tisn't easy for us to get a holiday," said the
latter.
" Well, you'll see me there afore a great while," spoke Barnes.
" I'm thinking of throwing up my situation as fireman afore I get
killed, and I think farming would suit me. How's land about
Casey?"
" No better corn-land in Iowa," answered Jim. " You ought
to taste our corn-cakes," said his sister. " Corn-cakes, did you
say ? " ejaculated Barnes. Then, after smacking his lips, " Tru-
ly," he added, " they must be uncommon good when when
you make 'em." At this frank speech they all laughed. " Well,
how is Master Bob ? " inquired Lizzie, addressing Shippen
while the radiant blush was still upon her cheek.
" Never better," answered Shippen. " And he roots his little
fingers so deep into my beard and clutches it so tight that I came
deuced near being late for my train yesterday ; I couldn't get
Bobby to let me go."
" His father's pride and his mother's joy," said Lizzie mus-
ingly. " Alas ! he has no mother. She died when he was only a
month old," sighed the engineer. " But then my pay is twelve
hundred a year, and, God be thanked, while I live Bobby shall
1884.] WICKED No. 7. 509
want for nothing ; he wants nothing now except a mother's
care." "Are you long in the West, miss?" inquired Barnes,
who was anxious to put in as many words as possible before the
girl went away : her train would leave in ten minutes, and he
must not let Shippen do all the talking. "Long? Yes, indeed.
Why, I was born here," answered Lizzie.
" Well, I think more of this State now than I ever did," pur-
sued Barnes. Then to himself he added : " Iowa girls can't be
beat." And here let us observe that, while Lizzie Elder was
quite tall, she was at the same time exceedingly graceful. Her
complexion was very fair, and the half a dozen freckles on her
face might have been called beauty-spots. She had, moreover,
a pretty dimple in her left cheek and a cast in one of her hazel
eyes, which gave her a most piquant expression ; and it was this
expression which fairly carried Barnes off his feet, although he
saw her but dimly in the early morning light. " Well, I suppose
there's a school and a meeting-house handy to where you live ? "
said Shippen. " So that if my fireman does abandon me and
turns farmer in your neighborhood he'll be able to go to meet-
ing on the Sabbath, as well as educate his little ones." " My
little ones ! Ha ! ha ! " laughed Dick. " Well, there are two
churches in Casey and a public school," answered Lizzie ; " but
we are Catholics, and I went to the school of the Sisters of
Charity in Des Moines." " Well, do you never feel lonesome at
home?" inquired Shippen "for you tell me that you live five
miles out on the prairie." " Oh ! no. There is always plenty to
do. I'm always busy. Brother Jim this season had a hundred
acres in corn, and " " Pretty near ninety-five acres," inter-
rupted Jim. " And when I'm out o' doors I look at his corn, and
at the prairie chickens, and at the big hay-stack ; while indoors
I churn, and sew, and read, and sing. Jim likes me to sing ' The
Old Kentucky Home ' : my parents came from Kentucky."
"And you say that you are a Catholic," put in Barnes, "and
that your father and mother were from Kentucky ? Well, now, I
like Kentucky almost as much as I do Iowa. And yet I'm I'm
surprised." " Surprised at what?" said Lizzie. " Why, you're
a native-born American and at the same time a a Catholic."
" That's true," said Lizzie. " We have been Catholics for three
generations." " Well, though I never met any of your way of
thinking at camp-meeting, some of those that I'm acquainted
with are very good folks," said Shippen. " But the best thing
about 'em, in my opinion, is that when they're once married they
stay married; we don't hear of them trying to get divorced."
5io WICKED No. 7. [Jan.
" Well, I like Iowa, and I like Kentucky, and I like Catholics
too," said Barnes, just as Jim Elder glanced at his watch and
whispered to his sister that it was time to be going. " I'm glad
to hear you say that," said Lizzie. Then, holding out both hands,
she gave one to each of her new acquaintances ; and when pre-
sently Barnes and Shippen sauntered off toward their lodging
they did not open their lips. The former was wondering what
might be the price of land on the prairie where Lizzie Elder
lived, while the latter was murmuring to himself : " Poor Bobby !
He can't do without a mother's care much longer; he really
can't"
Three nights before Christmas the ground was covered deep
with snow, and when, at the usual hour, Shippen and his fireman
mounted No. 7 they were both thinking of Lizzie Elder and
wondering if she might be snow-bound in her prairie home.
" Well, we'll not fall out over her," spoke Barnes. " If she
likes me best let her say so. If she likes you best let her say so.
You're a tip-top fellow and deserve to get a tip-top wife."
" Well, Bobby wants a mother badly," answered the engineer,
as he looked at the steam-gauge. " And this young woman
seems to be healthy and clever ; she doesn't appear as if she'd
run up big bills for dresses and gewgaws. And, Dick, you must
come and see us as often as you can." " That I will, provided
you win her," replied Barnes. " For I know that Miss Elder
makes excellent corn-cake."
" I admire a tall girl, don't you ? " pursued Shippen. " Yes,
provided she isn't too tall. I don't want to have a bean-pole.
Miss Elder is just about the right height." " Her mouth is a
trifle big," continued Shippen ; " but then, on the whole, I'd
rather have it too big than too small, eh ? " " Yes, for it shows
that she isn't one of the scolding kind," answered Barnes. " Give
me a roomy, laughing mouth every day in the week."
" But, Dick," said the engineer, "you and I may be counting
our chickens afore they're hatched ; suppose she ^ won't marry
either of us ? "
" Well, I'm going to send her a Christmas present," said
Barnes. " There's a Catholic book-store in Des Moines, and I
saw a prettily-bound book there a couple of evenings ago called
Fabiola, which " "Which I sent to Miss Elder yesterday," in-
terrupted Shippen exultingly. "You didn't!" "I did, upon
honor." " Well, well ! I declare, you're a point ahead of me,"
sighed Barnes. "But never mind. I'll send her a Christmas
gift, too." Here a voice cried out : " All aboard for Council
1884.] WICKED No. 7. 511
Bluffs, Omaha, Denver City, and San Francisco all aboard ! "
" Ding-dong ! " sounded the bell, " ding-dong ! ding-dong ! "
And presently, with a piercing shriek, No. 7 sallied forth into the
darkness.
But in about an hour and a half the full moon rose, and as
it cast its weird beams over the snow-clad prairie, dotted at long
intervals with a clump of trees or a pioneer's cabin, Dick Barnes
thought what a dreary, ghostly aspect the landscape bore, and
rejoiced that he was speeding across it as fast as the engine
could carry him.
"No. 7 is behaving pretty well to-night, isn't she? " he said,
as he flung open the furnace-door.
" I can't say that," replied the engineer doubtfully. " I
begin to think you may be right: there is something deuced
queer about No. 7."
"What is it? What is she doing now ?" inquired Barnes,
with an expression of awe.
" She doesn't always respond when I open the throttle- valve,"
said Shippen. " Look ! I am giving her more steam, and yet she
doesn't go any faster." " Do you believe in evil spirits, in
demons ? " asked the fireman, wiping his brow. " Well, yes, I
I do, and yet I But, confound it ! look at her now." And even
while he was speaking the locomotive perceptibly slackened her
speed. It could hardly be the snow that was checking her.
The late storm had been accompanied by very little wind, and
the snow had not drifted at least not enough to impede such a
powerful engine. Why, then, was she going slower and slower ?
In vain did Shippen open the throttle-valve as far as it would
open ; slower, slower, slower went No. 7, until in less than an-
other mile the train came to a full stop. Shippen, we are
glad to say, was never profane, otherwise he might have used
some unseemly language at present : more than twenty minutes
behind-time, a bitter cold night, and stuck, apparently with-
out any cause, within a little distance of Casey, which was
forty-five miles from Des Moines. Barnes murmured to him-
self: "This shall be my last week on this haunted, devilish
engine," while Shippen alighted with his oil-can to examine
the machinery and to try and discover what the trouble was.
From every part of No. 7 were dangling long, thin, glittering
icicles ghostly fingers they looked like ; and she seemed to be
shivering and moaning as if in pain at the intense cold, for the
mercury had fallen to twenty degrees below zero. It was not a
night even for wolves to be out wandering on this desolate waste.
512 WICKED No. 7. [Jan.,
The conductor, who had hastened forward to inquire what
was the matter, was clapping his freezing arms with all his might,
and presently, after bidding Shippen to make up as much lost
time as he could, ran back to his snug corner in the front car.
He had scarcely left the engineer, who was examining one of
the axles and in order to do so Shippen had crawled partly un-
derneath the engine when No. 7 suddenly moved forward at
least six inches ; then paused, then began to move again ; and
Shippen drew himself out, barely in time to prevent the pon-
derous driving-wheel from passing over his neck. " I never
touched the throttle-lever so help me God, I didn't! " exclaimed
the startled fireman, as Shippen shook his fist, then jumped into
the cab ; for of her own accord the locomotive was now moving
onward. But after advancing ten rods she again mysteriously
halted, just as a sledge was seen coming toward the railroad
track. Once more Shippen alighted, and, although sorely puz-
zled at the eccentric action of his engine, as well as excited by
his narrow escape from being crushed to death, he could not
help smiling and speaking to "Lizzie Elder for it was surely she
whose face was peeping out at him from between the folds of a
buffalo-robe. " Did you receive my humble Christmas gift, Miss
Elder?" he said, while the sledge was grating and jingling
across the frosty rails only a few yards away. " Miss Elder,
don't you know me? I'm Bob Shippen, engineer of the night
express.".
The young woman made no response ; for about half a min-
ute she turned her eyes full upon him, then whispered some-
thing to the boy who was driving, and away the horse trotted
along the wild, dimly-marked road, which led apparently no-
where into the moonlit desert.
" Well, now, that's odd, deuced odd ; I can't explain it,"
thought Shippen, shaking his head. " Not even to thank me
for the book ; not even to open her lips and ask after Bobby."
" That was Miss Elder, wasn't it?" said Barnes, after his friend
had resumed his place on the engine and was pressing his hand
against the throttle.
" Yes, I could swear it was," answered Shippen, as No. 7
creaked and groaned, and was slowly moving ahead ; for plenty
of sand was being strewn from the sand-box, and he had given
her a full head of steam.
" And yet," he added, " I can hardly believe it was she ; Miss
Elder wouldn't have treated me so rudely. However " Here
he ceased to talk and watched No. 7, watched her closely, and
1884.] WICKED No. 7, 513
was very glad indeed when by and by she was going at full
speed again.
But after Barnes and himself had made their round trip in
safety to Council Bluffs and back to Des Moines he said in a
solemn tone to his fireman : " Dick, I came very near being
killed to-night, didn't I? And I confess that No. 7 isn't like
any other engine that I ever rode on. I'm growing afraid of
her ! " " Let's quit her as soon as possible," answered Barnes.
" Well, I heard last year," continued Shippen, " that No. 7 had
a, devil in her, just as the Bible says that a herd of swine once
had. But I laughed at the man who told me poor fellow ! he
was afterwards killed by her and I never repeated this to you,
Dick, for I didn't use to believe in such things as ghosts and evil
spirits. But now " " Now, when a demon did certainly touch
the throttle," interrupted the fireman, " and tried to make her
run over you, you do believe in supernatural beings moving all
around us. Well, I always did believe in 'em, and here I was
ahead of you in wisdom."
" So you were, Dick. The most educated folks can't disprove
the possibility that ethereal beings may be moving close to us
without our being able to see or hear them moving." " Well, I
wonder what can have set Miss Elder against you?" said Barnes
presently. " Why didn't she answer when you spoke to her?"
" Ah ! that's more than I can telL And did you notice the
startled, frightened expression on her face when she looked at
me ? " "I did," said Barnes ; " and I have been very low-
spirited ever since."
" So have I," said Shippen. " I feel as if some evil were
going to happen." Then, after reflecting, a moment and pressing
his hand to his brow, "I sometimes think," he added, "that this
everlasting night-work doesn't agree with my brain. You and
I hardly ever see the sunlight. While other folks are sound
asleep we are flying across Iowa, stark awake, while every spot
except our engine is as still as a graveyard."
" Ay, and that engine No. 7," said Barnes. " It's enough to
turn any man's brain." Then after a pause, and gazing ear-
nestly at his friend, " I've hit it ! " he exclaimed. " I've hit it !
I know now what made Miss Elder drive rapidly on without
speaking." "What was it? Tell me," said Shippen eagerly.
" She saw something which made her blood run cold some-
thing hovering about the engine which your eyes and mine
didn't see." A silence of several minutes followed this remark.
Then the engineer said : " Well, Dick, I'm going to wed that
VOL. xxxvin. 33
514 WICKED No. 7. [Jan.,
girl, if she'll have me, afore No. 7 blows up or does some other
infernal thing."
"Shall we toss up to see which of us shall ask her first?"
said Barnes, " or shall we both pop the question at the same
time?"
" Well, do you think, Dick, that we have seen enough of the
young lady to take such an important step^this week? Had we
better wait a little till we know her better ? " " Bah ! Don't
you and I do things quicker than other folks ? Don't we travel
by express ? " replied Barnes, with a grin. " Well, let's try and
get a day off, and then we'll pay Miss Elder a visit," pursued
Shippen.
" Agreed," said the fireman. "I am longing to taste her
corn-cake." " And I'll bring Bobby along ; the crisp prairie air
will do the child good," said the engineer.
"The baby gives you an advantage over "me," said Barnes.
" How so, Dick ? "
" 'Cause such a cunnin', sprightly thing can't but interest the
girl in its daddy," answered Barnes. " The girl says to herself :
' There's a man who has done honor to my sex.' '
At this Shippen laughed and said : " Come, come, it's grow-
ing late. The sun will soon be up, and you and I must get to
bed." " To bed, to bed ! " murmured his friend, shaking his head.
" Alas ! we two are exactly like owls : we only see the world
by night-time. But I'm going to turn over a new leaf. I'm
going to see something of the blessed sunshine afore I cross the
great Divide." " Do, do ! " said Shippen, " afore No. 7 scatters
your bones to the prairie-wolves to feast on by moonlight."
And now, with a mournful feeling, the engineer betook him-
self to his much-needed repose, while the other likewise retired
to his couch to dream of corn-cake and a cabin on the prairie.
It was Christmas eve, and the hands of all the clocks were
verging nigh to the hallowed midnight, when the lightning ex-
press glided out of the depot at Council Bluffs. The night was
clear ; every star was shining ; only in the far northeast was
there a single dark spot a lowering cloud which seemed to be-
token more snow. " This is positively my last ride on this devil-
ish locomotive," said Barnes. " People may laugh and say I'm
cracked ; I'll not ride on her one more night."
" Well, don't let's talk about ghosts and demons," answered
the engineer in a voice less firm than usual. " As long as we're
on No. 7 we must do our duty like men. While you attend to
the furnace I'll keep my hand on the throttle, and if anything
1884.] WICKED No. 7. 515
happens before we get back to Des Moines we'll not be to
blame."
" Well, it's a hundred and twenty miles to Des Moines," pur-
sued Barnes, " and I'm not a fellow much given to praying.
But I do hope that the Lord will bring me safe home. O Lord !
I ask thee pardon for my sins."
"That's right, turn your thoughts to God," said Shippen.
" For we who live on locomotives may have our necks broken at
any moment."
" At any moment," echoed the fireman. " And and I'll
never take the name of God in vain again as long as I breathe ;
and I'll go to meetin' as often as I can ; and "
" Be a good, faithful husband, if your life is spared and Miss
Elder will have you," interrupted Shippen. Then, after a pause,
he added : " But now don't let's talk ; I must keep a sharp eye
on the track." "" Well, I'll be .a Catholic, if she wants me to,"
said Barnes under his breath. " Catholic women don't switch
off on other husbands ; once ' spliced,' they're 'spliced ' till death.
And I'll pop the question to-morrow, if I'm alive ; I will, as sure
as the stars are twinkling."
And now while Barnes attended to the feeding of the furnace,
and while Shippen strained his vision as far ahead as he could,
on, on, faster and faster, speeded No. 7, until in a little while she
was running at the rate of fifty miles an hour. The train had
left Council Bluffs a quarter of an hour late ; it was soon on time
to a second. All went well until they were rushing past Casey
and were within forty-five miles of Des Moines, when Shippen's
keen ear was attracted by an unwonted rumbling in the forward
part of the engine. " What on earth has happened now ? " said
Barnes in quaking accents.
He had scarcely put the question when the bell-rope was
pulled twice violently as a signal to stop. At once Shippen
obeyed the signal from the conductor, then looked back to see
if anything had gone wrong with the train : perhaps a car had
broken loose. " But he could not distinguish anything very
plainly ; for the ominous cloud in the northeast, which had been
growing rapidly larger and larger, by this time covered nearly
the whole heavens, and snow was beginning to fall. Within three
minutes it was snowing so hard that it was impossible to see an
object even twenty feet away. "What's the matter?" asked
the conductor, hastening up as soon as the train had come to a
stop.
" All right here," replied Shippen and Barnes at one breath.
5i6 WICKED No. 7. [Jan.,
" Well, then, why did you stop ? " " You signalled me to do so,"
answered the engineer. " You're mistaken," said the other.
" But the belt-rope was pulled ; I could swear it was," said Ship-
pen. " Well, I didn't pull it," said the conductor. Then, looking
round, he added : " I shouldn't wonder if that man and woman
back yonder tried to steal a ride ; this confounded snow is so
thick they'll probably jump on one of the cars without being
seen." Here Shippen fancied that he perceived a human figure
gliding past the engine ; but the snowflakes so blinded his eyes
that he could not feel sure it was not imagination.
" Well, whoever they are, tramps or not, I pity 'em," pur-
sued the conductor. " This is a bad time and a lonesome spot to
be out o' doors. The man begged me to take him aboard, but I
couldn't; it's against the rules to take way passengers on the
express." " What are you staring at ? " inquired Barnes, trem-
bling, as he peeped over Shippen's shoulder. " Nothing, no-
thing," answered the latter ; and presently the conductor waved
his lantern and bade him go ahead.
" Nothing ? " ejaculated the fireman. " Well, who do you
suppose pulled the bell-rope and made us stop ? " Then rolling
up his eyes, " O Lord ! " he added, " deliver me from the evil
one. I'm a sinner, I know I am. But I'm going to be good ;
I'll turn over a new leaf."
" Come, come, Dick, don't lose heart," said Shippen, touching
the throttle ; and in a moment, after giving several tremendous
puffs for the train was pretty heavy No. 7 moved on again.
But the engineer might as well have been stone-blind as tried
to distinguish anything on the track ahead in such weather ;
right into the howling northeast snow-storm No. 7 was forcing
her way with constantly increasing velocity. Her huge head-
light seemed only to render the snowflakes thicker ; they looked
like countless diamonds darting hither and thither athwart the
blaze. The hour was two in the morning ; drowsy lids had long
since closed in sleep. Inside the cars, as well as inside the cabins
on the prairie, men's ears were deaf to the sound of the tempest ;
only Bob Shippen and Dick Barnes were awake, and wide-awake.
No sleep for the engineer and fireman of the night express ; and
No. 7 was in a little while going like mad. Shippen's trusty
hand was grasping the throttle ; Barnes was peering nervously
through the little window in front of him, and a whole month's
wages he would. have given to be safe and sound in Des Moines.
He was humming a hymn which his mother had taught him
when of a sudden right before him rose a human face ; in another
1884.] WICKED No. 7. 517
moment it was pressing against the outer side of the glass ; then
a ghostly hand appeared in view. " Good God protect me ! "
cried the terror-stricken Dick.
" What ! what ! Is there a train ahead of us ? " shouted the
engineer, his heart jumping into his throat. But, without making
any response, Barnes ran back and stood a few seconds quivering
and tottering on top of the coal-heap.
Brave as Shippen was, drops of cold sweat started out on his
brow when presently the door which leads from the narrow
footway along the boiler into the interior of the cab flew open,
and, ushered in with pelting snowflakes and screaming winds,
came an apparition. " Stand back in God's name ! " he cried.
" Merry Christmas ! " answered a blithe voice, and in a jiffy
the snow-covered hood and shawl were flung aside, and lo ! be-
side him stood a young woman, laughing heartily at the fright
which her unexpected appearance had caused both Shippen and
his fireman.
The latter had doubtless retreated like a poltroon into the
foremost baggage-car, for Dick was nowhere to be seen. " Why,
as I live ! it's you the girl I've been thinking so much about,"
exclaimed Shippen ; and only that one of his hands was holding
the throttle, we do believe that in his transport of delight he
might have embraced her.
" Well, merry, merry Christmas ! though we have never
met before," continued the fair stranger. " You're joking," said
Shippen. " You're surely the girl who admires my Bobby, and
to whom I sent a book as a Christmas gift a few days since.
Aren't you Lizzie Elder?"
" Indeed I'm not," replied the other, as she rubbed her half-
frozen cheeks and stamped the snow off her chilled feet. " Well,
then, I must be crazy or else bewitched. Who in heaven's name
are you ? " "I am Lizzie Elder's twin sister," she answered, with
a roguish twinkle in her eye. " My name is Helen, and when
you sent my sister that pretty book I was not at home ; I was
away at a husking party, and I knew nothing about it when you
accosted me the other night as I drove past your train in a
sleigh." " Ah ! the mystery is explained ; for I was indeed
greatly puzzled at your not answering me when I spoke to you
on that occasion," said Shippen. " Well, how is your sister ?
She is well, I hope ? "
" Lizzie is very well indeed, thanks. She went to Des Moines
yesterday, and brother Jim and I were to go there last evening.
But we missed the way train, and were driving to Des Moines
518 WICKED No. 7. [Jan.,
in our sleigh when we chanced to meet your train awhile ago.
We never knew the express to stop where it did. But the conduc-
tor refused to let us get aboard. Then, in spite of Jim's urgent
entreaties, I made bold to steal a ride on the cow-catcher."
" Well, upon my word, you astonish me ! " exclaimed Shippen.
" But it was awfully cold out there awfully cold. It seemed to
be blowing a thousand hurricanes right in my teeth, and I was
very soon obliged to seek refuge here," continued Helen, to
whose numb cheeks the blood was slowly coming back.
" Well, nobody could be more welcome ; and I wish you, too,
a merry Christmas," said Shippen, now offering her his left hand.
" But what on earth possessed your brother and yourself to quit
home on such a fearfully cold night? Why didn't you wait
until daybreak?"
" Oh ! we have a smart team of horses, we were well covered
up in a buffalo-robe, and nobody could get lost by following the
telegraph-poles," answered Helen. " Besides, sir, this is Christ-
mas blessed Christmas morning and we were anxious to be at
first Mass, which is at four o'clock."
" Well, we shall soon see the lights of Des Moines ; for the
road here is smooth and straight, and we are running nearly a
mile a minute," said Shippen. Then inwardly he said : " What a
good Christian she must be to leave home at such a time as this!
And to steal a ride, too, on the pilot merely in order to get to
church before sunrise ! Verily, there's a heap of faith among
Catholics a heap of faith, whatever some folks may say against
'em." " Well, had I remained on the cow-catcher or pilot, as
it is sometimes called I'd have been frozen stiff by this tinre,
wouldn't I?" continued Helen, whose cheeks were now blazing
red and felt as if a thousand needles were pricking them.
" Yes, miss, it was a very rash thing to do," answered Ship-
pen. " It was indeed," said Helen; "and my brother will give
me a good scolding when he meets me." " Well, where is my
fireman?" said the engineer, glancing round. " Has he hidden
his scared head in the baggage-car?" " I guess he has," replied
Helen, laughing. " He no doubt took me for a ghost ha ! ha ! "
Poor Dick Barnes ! Little did they dream that at this very
moment he was floundering up to his waist in a snow-drift miles
behind. Wicked No. 7 had pitched him off while he was quaking
and praying on top of the coal-heap in the tender. " Well, truly,
it breaks my heart to think that my fireman is such a coward,"
said Shippen ; " for Dick will probably lose his situation, and it's
a pretty good one." Here Shippen opened the furnace-door and
1884.] WICKED No. 7. 519
saw that the hungr y flames needed more fuel. " Oh ! ' let me
shovel in the coal," exclaimed Helen. " Exercise will keep me
warm." And with this she took the shovel out of his hand and
performed her work as fireman very well indeed, considering
that she was not Dick Barnes. But Helen, like her twin sister,
was strong- and healthy ; she had been brought up to do some-
thing better than read dime novels and pore over the fashion-
plates in the illustrated papers. She had been born in Iowa
of Kentucky parents Kentucky, the land of talf and graceful
maidens and no wonder that Shippen made big eyes at her and
finally ejaculated : " By Jingo ! If you'll take me to church
this Christmas morning I'll go with you ; for if we arrive on
time 'twill be thanks to you, my new fireman." Then to himself
he said : " What a magnificent figure she has ! As supple as a
piece of hickory and as straight as an arrow."
And Des Moines was reached on time to the minute. But
Dick Barnes did not make his appearance ; nor had the con-
ductor nor any of the brakemen seen him ; and now it occurred
to Shippen that perhaps his friend had fallen off the engine, and
he loudly blamed himself for not having suspected this before.
His eyes filled with tears, and Helen, too, felt very sad.
" Well, I'll immediately telegraph to Casey," said Shippen,
"and I'll leave no stone unturned to find his body. Poor Dick!
Although he was sometimes very scary, .he was a tip-top fellow ;
swore a little, but never drank, and knew every hymn in the
book."
" Well, I'm acquainted with every one for miles around
Casey," said Helen, " and I'll get a hundred farmers to search
for him.''
Accordingly, having taken his locomotive into the engine-
yard and given her in charge of another fireman, Shippen and
Helen hastened to the telegraph office, which was near by in the
railway depot. But scarcely had they reached it when a deafen-
ing sound was heard ; the whole building shook as if in an earth-
quake ; and presently word was brought that engine No. 7 the
big engine had exploded ! " And not the smallest piece of her
can be found," gasped a frightened employee, who had had a
most miraculous escape " not the smallest piece of her ; she
has vanished into the air like a spirit ! " At this startling an-
nouncement Helen made the sign of the cross, while Shippen's
hand trembled as he rested it on her arm.
True to his promise, after a brief but rigid examination before
the superintendent, who acquitted him of any carelessness with
20 WICKED No. 7. [Jan.,
his locomotive, Shippen accompanied Helen to Mass. At the
church-door they met Lizzie Elder, who was anxiously awaiting
her brother and sister ; and when Lizzie was told what had hap-
pened during the night, she too made the sign of the cross and
breathed a prayer for the soul of the lost fireman, then returned
thanks to God that her dear sister had not been blown to atoms
on No. 7.
Shippen, who had never been in a Catholic church before,
was highly interested and thought that he had never seen a place
of worship so crammed with worshippers ; and all were so quiet-
ly devout, and at the Elevation, when the people bowed their
heads, he bowed his head too. After Mass the wind veered to
the northwest, the storm came to an end, and when by and by
the sun rose it rose on a cloudless sky. Of course the engineer
took Helen and Lizzie to see Bobby, who clapped his tiny hands
and managed to say, " Dada ! Dada \ " and then " Hellay,"
"Leedee," whereupon Helen and Lizzie half smothered him with
kisses. Oh ! happy indeed would this blessed Christmas have
been, except for the mournful fate of poor Barnes. " I knew
Dick so well ! " sighed the engineer, as he brushed a tear off his
cheek. " He was a very good son to his old mother while she
lived a very good son * and he'd have made an uncommon good
husband for any woman. Poor Dick \ " " Well, perhaps he may
not be killed after all," said Helen.
"Alas I there's not one chance in a thousand that he's alive,'*
said Shippen. " Well, we will remember him in our prayers,'"
spoke Lizzie. "For we Catholics pray for the dead." "A most
comforting thing to do," said Shippen. " And I don't see what
folks have to find against your religion ; it's nothing but pre-
judice."
It was nearly noon when Jim Elder made his appearance.
" I took the early morning train from Casey," said Jim. " But
the snow has drifted badly in several places, and that is what has
delayed me."
" Well, we are overjoyed to see you," exclaimed his loving
sisters, who had begun to feel a little anxious. " And I deserve
a good hard scolding for what I did," said* Helen, with a furtive
glance at Shippen. " Ay, to think of Miss Helen daring to ride
on the pilot ! " said Shippen. " Oh ! it was risky, very risky.
Never do it again."
" Well, well, I'll not scold you, dear sister," said Jim, giving
her a kiss. " I am too glad to find you safe and sound. I didn't
know, after you left me last night, but what the horrid engine
1884.] WICKED No. -j, 521
had tossed your body out of sight. I spent half an hour looking
for you.- I was very, very uneasy."
In the afternoon they all paid a visit to Father Malone, the
parish priest, who made an excellent impression on Shippen, and
the latter promised that this should not be his last visit_to the
reverend gentleman. Then, after having assisted at Vespers, Jim
Elder, Shippen, and the girls took the train for Casey ; for the
engineer had obtained a short holiday, and Jim was determined
to give him a taste of prairie life in midwinter.
It was, however, with heavy hearts that they reached the
comfortable log-house, which stood in the midst of a clump of
locust-trees five miles from the settlement ; for they had not
been able to obtain any tidings of Dick Barnes, dead or alive,
although scores of willing men had spent the day looking for
him; and it was the general opinion that after falling off the
engine he had been devoured by wolves, great numbers of whom
had come down from Minnesota since the bitter cold weather
had set in.
But life, we know, is full of surprises ; and imagine the feel-
ings of the mournful party when on entering the house they dis-
covered Barnes lying on the floor near a blazing fire. An im-
mense buffalo-robe was wrapped around him, and he was chatting
with Jim Elder's hired man, a jovial Irishman, who had proved
indeed the tenderest of nurses. The meeting between Shippen
and his fireman cannot be described. The former, in the ecstasy
of his joy, came near dropping little Bobby ; he might have let
hi-m fall had not Lizzie Elder caught the child in her arms, while
the engineer bent down and rubbed his shaggy beard over
Barnes' face, as if grinning Dick had been a baby too.
" Tim Murphy found me up to my neck in a snow-drift," said
Barnes. " I was half dead when he hauled me out and carried
me here in a sleigh. And he's been rubbing the skin off my
bones ever since to bring back the circulation ; and now he is
smothering me in this buffalo-robe." " Well, 'twas mighty lucky
I was out at that lonesome hour," answered Tim. " Only that I
had been driving Mr. Elder and Miss Helen to Casey, where
they wanted to get aboard a train so as to be in Des Moines in
time for first Mass, I'd never have had the good fortune to save
your life." " And wasn't I glad ! Didn't I ' holler ' when I saw a
sleigh coming toward me ! " continued Barnes.
" And didn't I at first think it was the Old Boy peeping up
out of a snow-bank at me? " said Tim, with a broad grin. " But
then I had always associated the divil wid fire ; and so in a
522 WICKED No. 7. [Jan.,
moment I said to myself: 'Bejabers! the Old Boy wouldn't be
such a fool as to be here in the snow.' And so I drove boldly
up ; and wasn't it lucky I did? " Here everybody laughed, and
Bobby's shrill voice might have been heard laughing above all
the other voices.
' On the morrow Shippen, like a wise man, determined to
make good use of his holiday. Accordingly, after eating a
hearty breakfast he had never tasted such corn-cake before he
asked Lizzie Elder to show him the cows. " For I like cows," he
said. " My father was a farmer." We say he asked Lizzie ; he
could have sworn it was she ; and when, after praising the cattle
and the chickens, and in fact everything he saw about the happy
homestead, he ended by asking her to be his wife, the girl
blushed ; then presently, lifting her big, bright eyes off the
sparkling snow, she answered yes. " Well, I loved you," he
said, " from the very first moment I saw you in the railway depot
admiring my Bobby. My fireman can tell you that this is the
solemn truth." " Why, I never laid eyes on your beautiful child
before yesterday," answered the merry maiden. " You're jok-
ing," said Shippen. " Why, I'm Helen, not Lizzie," said the
young woman. " I'm the one who scared you so night before
last, and who kept your furnace roaring after your fireman had
disappeared." "Well, well, upon my word!" exclaimed the
astonished engineer, whose jaw dropped a couple of inches.
" Your mistake is a most natural one," continued Helen, her poor
little heart in a terrible flutter. " Sister and I are so very alike ;
even our freckles are nine in number " here she blushed again.
" And if you regret your mistake, well, all right. I will let you
live on in single-blessedness." "Oh! no, it doesn't matter one
jot, not one jot," said Shippen, now taking her hand and pressing
it. " I know that you'll make me a very happy husband."
" Well, you couldn't have Lizzie, any way," said Helen, with
an arch look, "for she is going to marry your fireman." " What !
has Dick already popped the question ? Well, I declare, he does
indeed travel by express."
" Yes, he asked sister to be his wife before breakfast, while 1
was busy making the corn-cake." The engineer now burst into
a hearty laugh ; then, still holding Helen by the hand, he walked
back to the house, where it is not necessary to add they were all
very, very happy.
" Father Malone is to marry us next month," said Barnes.
" And he will marry us, too," said Shippen, casting a fond look on
Helen, who was playing with Bobby.
1884.] A STORY OF NUREMBERG. 523
" And I'm going to his church always," said Barnes. " So
am I," said Shippen. " I'd rather be a Catholic than anything
else."
" Well, Bob," continued Dick, " you and I should be most
thankful to God that we are alive to-day." " Ay, so we should,"
said Shippen. " And I'll never laugh at you again when you say
that there are mysteries going on about us which science cannot
explain ; our engine was " Possessed by an evil spirit," inter-
rupted Barnes; "and she tried her level best to blow you up.
But you were too quick for her, Bob too quick."
" Well, they haven't found the smallest piece of her," said the
engineer " not the smallest piece."
But albeit such was the tragic end of wicked No. 7, all is well
that ends well.
A STORY OF NUREMBERG.
IT was a Christmas eve in the beginning of the sixteenth
century, and through the streets of Nuremberg came drifting a
feathery snow that heaped itself in fantastic patterns on the pro-
jecting windows and fretted stone balconies of the quaint and
crowded houses. It was not an honest and single-minded snow-
storm, such as would seek to shroud the whole city in its delicate
white mantle, but rather a tricksy and capricious sprite, that
neglected one spot to hurl itself with wanton violence on an-
other. Borne on the breath of a keen and shifting wind, it came
tossing gleefully full in the face of a solitary artisan who, wrap-
ped in a heavy cloak, was making the best of his. way homeward.
Truly it was not a pleasant night to be abroad, with the snow-
drifts dancing in your eyes like a million of tiny arrow-points,
and the sharp wind cutting like a knife ; and the wayfarer was
consoling himself for his present discomfort by picturing the
warm fireside and the hot supper that awaited him at home,
when his cheerful dreams were broken by a sharp cry that
seemed to come from under his very feet.
Startled, and not a little alarmed, he checked his rapid walk
and listened. There was no mistaking the sound : it was neither
imp nor fairy, but a real child, from whose little lungs came
forth that wail at once pitiful and querulous. As he heard it
Peter Burkgmaier's kindly heart flew with one rapid bound to
the cradle at home where slumbered his own infant daughter,
524 A STORY OF NUREMBERG. [Jan.,
and, hastily lowering his lantern, he searched under the dark
archway whence the cry had come. There, sheltered by the wall
and wrapped in a ragged cloak, was a baby boy, perhaps between
two and three years old, but so tiny and emaciated as to seem
hardly half that age. When the lantern flickered in his face he
gave a frightened sob, and then lay quiet and exhausted in the
strong arms that held him.
" Poor little wretch ! " said the man. " Abandoned on Christ-
mas eve to die in the snow ! " And wrapping the child more
closely in his own mantle, he hurried on until he reached his
home, from whose latticed panes shone forth a cheerful stream
of light. His wife, with her baby on her breast, met him at the
door, and stared with a not unnatural amazement as her hus-
band unrolled his cloak and showed her the boy, who, blinking
painfully at the sudden light, tried to struggle down from his
arms.
" See, Lisbeth ! " he said, " I have found you a Christmas
present where I least expected one an unhappy baby left in
the streets to die of cold and hunger,"
r His wife laid her own infant in the cradle and gazed alternately
at her husband and at the child he carried. She was at all times
slow to receive impressions, and slower yet to put her thoughts
into words. When she spoke it was without apparent emotion
of any kind. " What are you going to do with him, Peter ? "
she said.
" What am I going to do with him ? " was the reply. " I am
going to feed and clothe and shelter him, and make an honest
man out of him, please God. It cannot be that you would re-
fuse the poor child a home?"
Lisbeth made no answer. She was a large, fair, sleepy-eyed
woman, who had been accounted a beauty in her day. A model
wife, too, people said ; neat in dress, quiet of tongue, her conduct
staid, her whole thoughts centred in her household. She now
took the boy, noting with a woman's eye his coarse and ragged
clothing, and stood him on his unsteady little feet. A faint ex-
pression of disgust rippled over her smooth, unthinking face.
" He is a humpback," she said slowly.
Her husband started to his feet. In all ages physical defor-
mity has been a thing repulsive to our eyes ; but at this early
day it was regarded with unmixed horror and aversion, and was
too often considered as the index of a crooked mind within.
Peter Burkgmaier, tall and erect, with a frame of iron and
sinews of steel, as became a master stone-mason, stood gazing
1884.] A STORY OF NUREMBERG. 525
at the poor little atom of misshapen humanity who tottered over
the polished wooden floor. The spinal column was sadly bent,
and from between the humped shoulders the pale face peered
with an old, uncanny look. Yet the boy was not otherwise ugly.
His forehead was broad and smooth, and his dark hjue eyes were
well and deeply set. The artisan watched him for a minute in
painful silence, then turned to his wife and took her passive hand
in his.
" Lisbeth," he said with grave kindness, " I know that I am
asking a great deal of you when I beg you to take this child
under our roof. He will be to you much care and trouble, and
may never find his way into your heart. At any other time, be-
lieve me, I would not put this burden on your shoulders. But
it is Christmas eve, and were I to refuse a shelter to this help-
less baby I would feel like one of those who had no room within
their inns for the Holy Child. Dear wife, will you not receive
him for love of me and of God, and let him share with little
Kala in your care ? "
Lisbeth's only reply was one characteristic of the woman.
She was moved by her husband's appeal, against what she con-
sidered her better judgment ; and without a single word she
picked up the boy from the floor and laid him in the cradle by
the side of her own little daughter. Then, with a smile and her
smiles came but rarely she proceeded to carry off Peter's wet
cloak and to bring in his supper. So with this mute assent the
matter was settled, and the deformed child was received into the
stone-mason's family.
And in a different way he became the source of much gratifi-
cation to both husband and wife. The first regarded him with
real kindness and an almost fatherly affection, for the boy soon
began to manifest a quick intelligence and a winning gentleness
that might readily have found their way into a harder heart.
Lisbeth, too, had her reward ; for it was sweet to her soul to
hear her neighbors say, as they stopped to watch the two children
playing in the doorway : " Ah ! Lisbeth, -it is not many a woman
who would take the care you do of a wretched little humpback
like that " ; or, " It was a lucky chance for the poor child that
threw him into such hands as yours, Mistress Burkgmaier " ; or,
" Did ever little Kala look so fair and straight as when she had
that crooked boy by her side ? "
And did not the good pastor from the Frauenkirche say to
her, with tears starting in his gentle eyes : " God will surely
reward you for your kindness to this helpless little one " ? Nay,
526 A STOXY OF NUREMBERG. [Jan.,
better yet, did not the Stadtholder's lady lean out from her beau-
tiful carriage, and say before three of the neighbors, who were
standing by and heard every word : " You are a good woman,
Mistress Burkgmaier, to take the same care of this miserable
child as of yqur oftvn pretty little daughter " ? which was some-
thing to be really proud of ; for whereas it was the obvious duty
of a priest to admire a virtuous act, it was not often that a noble
lady deigned thus to express her approbation.
Yes, Lisbeth felt, as she listened serenely to all this praise
surely so well merited that there was some compensation in the
world for such charitable deeds as hers, even when they involved
a fair amount of sacrifice. And little Gabriel, before whom
many of these remarks were uttered, pondered over them in
secret, and gradually evolved three facts from the curious puzzle
of his life first, that he did not really belong to what seemed
to be his home ; second, that he was not loved in it as was Kala ;
third, that Kala was pretty and he was ugly. So with these
three melancholy scraps of knowledge the poor child began his
earthly education.
And Kala was very pretty. Tall and strong-limbed, with her
mother's beautiful hair and skin, and with her mother's clear,
meaningless blue eyes, the little girl attracted attention wherever
she was seen. No better foil to her vigorous young beauty could
have been found than the pale, misshapen boy whom all the world
called ugly. The children played together under Lisbeth's
watchful eye, and Gabriel in all things yielded to his companion's
imperious will, so that peace reigned ever over their sports.
But when Sigmund Wahnschaffe, the son of the bronze-worker
in the neighboring street, joined them, then Kala would have no
more of Gabriel's company. For Sigmund was strong as a
young Hercules and surpassed all the other lads in their boyish
games. When he would play with her Kala turned her back
ungratefully upon the patient companion of her idler moments,
who was fain to watch in silence the pleasures he might not
share.
Yet from Sigmund she met no easy compliance with her
wishes. His will was a law not to be disputed, and once, when
she had ventured to assert herself in rebellious fashion, he
promptly maintained his precedence by pushing her into the
mud. Kala began to cry, and like a flash Gabriel, in a storm of
rage, flung himself upon the older boy, only to be shaken off as a
feather into the same muddy gutter. It was over in a minute,
nor would Sigmund deign to further punish the little humpback
1884.] A STORY OF NUREMBERG. 527
who had been ridiculous enough to attack him. Serenely un-
moved he strolled away, while Kala and Gabriel went sadly
home together, to be both well scolded for the ruin of their
clothes and sent supperless to bed ; Lisbeth priding herself above
all things on the strictly impartial character of her retributive
justice.
But Gabriel had at least one pastime which could be shared
with none, and which bade fair to recompense him for all the
childish sports he was denied. With a smooth block of wood
and a few simple tools his skilful fingers wrought such wonders
that Kala and Sigmund, and the very children who hooted at
him in the street, could not withhold their admiration some-
times a brooding dove with pretty, ruffled plumage ; sometimes
the head and curving horns of a mountain chamois, instinct with
graceful life ; sometimes a group of snails, each tiny spiral re-
produced with loving accuracy in the hard-grained wood. To
Peter Burkgmaier these evidences of a talent then in such high
repute gave most unbounded satisfaction. His own trade was
far too severe for the boy's frail strength, but wood-carving was
fully as profitable and might lead to wealth and fame. Had
not Veit Stoss, of whose genius Nuremberg felt justly proud,
already finished his wonderful group of angels saluting the
Blessed Virgin, which hung from the roof of St. Lorenz ? With
such an example before him, what might not the boy hope to
achieve through talent and persevering labor? And Gabriel
felt his own heart burn as he looked with wistful eyes upon that
masterpiece of rare and delicate carving, and studied reverently
the seven joys of the Holy Mother, framed in their clinging
roses.
Nuremberg was then alive with the spirit of art, and every-
where he turned there was something beautiful to quicken his
pulse and feed the flame within his soul, that was half-rapture
and half-bitterness. No idle boast was the old rhyme:
" Nuremberg's hand
Goes through every land."
For the city's renown had spread far and wide, and in its many,
branches of industry, as well as in the higher walks of art, it had
reached the zenith of its fame. Already, indeed, the canker-worm
was gnawing at the root, and unerring retribution was creeping
on a blinded people ; but no sign of the future was manifested in
the universal prosperity of the day. Every street furnished its
food for the artist's soul : the Frauenkirche, enriched with the
528 A STORY OF NUREMBERG. [Jan.,
loving gifts of devout generations ; St. Sebald's, with its carved
portal, its stained windows, its treasures of bronze, and, above all,
the shrine where Peter Vischer and his sons labored for thirteen
years. Gabriel loved St. Sebald's dearly, but closer still to his
heart was the majestic church of St. Lorenz, where, in sharp
relief against the dull red pillars, rose that dream in stone, the
Sacrament House of Adam Krafft, its slender, fretted spire
springing to the very roof, clasped in the embrace of the curling
vine tendrils carved around it.
Here the boy would linger for hours, never weary of study-
ing every detail of this faultless shrine, wherein reposed no saint
or martyr, but the immortal Lord of hosts. With envious eyes
he gazed upon the kneeling figures of Adam Krafft and his two
fellow-laborers, who, carved in stone, now supported the treasure
their hands had wrought. Surely this was the crowning summit
of human ambition to live thus for ever in the house of God,
and before the eyes of men, a part of the very work which had
ennobled the artist's life. Ah ! if he, the despised humpback,
could but descend to posterity immortalized by the labor of his
hands. What to the dreaming lad was the picture of Adam
Krafft dying in a hospital, poor, unfriended, and alone, in the
midst of a city his genius had enriched ? What was it to him
that Nuremberg, which now heaped honors on the dead, had
denied bread to the living ? Such bitter truths come not to the
young. They are the heritage of age, and Gabriel was but a
boy, with all a boy's fond hopes and aspirations. Often as he
studied the graceful beauty of the Sacrament House, where, cut
in the pure white stone, he saw the Last Supper and Christ bless-
ing little children, he wondered whether among those Jewish
boys and girls was one who, deformed and repulsive to the
eye, yet felt the Saviour's loving touch and was comforted.
A few more years rolled by, and each succeeding spring saw
Kala taller and prettier, and Gabriel working harder still at his
laborious art. Not so engrossed, however, but that he knew that
Kala was fair, and that when her soft fingers touched his a swift
and sudden fire leaped through his heaft. Kala's beauty lurked
in his dreams by night and in his long, solitary days of toil, and
became the motive power of all his best endeavors. If he should
gain wealth it would be but to lay it at her feet. If he, the
desolate waif, should win fame and distinction, it would be but to
gild her name with his. Surely these things must be some re-
compense in a woman's eyes for a pale face and a stunted form ;
and Gabriel, lost in foolish dreams, worked on.
1884.] A STORY OF NUREMBERG. 529
Sigmund Wahnschaffe, too, had grown into early manhood
and had adopted his father's calling. Strong arms were as use-
ful in their way as a creative brain, and if Sigmund could never
be an artist like Peter Vischer, he promised at least to make an
excellent workman. People said he was the handsomest young
artisan in Nuremberg, with his dark skin bronzed by the fires
among which he labored, and his black eyes sparkling, with a
keen and merry light. Times had changed since the day he
pushed little Kala into the mud, and he looked upon her now as
some frail and delicate blossom, that to handle would be desecra-
tion. Yet Kala was no rare flower, but a common plant, with
nothing remarkable about her except her beauty ; and, once
married, Sigmund would be prompt enough to recognize this
fact. Gabriel, with a chivalrous and imaginative soul, might per-
haps retain his ideal unbroken till his death ; but in the young
bronze- worker's practical mind ideals had no place, and his
bride would slip naturally into the post of *housewife, from
whom nothing more exalted would be demanded than thrifty
habits and a cheerful temper.
And Kala knew perfectly that both these young men loved
her, and that one day she would be called upon to choose be-
tween them between Sigm'und, strong, handsome, and resolute,
with a laugh and a gay word for all who met him ; and Gabriel,
dwarfed and silent, who had caught the trick of melancholy in
his unloved childhood and could not shake it off. But it was not
merely the sense of physical deformity that saddened Gabriel's
soul. The air he breathed was filled with a subtle spirit of dis-
cord ; for upon Nuremberg, with her many churches and monu-
ments of Catholic art, the " Reformation " had laid its chilling
hand. Its influence was felt on every side in art, where the
joyous, simplicity of Wohlgemuth had given place to the fantas-
tic melancholy of Albrecht Diirer, fit imprint of a troubled and
storm-tossed mind ; in literature, where the bitter raillery and
coarse jests of Hans Sachs, the cobbler-poet, now passed with
swift approval from mouth to mouth ; in religion, where a re-
bellious people were soon to banish from the stately Sacrament
House the God who had made of it his shrine.
The day had not yet come when Nuremberg, in her blind
arrogance, was to close her gates upon those who had given her
life and fame ; but already were heard the first faint murmurs of
the approaching storm. What wonder that Gabriel shrank from
the darkening future, and that men like Peter Burkgmaier, pon-
dering with set mouths and frowning brows, were slowly making
VOL. xxxvin. 34
530 A STORY OF NUREMBERG. [Jan.,
up their minds that the city which had been their birthplace
should never shelter their old age? But Lisbeth went stolidly
about the daily routine of her life ; Kala's smiles were as bright
and as frequent as ever ; and Sigmund troubled himself not at all
with matters beyond his ken.
Winter had set in early, and already November had brought
in its train snow and biting winds, and the promise of severe
cold to come. It was a busy season for .the bronze- workers, and
Sigmund toiled unceasingly, his cheerful thoughts giving zest to
his labors and new strength to his mighty arm. For did not
each evening see him by Kala's side, and had she not, after
months of vain coquetting, at last fairly yielded up her heart ?
" Kala will make a good wife," said Lisbeth proudly. " And
she goes not empty-handed to her husband's house."
" They are a well-matched pair," said Peter meditatively.
" Health and beauty and dulness are no mean heritage in these
troubled times."
And though the neighbors hesitated to call the young couple
dull, they one and all agreed that the marriage was a suitable
one and that they had long foreseen it. " Why, they were little
lovers in childhood even ! " said Theresa, the wife of Johann
Dyne, the toy-vender in the next street ; and Kala, who had per-
haps forgotten the time when her child-lover had knocked her
into the gutter, smiled and showed her beautiful white teeth,
and suffered the remark to pass uncontradicted.
But even the most stolid of women have always some lurking
tenderness for those who they know have loved them vainly,
and Kala, though she had without a demur accepted Sigmund for
her husband, yet broke the news to Gabriel with much gentle-
ness, and was greatly comforted by the apparent composure with
which it was received. He grew perhaps a trifle paler and
quieter than before, if such a thing were possible, and shut him-
self up more resolutely with his work ; but that was all. No one
would have dreamt that life with its fair promises had suddenly
grown worthless in his hands, and that the rich gifts which still
were left him seemed as nothing compared with the valueless
treasure he had lost. Even his art had become hateful, freight-
ed as it was with dead hopes ; and often, when all believed
him to be toiling in his little den, he was wandering aimlessly
through the streets of Nuremberg, seeking comfort in those
haunts which had once been to him as dear friends and compan-
ions. For hours he would linger in the church of St. Lorenz,
and then slowly make his way to the Thiergarten Gate, where,
1884.] A STORY OF NUREMBERG. 531
along the Seilersgasse to the churchyard, rise at regular intervals
the seven stone pillars on which Adam Krafft has carved, in
beautiful bas-reliefs, scenes from the Passion of our Lord. Years
before the simple piety of a Nuremberg citizen had erected these
monuments of holy art, and their founder, Martin Ketzel, had
even travelled into Palestine, that he might measure the exact
distances of that most sorrowful journey from the house of Pon-
tius Pilate to the hill of Calvary. Heedless of the severe weather,
Gabriel visited daily these primitive stations, striving to forget
his own bitterness in the presence of a divine grief; and, laying
his troubled heart at his Saviour's feet, would return, strength-
ened and comforted, into the busy city.
Christmas now was drawing near, and with its approach a
new resolve took possession of his soul. A fresh light had
dawned upon him, and, shaking off his apathy, he started to work
in earnest. All day long he toiled with a steady purpose, though
none were permitted to see the fruit of his labors. Kala, indeed,
unaccustomed to be thwarted in her curiosity, presented herself
at his work-shop door and implored admittance ; but not even to
her was the secret revealed.
" It is very unkind of you ! " she pouted, hardly doubting that
she would gain her point. "-You never kept anything from me
in your life before."
Gabriel took her hand and looked with strange, wistful eyes
into her pretty face. " I am keeping nothing from you now," he
said. "It is your wedding-gift that I am fashioning; but you
must be content to wait its completion before you see it. By
Christmas it shall be your own."
So Kala, comforted with the thought of future possession,
bided her time, and Gabriel was left in undisputed enjoyment of
his solitude. At first he worked languidly and with little zest ;
but from interest grew ambition, and from ambition a passionate
love for the labor of his hands, which threw all other hopes and
fears into the background. Kala was forgotten, and Gabriel,
absorbed in the contemplation of his art and striving as he had
never striven before, felt as though some power not his own were
working in him, and that the supreme effort of his life had come.
Yet ever in the midst of his feverish activity a strange weakness
seized and held him powerless in her grasp ; and like a keen and
sudden pain came the bitter thought that he might die before his
work was done. Instinctively he felt that his hopes of future
fame rested on these few weeks that were flying pitilessly by,
each one carrying with it some portion of his wasted strength ;
532 A STORY OF NUREMBERG. [Jan.,
and that if death should overtake him with his labor uncomplet-
ed his name and memory must perish from the world. So, like
one who flies across a Russian steppe pursued by starving
wolves, Gabriel sped on his task, seeking to out-distance the grim
and noiseless wolf that followed close upon his track.
It was Christmas eve, the anniversary of that snowy night
when Peter Burkgmaier had carried home the deformed child,
and now all was bustle and glad preparation in the stone-mason's
household. Within three days Kala was to be married, and Lis-
beth, who felt that her reputation as cook and housewife was at
stake, spared neither time nor trouble in her hospitable labors.
Since early morning the great fires had roared in her spacious
kitchen, and all the poor who came to beg a Christmas bounty
tasted freely of her good cheer. With light heart and busy
fingers Kala assisted her mother, and doled out the bread and
cakes not too lavishly to the ragged children who clamored
around the door ; wondering much in the meanwhile what
trinket Sigmund would bring her with which to deck herself on
Christmas morning.
And in his little room Gabriel stood looking at his finished
work, and asking himself if his heart spoke truly when it whis-
pered : " You, too, are great." It was sweet to realize that his
task was done and that he might rest at last ; it was sweeter
still to see in the bit of carved wood before him the fulfilment of
ail his dearest dreams. So while daylight faded into dusk and
evening into night, he sat lost in a maze of tangled thoughts that
crowded wearily through his listless brain. It was now too
dark for him to discern the image by his side, but from time to
time he laid his hand upon it with a gentle touch, as a mother
might caress a sleeping child, and was happy in its dumb com-
panionship.
How long he had been sitting thus he never knew, when sud-
denly out into the frosty air rang the great bells of St. Lorenz,
calling the faithful to midnight Mass.
Clearly and joyfully they pealed, as if their brazen tongues
were striving to utter in words their messages of good-will to
men. Gabriel's heart leaped at the sound, and a great yearning
seized him to kneel once more within those beloved walls, and
amid their solemn beauty to adore the new-born Babe. Ju-
bilantly rang the bells, and their glad voices seemed to speak
to him as old friends, and with one accord to urge him on.
Weak and dizzy, he crept down the narrow stairs and out into
the bitter night. The sharp wind struck him in the face, and
1884.] A STORY OF NUREMBERG. 533
worried him as it had worried years before the baby abandoned
to its cruel embraces. Yet with the appealing music of the bells
ringing- in his ears he never thought of turning back, but
struggled bravely onward until the frowning walls of St. Lorenz
rose up before him. Through the open doors poured a little
crowd of devout Christians who still adhered to the customs of
their youth, and Gabriel, entering, stole softly up to the Sacra-
ment House, where so often the carved Christ had looked with
gentle eyes upon his lonely childhood.
Mass had begun, and the great church was hardly a third full,
for Nuremberg's weakening faith exempted her children from
such untimely services. But in the faces of the scattered wor-
shippers there was something never seen before a grave sever-
ity, a solemn purpose, as when men are banded together to resist
in silence an advancing foe. Gabriel, dimly conscious of this,
strove to restrain his wandering thoughts, and fixed his eyes
upon the gleaming altar. But no prayer rose to his lips, though
into his heart came that deep sense of rest and contentment
which found an utterance long ago in the words of an apostle :
" Lord, it is good for us to be here." Like a child he had come
to his Father's feet, and, laying there his rejected human love, his
ungratified human ambition, he gained in their place that peace
which passeth all understanding. The two shadows which had
mocked him during life vanished into nothingness at the hour of
death, and with clear eyes he saw the value of an immortal soul.
Mass was over, and the congregation moved slowly through
the' shadow) 7 aisles out into the starlit night. But Gabriel sat
still, his head resting against the stone pillar, his dead eyes
fixed upon the Sacrament House, and upon the sculptured Christ
rising triumphant from the grave.
Four weeks had gone by since the body of the humpback had
been carried sorrowfully past the stations of the Seilersgasse into
the quiet churchyard beyond. The dusk of a winter evening
shrouded the empty streets when a stranger, of grave demeanor
and in the prime of life, knocked at the stone-mason's door.
Kala opened it, and her father, recognizing the visitor, rose with
wondering respect to greet him. It was Veit Stoss, the wood-
carver, then at the zenith of his fame. With quick, keen eyes he
glanced around the homely room, taking in every detail of the
scene before him Lisbeth weaving placidly by the fire; Kala
fair and blushing in the lamp-light ; and Sigmund playing idly
with the crooked little turnspit at his feet. Then he turned ta
534 A STORY OF NUREMBERG. x [Jan.,
Peter, and for a minute the two men stood looking furtively at
one another, as though each were trying to read his companion's
thoughts. Finally the wood-carver spoke.
" I grieve, Master Burkgmaier," he said with courteous sym-
pathy, " that you should have lost your foster-son, to whom
report says you were much attached. And I hear also that the
young man promised highly in his calling."
" Then you heard not all," answered the stone-mason slowly.
" Gabriel did more, for he fulfilled his promise."
A sudden light came into the artist's eyes. " It is true, then,"
he said eagerly, " that the boy left behind him a rare piece of
work, which has not yet been seen outside these walls. I heard
the rumor, but thought it idle folly."
Peter Burkgmaier crossed the room and opened a deep cup-
board. "You shall see it," he said simply, "and answer for
yourself. No one in Nuremberg is more fit to judge." Then,
lifting out something wrapped in a heavy cloth, he carried it to
the table, unveiled it with a reverent hand, and, stepping back,
waited in silence for a verdict.
There was a long, breathless pause, broken only by the low
whir of Lisbeth's busy wheel. Veit Stoss stood motionless,
while Peter's eyes never stirred from the table before them.
There, carved in the fair white wood, rested the divine Babe, as
on that blessed Christmas night when his Mother " wrapped him
up in swaddling-clothes and laid him in a manger." The lovely
little head nestled on its rough pillow as though on Mary's bosom ;
the tiny limbs were relaxed in sleep; the whole figure breathed
at once the dignity of the Godhead and the pathetic helplessness
of babyhood. Instinctively one loved, and pitied, and adored.
Nor was this all. Every broken bit of straw that thrust its
graceful, fuzzy head from between the rough bars of the manger,
every twisted knot of grass, every gnarl and break in the wood
itself, had been wrought with the tender accuracy of the true
artist, who finds nothing too simple for his utmost care and
skill.
Veit Stoss drew a heavy breath and turned to his compan-
ion. " It is a masterpiece," he said gravely, " which I should be
proud to call my own. I congratulate you on the possession of
so great a treasure."
" It is not mine," returned the artisan, " but my daughter's.
Gabriel wrought it for her wedding-gift."
The wood-carver's keen blue eyes scanned Kala's pretty, sto-
lid face, and then wandered to Sigmund's broad shoulders and
1884.] A STORY OF NUREMBERG. 535
mighty bulk. A faint, derisive smile curled his well-cut lips.
"Your daughter's beauty merits, indeed, the rarest of all rare
tokens," he said slowly. " But perhaps there are other things
more needful to a young housewife than even this precious bit of
carving. If she will part with it I will pay her seventy thalers,
and it shall lie in St. Sebald's Church near my own Virgin, that all
may see its loveliness and remember the hand that fashioned it."
Seventy thalers ! Sigmund dropped the dog and lifted his
handsome head with a look of blank bewilderment. Seventy
thalers for a bit of wood like that, when his own strong arms
could not earn as much in months ! He stared at the little
image in wondering perplexity, as though striving to see by
what mysterious process it had arrived at such a value ; while
into his heart crept a thought strictly in keeping with his prac-
tical nature. If the humpback could have produced work worth
so much, what a thousand pities he should die with only one
piece finished !
On Lisbeth t too, a revelation seemed to have fallen. Her
wheel had stopped, and in her mind she was rapidly running
over a list of household goods valued at seventy thalers. It was
a mental calculation quickly and cleverly accomplished ; for Lis-
beth was not slow in all things, and years of thrift had taught
her the full worth of money. Instinctively she glanced at her
husband and marvelled at his unmoved face.
" Your offer is a liberal one, Master Stoss," said Peter grave-
ly. " And I rejoice to think that the poor lad's genius will be
recognized. In him Nuremberg would have had another famous
son."
" In him Nuremberg has now a famous son," corrected Veit
Stoss, laying his hand upon the statue. " No other proof of
greatness can be needed." With gentle care he replaced the
cloth and lifted the precious burden in his arms, when suddenly
Kala sprang forward, her cheeks ablaze, her blue eyes dark with
anger. Transfigured for one instant into a new and passionate
beauty, she snatched the image from his hands.
" It is mine ! " she cried fiercely " mine ! Gabriel loved me,
and carved it for me when he knew that he was dying. It was
for me he did it, and you shall not take it from me."
She gathered it to her bosom with a low, broken cry, and
darted from the room. God only knows what late $ love, and
pity, and remorse were working in her breast. Veit Stoss turn-
ed softly to her father. " It is enough," he said. " Your daugh-
ter has the prior right, and I came not here to wrong her."
536 THE TURK IN IRELAND. [Jan.,
And so the hand which had robbed Gabriel of love and life
robbed him of fame. For the statue which should have given
joy to generations remained unknown in the artisan's family.
At first many came to see and wonder at its beauty ; but with
the advent of a colder creed men wanted not such tokens of a
vanished fervor, and the little Christ-Child was soon forgotten by
the world. Perhaps Kala's sturdy grandchildren destroyed it as
a useless toy ; perhaps it perished by fire, or flood, or evil acci-
dent. No memory of it lingers in the streets of Nuremberg ;
and Gabriel, lifted beyond the everlasting hills, knoweth the
vanity of all human wishes.
THE TURK IN IRELAND.
SOMEWHAT sheltered from the giant waves of the fierce At-
lantic by the frowning and buttress-like cliffs of Cape Clear and
Sherkin Islands, possessing all that goes to make a haven worthy
of its name, the now almost deserted port of Baltimore, in the
barony of West Carbery, county of Cork, presents a sorry con-
trast with its aspect in the time of that " blessed martyr of im-
mortal memory," Charles I. of England. Then wealthy mer-
chants lived within its walls, warehouses of fair proportions lined
its streets, articles of merchandise were piled up on its wharves,
ships of war and commerce floated on its blue waters ; while
now, of traders, of walls, of warehouses, of goods or ships, naught
remains save those ghost-like memories of olden glories which
cling with hallowing influence to somany famous spots in Erin's
isle.
The ancient name of Baltimore was Dun-na-sd> signifying
" the fortress of the jewels," the origin of which title, poetic as
it is, seems lost in mystery. Its present name has been, and this
even by writers of good repute, like Samuel Lewis,* derived
from Bcal-ti-mor, " the great habitation of Beal," because, they
say, it was one of the principal seats of the idolatrous worship
of Baal. Dr. Joyce, M.R.I. A., however, in that erudite work
which has gained for him so much justly-earned fame,f very
rightly says :
"For this silly statement there is not a particle of authority. The
name is written in several old Anglo-Irish documents Balinthnore, which
accords exactly with the present Irish pronunciation ; the correct Irish
* Topographical Dictionary of Ireland, London, 1837, vol. i. p. 172.
t The Origin and History of Irish Names of Places. Dublin t Gill & Son.
1884.] THE TURK IN IRELAND. 537
form is Baile-an-tigke-mhoir, which means merely the town of the large
house; and it derived this name, no doubt, from the castle of the O'Dris-
colls."
These O'Driscolls were those of whom the Irish historian and
bard Giolla-na-neimh O'Heerin * wrote, as it is translated into
English :
" O'Driscoll, head chief of the land
Of Corcaluighe, I treat of now ;
He took possession of the coasts of Cleire,
The fittest headland for the princely lord.
" O'Driscoll of the wealthy. Beara
Rules over the land of the salmon coast,
A blue-water shore abounding in harbors,
Exhibiting to view large fleets of wine."t
Truly did the olden writer call these chiefs " princely lords,"
for they were heads of the famous Ithian race, chiefs or princes
of Corcaluighe, or Carbery ; lords of the fertile and famous Beara
territory before the O'Sullivans had claimed a rood of it as
theirs ; rulers of the fair island of Cape Clear, the rolling lands
round Baltimore, and of Ineragh,in Kerry; hereditary admirals of
Deas Mumhan,^: and masters of the castles of Dunashed, Duna-
long, and Dunamore, with many another pile of lesser fame. Al-
ways endowed with hands prompt with sword or purse, the
O'Driscolls were fitting chieftains of a soldier race.
In the reign of James I. of England, however, many things
were changed in Ireland. Discipline and cohesion and union
on. the English side were fast overcoming the struggles of brave
but uncertain and disunited men. The strong point of what
may, for the nonce at all events, be styled the feudal nobility of
Ireland was never what we call in modern days by the well-
sounding name of patriotism. They fought for their own right
hands and for their own ends ; they grasped in spasmodic effort
at a power which was slipping through their fingers despite all
their exertions to retain it, and they looked from left to right for
friends with all the vague indecision of despair. Such a state of
things was the ruin, temporary only, perhaps, but nevertheless
certain for the while, of the best hopes of the Irish nation as a whole.
England and English tyrants traded her and their way to glory
and to power on the indecision and jealousy and greed of the
Irish princes. There is little use in the student of history ever
* Obit. A.D. 1420.
- 1 'this reference to wine-laden ships goes to prove the extent of the ancient trade of Balti-
more.
\ Deas Mumhan (pronounced dyas mooan) " South Munster."
538 THE TURK IN IRELAND. [Jan.,
shutting- his eyes to facts, for realities remain whether one sees
them or not, and there is no doubt that the Irish " people " in
the sense we use the word now were the merest tools of their
brave and generous but undoubtedly jealous and unstable chiefs.
The people passed from the rule of one native lord to another,
and, with the land they tilled, were often bartered or surrendered
to the hated Sacsanach without their voice or choice being con-
sulted. Throughout the whole world the rulers were doing as
they willed with the ruled, and Ireland was no exception.
Hence it was that some time in the early part of the reign
of the first Stuart king of England Sir Fineen (Englished as
" Florence ") O'Driscoll granted to an English adventurer, Sir
Thomas Crook, a lease of Baltimore and the adjoining territory.
Sir Florence was growing old, and like many of his fellows
doubtful of the fortune of war, he had, somewhat readily as it
seems, made his peace with the English, and yet had found it
hard enough to win the complaisancy of Lord-Deputy Carew.
His eldest son his heir, if Celtic law was to prevail was a noted
friend of Spain and was doing a brave man's part in Flanders in
the army of the archduke/ so that the aged chieftain found it
no easy task to make any arrangement with the English. This,
however, he did succeed in, and at once, or soon after, parted with
his fairest territory to Sir Thomas Crook. Hereupon may hang
a tale of advocacy and interest ; but, even so, dusty state papers
do not reveal it, and it is therefore each man's right to guess.
Certain is it, however, that Baltimore passed into foreigners' keep-
ing.
Yet under alien rule Baltimore prospered. English mer-
chants settled in it, English ships filled its harbor, it was a
stronghold of England in Ireland, its colonization was too new
for Irish blood to have mingled with English in the veins of its
inhabitants, and English rulers cared for and fostered it. James
I. granted a charter of incorporation to its English Protestant
colonists, as Henry II. had done to the Bristol Catholics whom
he brought or sent to Dublin. England's rulers had not yet
learned the Irish power of national absorption to render even
their English settlers in time " more Irish than the Irish them-
selves."
The frequenting of the southern and western coasts of Ireland
by those to whom the English officials seem to have agreed to
give the generic title of " pirates," oblivious of all distinctions,
had long been a source of complaint amongst the English colo-
* Calendar State Papers, Ireland, reign James I., A.D. 1606-8, pp. 6, 7, 313-14.
1884.] THE TURK IN IRELAND. 539
hists. The truth is, however, that there seems to have been a
hidden intent in the wide application of this ignominious appel-
lation. The " pirates " seem to have often hailed from Spain ;
sometimes they dared to land such forbidden freight as " popish
priests," and, to speak the truth, never shirked a fair stand-up
fight with their British foes or, as was the fashion then, the
plundering of any laden galleon. They were men of every
nation sometimes English, sometimes Spanish, sometimes even
Irish, sometimes wilder, fiercer, and more dangerous foes than
could ever be the worst of Christians. Mysterious enough, in an
age when news travelled slowly and bad work was doing both" on
sea and land, were some of the actions of these " pirates." Balti-
more was ill-protected against attacks from the sea, though
stoutly walled enough against the " wild Irishry " ; and this de-
spite the efforts and advice of Sir Arthur Chichester, who im-
plored the Privy Council to make secure the entrance to such
an important port, and told them how the foe " might be easily
kept out thence " because " by means of the narrow entrance in
at the mouth thereof, where there is a rock naturally made to
contain ordnance that would be able to sink any ship coming
within reach of their shot, as of necessity it must, if it will come
in." * There was a king's ship in the harbor, it is true, the Tra-
montaine ; but she was slow of sail and her captain seemingly
somewhat of a laggard, for Chichester complained that from the
time of that vessel's first entering the port until the date of his
own visit she had never left the security of the haven. Sir
Arthur commented severely on such conduct at a time when it
was known to all men that " a great number of priests, with other
like seditious ministers and newsmongers, continually passed to
and fro." The Privy Council seem to have been as little inclined
to activity as was the captain of the Tramontaine, for they left
Baltimore without better protection, and the viceroy's cautions
passed unheeded.
Wednesday, June 29, 1608, Lord Danvers sent from Cork to
Chichester a letter which, under date the 2$d of the same month,
had been written by one James Salmon, of Baltimore, and which
was to the following purport :
"Thinks fit to certify him of a ship coming into the harbor, and going
out again yesterday afternoon, which seems strange. As she was coming
in John Johnson went aboard her with his boat, and talked with them,
demanding who they were, whence they came, and whither they were
* "Sir Arthur Chichester to Privy Council," March 30, 1608. Calendar of State Papers,
Ireland, 1606-8, pp. 447-8.
540 THE TURK IN IRELAND. [Jan.,
bound. They answered they were of Hampton, come out of Spain, and
bound for Limerick ; but Johnson affirms that they were Irishmen and
could speak but little English. They asked Johnson whether there was
any fortification or garrison here ; he answered no. They asked whether
any English dwelt here ; he answered that there were two towns here, one
on this side and one on the other side. They also asked whether any Irish
dwelt here ; he answered that there were a few here. When they had thus
communed with him, being shot a good way into the harbor, they stood up
close by the wind along the further shore, and immediately cast about
again and sailed out of the harbor. The man-of-war [the slow-sailing, lag-
gard-commanded Tramontat'ne] was aground repairing. If she had been
afloat she would have laid them aboard. When the stranger was out of
the harbor she stood to the east, towards Castlehaven, or that way. She
was not above thirty or forty tons, and did not show above fifteen or six-
teen men, but it is likely they had more. O'Driscoll's sons came this way
in the last rebellion, and no doubt, if the coast were well searched, it would
be found they have landed men somewhere."
Perhaps they had some messenger, it may have been, from
the sons of Sir Florence, bringing tidings of the renown they
were winning in foreign wars ; perhaps one of his soldier-sons
in person even, coming, bronzed and bearded, scarred with
honorable traces of recent fights, to see whether or not there was
hope of an essay on behalf of native land.
About midway in June, 1631,* it happened that
" One Captain Mathew Rice, a Dutch renegado, in a ship of three hun-
dred tons, twenty-four pieces of ordnance, and two hundred men, and an-
other ship of one hundred tons, eighty men, and twelve iron, pieces, be-
twixt the Land's End of England and Ireland, took a ship of Dartmouth of
sixty tons, wherein one Edward Fawlett was master, with nine men there-
in ; they took therewith her masts, cordage, and other necessaries, with all
the men, and sunk the hull, as they had done to two French ships before."
Some days after this occurrence Rice the name so spelt
seems more English (or Welsh) than Dutch with his Algerine
companions, being off Dungarvan, managed to capture a small
boat owned by one John Hackett, of that town. Hackett, with
the five men who formed his crew, was soon clapped under
hatches for safe-keeping, and his little vessel of only twelve tons
burden was soon " manned with Turks and renegadoes," and,
thus occupied, " presently took one other boat of like burden,
belonging to Dungarvan, with her master, Thomas Carew, and
five men." This deed accomplished, Hackett was required by
the commander of the Atgerine vessels to steer them into Kin-
sale. Now, Hackett had in this request a great chance of
* The " sack of Baltimore " undoubtedly took place on the iyth of June, 1631 ; but as there
seems to have been a strange confusion of dates on the part of the chroniclers of the events im-
mediately anterior thereto, we prefer to be non-definite upon smaller points.
1884.] THE TURK IN IRBLAND. 541
revenge and of escape. For it seems that guarding that town
and port there were, " besides the fort, the king's ships." But
Hackett told the Turks that Kinsale " was too hot for them,"
and upon his representations " they altered their purpose, and he
brought them to Baltimore about ten of the clock at night, and
they cast anchor on the east side of the harbor's mouth, about a
musket-shot from the shore " ; and of their " coming none of the
inhabitants had any notice, they came so late, for after the sun
setting they were seen, but not known, near Castlehaven." Bal-
timore and its inhabitants were all unconscious of the terrible
danger which already cast its shadow upon them. As Davis has
sung, so was it :
" The summer sun is falling soft on Carbery's hundred isles
The summer sun is gleaming still through Gabriel's rough denies;
Old Innisherkin's crumbled fane looks like a moulting bird,
And in a calm and sleepy swell the ocean tide is heard ;
The hookers lie upon the beach ; the children cease their play ;
The gossips leave the little inn ; the households kneel to pray;
And full of love, and peace, and rest its daily labor o'er
Upon that cosy creek there lay the town of Baltimore."
The sunset passed away, and its golden and crimson and
purple splendor was veiled by the dark canopy of night :
" A deeper rest, a starry trance, has come with midnight there ;
No sound, except that throbbing wave, in earth, or sea, or air.
The massive capes and ruined towers seem conscious of the calm ;
The fibrous sod and stunted trees are breathing heavy balm.
> So still the night, these two long barks round Dunashed that glide
Must trust their oars methinks not few against the ebbing tide.
Oh ! some sweet mission of true love must urge them to the shore :
They bring some lover to his bride, who sighs in Baltimore ! "
Far different mission, in truth, was that of the " two long
barks " which lay beneath the shadow of Dunashed, and there-
fore soon after nightfall, under the guidance of Fawlett, of Dart-
mouth who, English born though he was, was as ready as
Hackett to aid the infidel Algerine a reconnoitring party set
out for Baltimore, and they " came in one of their boats into the
said harbor." Fawlett " piloted them along all the shore, and
showed them how the town did stand, relating unto them where
the most able men had their abode. In this business they spent
five glasses ; when they came back aboard they cheered up the
rest of the company, saying : ' We are in a good place and shall
make a bon voyage' '
. This service accomplished and the report of their spies heard,
542 THE TURK IN IRELAND. [Jan.,
the Algerines " consulted what time of night was the fittest for
their intended exploit, and concluded a little before day to be the
most convenient season." About two o'clock in the morning
there set forth from the infidel squadron some two hundred and
thirty desperadoes well armed, each man, besides hisweapons,
carrying a torch, and many of them bearing besides crowbars and
hammers to break the locked and bolted doors of the townsfolk.
Stealthily moving over the calm and darkened waters, these mis-
creants soon reached the land. The first portion of the town
actually attacked was that known as the Cove, where chiefly
resided the English merchants and inhabitants. Some- portion
of the invaders were placed in ambush, so as to secure the retreat
of those who now pressed forward, eager for robbery, murder,
and plunder. All along the narrow streets rolled dark volumes
of smoke lit by bright gushes of flame, cries for mercy were
uttered to those who never heeded the Christian's prayer, while
" From out their beds, and to their doors, rush maid and sire and dame,
And meet upon the threshold stone the gleaming sabre's fall,
And o'er each black and bearded face the white or crimson shawl.
The yell of ' Allah ' breaks above the prayer and shriek and roar.
O blessed God ! the Algerine is lord of Baltimore."
How long the work of the pirates would have continued but
that they met an unexpected check it were hard to say. Most
probably not until every roof-tree sank in its own ashes and every
particle of wealth in Baltimore was transferred to the holds of
the Algerines. Luckily, however, in their course of rapine and
spoliation the infidels assailed the house of one William Harris,
.who, awakened by the uproar ringing through the town, was fore-
armed as he was forewarned. When they thundered at his
portal he met them with a stout musketry fire and had the satis-
faction of seeing that, no matter how the fight might yet even-
tuate,
"Though virtue sink, and courage fail, and misers yield their store,
There's one hearth well avenged in the sack of Baltimore ! "
Harris' brave defence stayed the passage of the invaders, and
while they surrounded his house, and plied all their energies to
destroy it and its gallant occupants, the inhabitants of the as yet
unassailed portions of the town were gathering and arming fast.
Firelocks and swords and bucklers were being grasped by hands
which, however long unused, were no way laggard now that
home and wealth and life, with those things which are ever
nearer and dearer still to the bulk of humanity, were in peril.
1884.] THE TURK IN IRELAND. 543
The rolling drums of the advancing townsfolk warned the Alge-
rines of the necessity of retreat ; but, though they realized this
necessity, it was no part of the plan of these marauders to return
to their ships empty-handed. They bore back with them, despite
the efforts ei the burgesses, much spoil and golden treasure, and,
worst of all, one hundred and seven Christian captives.*
The pirates having withdrawn to their ships, the burgesses
with all possible speed sent despatches to Kinsale, calling on the
commander of the king's ship lying in that haven to hasten to
Baltimore before the foe escaped with their booty. It so hap-
pened, however, that as this same captain was loath to leave his
moorings without sanction from his superiors, and the messenger
from Baltimore was compelled to travel with what speed he
might to Mallow, in order to obtain from the lord-president of
Munster authority for the sailing of the man-of-war, much pre-
cious time was wasted and some days elapsed. When the king's
ship did at last reach Baltimore the enemy were beyond the
reach of pursuit.f
Although the foreigners escaped, it is some satisfaction to be
certain that the dastard by whose guidance their crime was ren-
dered possible paid the penalty of his felonious action. There
can be no question that Davis, from whose poem we have al-
ready quoted so often, was strictly and historically accurate in
his depicting of the attitude of the people towards Hackett when
he was brought forth to surrender his life as a tribute to aveng-
ing justice :
" Tis two long years since sunk the town beneath that bloody hand,
And all around its trampled hearths a larger concourse stand,
Where, high upon a gallows-tree, a yelling wretch is seen :
'Tis Hackett, of Dungarvan he who steered the Algerine !
He fell amid a sullen shout, with scarce a passing prayer,
For he had slain the kith and kin of many a hundred there.
Some muttered of MacMurchadh, who brought the Norman o'er,
Some cursed him with Iscariot, that day in Baltimore."
* These captives were of every sex, age, and condition. A full and pitiful list of them
exists. Whole families were borne away, carried to a fate and a life terrible in each and every
respect. Take such entries as the following: "William Mould, himself and boy"; "John
Ryder, himself, wife, and two children " ; "John Harris, his wife, mother, three children, and
maid " ; V Richard Lorye, himself, wife, sister, and four children " ; " William Gunter, his wife,
maid, and seven sons"; "Maurice Power and his wife." It would be impossible to imagine
anything more brimful of volumes of unutterable sorrow and wrong than this business-like and
official list. Every entry is the record of what must have been a grief surpassing death.
t The quotations embodied in the text, as well as the authority for our recital, is contained
in the Council-Book and Annals of Kinsale, edited by Dr. Caulfield.
544 ARMINE. [Jan.,
ARMINE.
CHAPTER XXXI.
WHEN the news of Egerton's escape, and of the injuries
which he had received in the railway accident, became known
to his friends in Paris he naturally received many congratula-
tions and condolences. Among these came a note from Mrs.
Bertram expressing all things cordial in the way of concern,
and ending with a few lines which made the young man smile :
"Sibyl hopes with me that you will soon be able to come to
see us. She is anxious to hear an account of your escape and
of the sad fate of the person you were accompanying, in
whom she is much interested."
" Much more than in me," said Egerton to himself, with the
little sore feeling which Miss Bertram was always successful
in exciting. It occurred to him to consider whether, had he
been one of the victims of the accident, she would have been
interested in his fate, and he decided that she would have
said that " he died as he had lived, in the pursuit of a
caprice." And it did not lessen the sting of this hypothetical
judgment to feel that it would have been at least partially
true.
He had at this time, however, things more serious to think
of than Miss Bertram's opinion, depreciating or otherwise. M.
de Marigny came to see him and treated the matter of Du-
chesne's claim in a spirit which pleased Egerton. " It is my
affair now," he said, " to ascertain whether any proof of the
marriage really exists ; and, if it does exist, to secure to Mile.
Duchesne whatever rights may be hers. That is my right and
duty as the head of the family ; but I do not mean to inter-
fere with your right of friendship, M. Egerton, and if you care
to go down into Brittany with me I shall be happy to offer
you the hospitality of the chateau."
" You are exceedingly kind," said Egerton ; " but my posi-
tion is a little embarrassing, and I hardly feel that I have any
right to interfere in the matter farther. From M. Duchesne
I had only the charge to tell his daughter of what he be-
lieved to be certain facts. And when I told her, so far from
requesting me to verify those facts, she requested me most
1884.] ARMINE. 545
positively to take no steps in the affair. But, M. d'Antignac's
advice coinciding with my own opinion, I felt bound to take
at least the step of finding whether there was any proof of
the civil marriage, and, in case there was, of informing you
the person most nearly concerned of the fact. Since you,
however, have been informed, and since you mean to take
the investigation into your hands, I do not feel that any obli-
gation rests upon me to go into the matter farther."
" An obligation no," said the vicomte. " There is cer-
tainly not the least obligation resting upon you. But never-
theless I think it would be best if we made these investiga-
tions together. As I am supposed to represent my own in-
terest, there should be some one to represent Mile. Duchesne's;
and since you are the person to whom her father made the
disclosure "
"That was only an accident," interposed Egerton.
" Granted ; but still an accident which puts you in the
position of being the only person sufficiently well informed to
act for his daughter."
" Who most decidedly declined to allow me to act for her."
" Granted again ; but remember that she was not probably
in a state of mind or feeling to decide properly on any ques-
tion. Over her father's grave it seemed to her, no doubt,
very useless to consider whether he had ever a right to call
himself by another name. She overlooked altogether her own
interest in the matter; but we must not overlook it."
- " I suggested her own interest," said Egerton, " and she
refused to consider it at all."
The vicomte made a little gesture signifying that this did
not matter. " She is a woman," he said, " a young woman,
and in deep grief. We must act for her. Or rather, I shall
find out, on abstract grounds, what is the true state of the
case; and then it will be time enough to think of acting.
Meanwhile there is no special reason for haste. I have just
heard that she has gone into a convent for a retreat which
will last for a fortnight at least and, therefore, if by delaying
my departure for a few days I can induce you to go with me
down into 'Brittany, I shall willingly do so. You must feel
very much shattered now, and I doubt if you find the pros-
pect of a railroad journey desirable."
" I confess," said Egerton, " that I shrink from the thought
of it ; and yet I confess also that I should like to see the end
of this matter, since the beginning of it has been forced upon
VOL. xxxvin. 35
54$ ARMINE. [Jan.,
my knowledge. But I hesitate to let you delay your journey
on my account. I should think that you would be in haste
to know the best, or worst."
"On the contrary," said the vicomte, " I feel no impatience
and very little concern. It is difficult to tell what is best
and what is worst in any temporal affair of life ; but it can
never be other than well that truth should be known and jus-
tice done. I desire simply to know the one and to accom-
plish the other."
" Then, if you /eally do not object to delaying your
journey for a few days, I should like very much to accom-
pany you."
" With the prospect of your companionship, I shall be
happy to delay it," M. de Marigny replied, with true French
courtesy. " We will go, then, next week. The day can be
hereafter appointed, for I shall do myself the pleasure of call-
ing again to see how you improve."
This improvement was rapid, since Egerton's injuries, with
the exception of his arm, were not serious. He was looking
very pale, however, and quite like a man who had passed
through a trying experience of one kind or another, when he
finally made his appearance in Mrs. Bertram's drawing-room.
It was not her reception-day he had taken care to avoid
that but nevertheless he found a group engaged in drinking
tea, who all rose eagerly at sight of him. He had a swift
impression of familiar faces Miss Dorrance's and Mr. Tal-
ford's among the number even while he was shaking hands
with Mrs. Bertram and receiving her cordial welcome. Then
there was a hubbub of congratulations and inquiries for several
minutes; and then, missing one person, he looked around.
Sibyl was standing quite near, but a little behind him,
leaning one arm on the back of a tall chair and observing
with a smile the scene of which he was the centre. As his
eye met hers she at once held out her hand.
" I have only been waiting an opportunity to add my con-
gratulations to the rest," she said. " But will you not sit
down ? I think you look a little tired. Pray take this chair,
and I will bring you a cup of tea."
Egerton took the chair, and, somewhat to his surprise, Miss
Bertram brought him a cup of tea with her own hand,
wheeled quickly and deftly a little table forward for the cup
to rest upon, and then sat down by him, " to be near in case
you need assistance," she said, smiling.
1884.] ARMINE. 547
' " You are very kind," he answered ; " but I have already
begun to be tolerably independent of assistance. It is, of
course, awkward to have only one hand available ; but my
arm is getting on very well, and when I consider "
" Yes," she said as he paused, " I should think that when
you consider you would feel yourself to be most fortu-
nate."
" I feel it so keenly," he said, " that I am oppressed by the
consciousness. Why should / have been spared, and not only
spared in the preservation of my life, but comparatively unin-
jured, when others it is something I can hardly dwell upon !
Yet the question is constantly recurring to me : why should it
have been 7, and not they ? "
There was a moment's silence. Miss Bertram seemed unable
to suggest any answer to the question ; but she looked at the
young man keenly, and presently said :
" But I do not think that you escaped scathless. Apart from
that" she glanced at his helpless arm "you give me the idea
of one who has suffered. You are greatly changed since I saw
you last."
"The shock was terrible," he said, "and the nervous suf-
fering afterward very great. But the change may be owing
to something besides physical causes. A man could scarcely
pass through such an ordeal could hardly feel himself face to
face with the most terrible form of death and be quite the
same afterward."
M Some men could, I think."
" A very shallow nature might, perhaps. But I " he smiled
a little " though I make no pretensions to great depth, am
not, at least, so shallow as that."
" I hope you do not imagine that I thought so," she said
quickly. " It seems to me that it would that it must make
a lasting impression. And then to see your companion killed
by your side but forgive me ! Perhaps I ought not to force
you to talk on such a subject."
Egerton would have been glad if she had chosen another ;
but he remembered Mrs. Bertram's note, and what had been
said therein of Sibyl's interest in the fate of Duchesne, so he
felt in a manner bound to gratify that interest.
" It is a subject which I find it difficult to banish from my
mind," he answered. "Even in my dreams it returns to me.
The death of Duchesne was indeed most terrible ; yet I can
give you no idea of the iron nerve and fortitude of the man.
548 ARMINE. [Jan.,
He talked to me of matters concerning worldly affairs almost
up to the moment of dissolution."
" And at the moment," said Sibyl. " It is that I have been
curious about. I have wondered if his faith in humanity had
power to sustain him then"
" He did not seem to need sustaining," said Egerton. " And,,
since he died with the words Vive Fhumanite' on his lips, you
may imagine that his faith in it, or at least his devotion to it,,
was as strong in death as in life."
" But, under the circumstances, did not that seem unneces-
sary and and almost theatrical ? " she asked. " If he had been
about to be shot there would have been some reason for pro-
claiming his faith in that manner. But why should he have
done so, dying as he did?"
Egerton hesitated. All around them was a ripple of gay
talk and light laughter ; tea-spoons clinked against delicate china
cups, silk dresses rustled, sunshine streamed over it all how
could he speak here of that solemn moment, charged with the
issues of eternity, when he had recalled the thought of God
to the dying Socialist and evoked the defiance of which he
had spoken ? His hesitation was only momentary, for before
he decided what to say Sibyl spoke quickly.
" Do not answer, Mr. Egerton," she said. " I see that you?
are reluctant to do so, and it is inexcusable of me to question
you in such a manner. My apology must be that you told me
so much of M. Duchesne's devotion to his ideal that I have
wondered how it stood the test of death."
" It stood the test triumphantly, so far as his sincerity was
concerned," Egerton answered. " I never doubted but that it
would. There was no leaven of hypocrisy or self-seeking in
the man. He was an honest and passionate enthusiast."
Miss Bertram was silent for a moment, then she said slowly :
" I wonder how much of an excuse for error such sincerity of
conviction is, granting that there is a life to come and that
we need excuse in it?"
Egerton shook his head. " That question is rather too deep-
for me," he replied. " Suppose you ask M. d'Antignac ? He
will give you a precise answer I have never known him fail
in that and a precise answer is something so rare that it is
refreshing to hear it, whether one accepts it or not."
" One generally feels constrained to accept M. d'Antignac's
answers," said Sibyl.
Egerton was about to ask how much of D'Antignac's an-
1884.] A R 'MINE. 549
swers on some subjects she had been constrained to accept,
when the conversation was interrupted by the approach of
Miss Dorrance, who came and sat down on his other side.
" I cannot let Sibyl monopolize you, Mr. Egerton, when we
have all been so interested and so anxious about you," she be-
gan. " I wonder if you have any idea what a visitation you
escaped ? When we first heard of your having been injured
in the accident we were so concerned that we talked mamma,
and I, and Mrs. Bertram, and several more of your friends of
going- to pay you a visit to condole with and entertain you.
But Cousin Duke threw cold water on our project said you
would not care at all to see us; that it would be a 'nuisance'
to a man who had been cut to pieces, and battered and bruised,
for a set of women to descend upon him ; and so we gave it
<up."
" Mr. Talford must have been filled with jealousy at the
thought of seeing me so distinguished," said Egerton. "I can-
not imagine any other reason for his giving such an opinion.
I assure you that I should have been delighted to see you, and
flattered beyond measure by such an attention."
" Would you, indeed ? It was too bad, then, of Cousin
Duke to interfere," said she. "And Sibyl agreed with him,
too."
" I agreed that Mr. Egerton would probably regard such a
visit in the light of a nuisance," said Sibyl ; " and I still think so."
" I don't know how to prove that you are wrong," said
Egerton, " except by retiring to my rooms, feigning a severe
relapse, and sending to beg that you will all take pity on me."
" Ah ! " said the young lady, smiling, " but the feigned re-
lapse would be the point of difference. A visit of the kind
might be pleasant enough under those circumstances ; but to
a man who really had been ' cut to pieces, and battered and
bruised,' as Laura says, I am sure that receiving half a dozen
women could not be agreeable."
" I am not so modest," said Miss Dorrance. " It never oc-
curred to me that Mr. Egerton would not be charmed to see
us ; and another time I mean to carry out my idea."
" Pray do ! " said Egerton. " If I should have the misfor-
tune to be the victim and survivor of another railroad ca-
tastrophe I shall certainly look for a visit from you."
" It would be a very high price to pay for such a plea-
sure," said Miss Bertram. " Let us hope that your gallantry
may not be put to the test."
55<> ARMINE. [Jan.,
She rose as she spoke and walked away, and while Egerton
looked after the tall, graceful figure Miss Dorrance said in a
confidential tone :
" It was really Sibyl's fault that we did not go. We should
not have minded Cousin Duke's opinion, but she endorsed it so
strongly that both Mrs. Bertram and mamma gave the mat-
ter up; and then, you know, what could / do?"
" We might have passed it off as an American custom, if
you had come to see me alone," said Egerton, laughing. " At
least I feel very much defrauded, and I shall certainly have
the matter, out with Talford at the first opportunity. Mean-
while I am glad to hear that your mother has recovered
sufficiently even to take into consideration a visit of the
kind."
"Oh! mamma is vastly improved; and, since she was not
allowed to go to see you, she will be delighted if you will come
to see her."
" I shall certainly give myself that pleasure. My first visit
when I return to Paris shall be paid to her."
" When you return to Paris ! " repeated Laura, with sur-
prise. " Are you going away ? "
" Only for a short distance and a short time," he answered.
" And if by thus tempting fate I am blown up again I shall
certainly expect you to fulfil your promise of coming to see
me."
Miss Dorrance regarded him for a moment with a very
curious scrutiny. Then ' she said frankly : " I confess I an*
interested in you, Mr. Egerton. I think you must be engaged
in something very romantic and mysterious. Sudden journeys,,
terrible accidents, dark and desperate companions I think
Cousin Duke must be right in his idea that you have become
a deeply-dyed Socialist, full of plans to blow up emperors-
and what not."
" It is very kind of Mr. Talford to destroy my reputation
for good sense not to speak of good morals in that way,"
said Egerton, half-amused, half-annoyed. " But I assure you
that if no emperor is blown up until I have a hand in his
assassination, they will all die peaceably in their beds. As for
the journey I am about to make, it is of a most inoffensive^
, private character."
" But your last journey you were going to attend a So-
cialist meeting then, were you not?" persisted the young;
lady.
1884.] A RMINE. 5 5 1
"As a mere matter of curiosity and amusement yes," an-
swered Egerton, who began to regret the publicity which
he had given to his vague, socialistic sympathies. " But I
think that I have been quite sufficiently punished," he added,
glancing down at his arm.
Miss Dorrance probably agreed with him, for she did not
pursue the subject, and he was able before long to effect his
escape. But it met him again when he went up to Miss Ber-
tram to make his adieux.
" I have been thinking a good deal," the latter said in a low
tone, " of the young girl Mile. Duchesne of whom I have
heard you speak several times. How terrible the shock of
her father's death must have been to her ! "
" It was," answered Egerton. " One can judge of that by
the change it has made in her."
"You have seen her, then?" said Miss Bertram, with a
quick glance at him.
" Necessarily," he replied. " I was not only with her
father when he died, but I received his dying wishes to trans-
mit to her."
" But I judged, from something which I heard Mile. d'An-
tignac say, that there was some doubt or mystery about her
whereabouts."
" There was for a time a little doubt, but no mystery.
Her father, in order to remove her from all religious influ-
ences, had placed her with some friends of his, and the D'An-
tighacs did not for some time know her address. But after
the news of her father's death these people made no effort to
detain her, and when I saw her she had returned to her usual
place of residence."
" If matters had reached such a point between father and
daughter as that," said Sibyl, after a moment's pause, " per-
haps it was as well he was killed."
Egerton could not repress a smile at her tone of reflective
consideration. " I was very sorry for poor Duchesne," he
said, " but I fear that no friend of his daughter could resist
arriving at such a conclusion."
" And now that she is free, what does she mean to do
become a Catholic?"
" At once, I believe. She is in a convent now, to prepare
for the step."
" Ah ! " said Miss Bertram. " But I am sure you will not
allow her to remain there."
ARMINE. [Jan.,
" I have nothing whatever to do with it," said Egerton,
with some surprise.
" Have you not ? " She gave him another quick glance.
" I thought perhaps you had been invested with some rights
of guardianship. At all events, I shall depend upon you to
obtain for me a glimpse of this interesting young lady sooner
or later."
After taking his departure Egerton pondered a little on these
words, which, he decided, could have only one meaning that
Miss Bertram supposed him to be in love with Armine. It was
not a new idea to him that he might be ; as we are aware, it
had occurred to his mind before, and not only occurred to
it, but been entertained and agreeably dwelt upon. Yet it had
not occurred to him that any one else would suspect a senti-
ment of the existence of which he was by no means sure him-
self ; and therefore Miss Bertram's penetration surprised him,
and, for some curious reason, did not please him. Certainly,
if he had ever been accused of being in love with Sibyl Ber-
tram, he would have repudiated the idea; yet he had always
been conscious of a strong attraction toward her, of hovering,
as it were, on the brink of a fancy into which a little gracious-
ness on her part might have precipitated him. But, instead
of being gracious, she had always repelled him in a very
subtle fashion, it is true, but a fashion which he clearly ap-
preciated, and which was peculiarly trying to his self-love. He
had long been aware that the sore feeling which her depre-
ciation excited was a proof of her power to move him, and
he never approached her without acknowledging the charm
of her strongly-marked and interesting character; yet he
had not suspected himself of any sentiment which could ac-
count for the mental twinge which it cost him to realize that
she had in imagination coolly handed him over to Armine.
"Surely one is a mystery to one's self!" he thought. And
then, more sensibly, " Surely I am a fool ! "
CHAPTER XXXII.
ACCORDING to his promise, Egerton went down into Brittany
with M. de Marigny as soon as his attendant physician pro-
nounced him able to travel ; and those who were left behind
in suspense to wit, M. and Mile. d'Antignac heard nothing
of them for some time.
Meanwhile Armine remained in the convent where she had
1884.] A RHINE. 553
been placed, and was reported by the Abb6 Neyron as im-
proving daily in physical health and spiritual peace. He came
to talk with D'Antignac concerning her, and seemed more and
more impressed with her character as it revealed itself to him.
" It is a remarkable soul," he said, " and one with which I
think God must have special designs."
" I have always thought so," D'Antignac answered quietly.
"But what do you take those designs to be, M. l'Abb6?"
The discreet priest shook his head. " It is not yet possible
to tell," he answered; "and there is no need for haste in try-
ing to decide. God in his own time makes his will clear with
regard to each human soul. The trouble is that so few souls
are anxious simply to fulfil that xvill ; they have their own
plans and desires, which they prefer to God's. But this soul,
I think, will be willing to take his way."
" Dear Armine ! " said Mile. d'Antignac. " She has al-
ways thought so little of herself or her own desires that
I am sure you are right. And when will she be received into
the church?"
" There is nothing of the kind necessary,'' replied the abbe".
"She was received into the church at her baptism her mother,
it seems, was a good Catholic and had her baptized in her in-
fancy and she has never in word or deed renounced the faith.
Consequently, she has only to make her First Communion. She
has already made her general confession."
" And when will she make her First Communion ? "
" To-morrow morning in the convent chapel. I have an
invitation for you, dear mademoiselle, to be present ; and
afterward you can arrange with Mile. Duchesne about her
plans."
" My arrangement is easily made, or rather has been al-
ready made," said Helene. " I shall bring her home with me."
" It will be the best arrangement for a time," said the
abbe".
It was an arrangement to which Armine made no objec-
tion, though she, too, qualified her acceptance with the words,
"for a time." She seemed happy at the thought of being with
her friends, and especially of seeing D'Antignac ; yet Helene
noticed how wistfully she turned and glanced back into the
quiet convent court as they were passing out of the gateway
to the street beyond. " I had never known peace until I found
it here," she said in a low tone ; " and such peace ! " Then
she looked at her companion. " Do you remember," she went
554 ARMINE. [Jan.,
on, " how when M. d'Antignac told me that I must not return
to him again, I said that I felt like one who was exiled from
Paradise? I have the feeling still more strongly to-day."
" I can understand it," said Helene ; " for here is the only
foretaste of Paradise to be known on earth, and I have had
the same feeling when I left one of these abodes of peace to
go back to the jarring and distracted world."
" But we are going to M. d'Antignac," said Armine, as
they entered the carriage waiting for them, "and I am always
conscious of the same atmosphere of peace surrounding him."
It was indeed a happy meeting between the two, who had
been faithful in affection to each other so long, when they met
without any farther need for separation; when Armine could
tell D'Antignac all that she had been thinking and feeling, sure
of absolute sympathy and comprehension, and when he could
note all the change that had been wrought in her the great
change since the day when, in her grief and despair, she had
come and knelt down by him, asking for help. Now the light
of spiritual peace was in her eyes and on her face, and, though
much of the sad sense of loss was revived by the familiar
objects which surrounded her, it could not rob her of that
deep and abiding joy of the soul which is the first result of
the sacraments.
Not as a stranger, but as one who had long known the life
of which she was now to form a part, the girl settled into her
place in the small household and soon made herself a useful
member of it. But, while she was always ready to aid H61ene
in any way, she chiefly liked whatever enabled her to serve
D'Antignac ; and perceiving this, H61ene resigned to her va-
rious duties which brought her into attendance on him. Of
these, one which she enjoyed most was reading to him for an
hour or two in the morning ; and she was engaged in this
manner one day when the timbre of the apartment sounded,
and a moment later Cesco entered, saying that Mile. Bertram
begged to know if M. d'Antignac would receive her.
"Yes," said D'Antignac; "ask her to enter." And then he
said to Armine, who rose instinctively : " Do not go. This is
some one whom I should like you to meet."
Armine might have remonstrated had there been time, but
as she paused the door opened and a tall, handsome young lady,
who gave the impression of something at once majestic and
winning, came in. The fashionable richness of her dress might
with some people have been the first thing which struck the
1884.] ARMINE. 555
eye ; but costume was never more than an adjunct to Sibyl
Bertram's beauty, and Armine saw the sweet, cordial smile and
clear, brilliant glance rather than Virot's hat and Felix's
dress.
Sibyl on her part was struck, as soon as she entered, by the
slender, black-clad figure standing against the light, by the side
of D'Antignac's couch, and she knew at once who it must be.
One quick glance, however, was all that she permitted herself
as she walked forward and clasped the hand that D'Antignac
held out.
" I hope you have not allowed me to derange you, as our
French friends say," she remarked, with a smile. " It has been
so long since I have seen you that I could not resist the incli-
nation to make an effort, at least, to do so."
" I am very glad that you did not resist the inclination,"
he answered. " I am always happy to see you when I am able
to see any one ; and by coming just now you give me not only
the pleasure of seeing you, but also the pleasure of making two
of my friends known to each other. Will you let me present
Mile. Duchesne? Armine, this is Miss Bertram."
The two young women so different in character, circum-
stances, and association regarded each other for an instant,
and then by an impulse Sibyl held out her hand.
" I am glad to meet Mile. Duchesne," she said in her frank
voice. " I have heard a great deal of her."
Armine glanced at D'Antignac with a smile. " My friends
here are very kind, I know," she said.
Miss Bertram regarded her for a moment longer before she
replied. Then she said : " It is not only from your friends
here that I have heard of you. The first person whom I
heard speak of you was Mr. Egerton, who has talked of you
a great deal."
D'Antignac was not surprised that Armine "seemed to shrink
at the sound of a name so lately connected with the tragedy
which had such cruel meaning for her. She grew a shade
paler, and her eyes seemed to gather a deeper shade of wistful
expression. After an instant's pause she answered:
" I know Mr. Egerton, but not very well ; and I cannot
imagine why he should have talked of one of whom he knows
so little."
" I think he fancies that he knows a good deal," said Miss
Bertram. "It is one of Mr. Egerton's peculiarities "the
slightly mocking tone of her voice just here would have been
556 ARMINE. [Jan.,
very familiar to Egerton's ear had he heard it "to believe that
he reads character with unusual penetration."
" He certainly brings an unusual degree of sympathy to
bear upon it," said D'Antignac's quiet voice ; " and the truest
penetration is that which is derived from sympathy."
" Yes, Mr. Egerton is very sympathetic," said Armine.
" He feels, he understands so quickly. I have observed that."
" I see that he has two very good friends," said Sibyl,
smiling. She sat down and looked at D'Antignac. " I am
not sympathetic," she said. " I make dreadful mistakes about
people, and I often feel as if I were horribly obtuse. How can
one learn sympathy?"
" I think you do yourself injustice in fancying that you do
not possess it," he answered. " If you really want to learn,
however, there is one way cultivate comprehension."
" But if I had to define sympathy I should say that it was
comprehension."
" Not exactly. They are only very closely allied. One
cannot have sympathy without comprehension, but it is quite
possible to have comprehension without sympathy."
" I always hesitate to disagree with you, M, d'Antignac,
because you know everything so much better than I do," said
Armine; "but it seems to me that it is impossible to have com-
prehension without sympathy. If we thoroughly comprehend
why a person feels or believes a thing very strongly, even
though we may condemn the belief, we may understand his
point of view, his motive and meaning ; and is not that sym-
pathy ? "
" Yes," D'Antignac answered, knowing well of what she
was thinking, " that is sympathy in the truest sense which we
feel for those with whom we differ, and it certainly has its
basis in an enlightened comprehension. To compare earthly
with heavenly things," he added, not unwilling to change the
subject somewhat, " such sympathy reminds me of the divine
charity of the church toward the adherents of error. While
for the error itself she has sternest and most uncompromising
condemnation, she has infinite compassion for those who are
misled by it. And that is the spirit which, as far as possible,
we s*hould imitate."
" Only we may sometimes make mistakes about condemn-
ing error," said Sibyl.
He looked at her with a smile. " We shall most undoubt-
edly do so if we make our own opinion the standard for our
1884.] A RMINE. 557
judgment," he said. " There is hardly an affair of life, and
certainly not a question of importance, either political or so-
cial, which we do not need to try by a standard that knows no
variation, that is never swayed by thought or fear of man."
" Such a standard is what I have always instinctively longed
for," she said. " Yet I wonder if you know the feeling of re-
volt as if one were surrendering one's liberty which one who
has been reared in Protestantism feels at the thought of sub-
mitting to the absolute authority of the Catholic Church?"
" I do not know it from experience," he answered, " for,
thanks to the mercy of God, I have always belonged to the
household of faith. But I have observed it very often in others,
and to me there is no more striking proof of the ' darkness of
our understanding ' which theology teaches is one of the three
consequences of original sin. For what save a hopeless dark-
ness of the understanding could make men prize the liberty of
remaining in ignorance and of formulating error ? Does any
man of sense, when he is offered scientific knowledge and such
certainty as science can afford, reject it in order to retain the
' liberty ' of making wild guesses and forming wild theories on
a basis of no knowledge at all ? Yet what is any scientific cer-
tainty compared to the certainty of a truth which has been
revealed by God ? Yet this truth in a matter so vital as
eternal salvation men reject for the liberty of entertaining
vague opinions and being ' carried to and fro by every wind of
doctrine.' Surely the world has never seen such another proof
of human folly ! "
" It is strange," said Sibyl musingly. " One might think
that people would be at least as eager to obtain certainty in a
matter so important as they show themselves with regard to
worldly knowledge. But so far from that, how indifferent they
are ! How little earnestness they display ! One is tempted to
think that earnestness died out of the world with the mediaeval
saints."
D'Antignac shook his head, smiling a little. " You draw
wide conclusions from narrow premises," he said. " I grant
that earnestness such as you mean has no place in your world
the world of a society which is essentially pagan, with a thin
veneer of conventional Protestantism over it but it has not
left earth with the mediaeval saints. Ask Armine if she has not
lately seen some of it in the convent where she has been stay-
ing."
"Ah! mademoiselle," said Armine, as Sibyl looked at her,
558 ARMINE. [Jan.,
" if you could see the life of that convent as I have lately seen
it, you would not think that the saints had left the earth."
" Or rather she would realize that they have in all ages
spiritual descendants," said D'Antignac. " I think that Miss
Bertram might find interest in a visit to a convent. You have
never met any religieuses ? " he added, addressing Sibyl.
" No," she answered, " I have never met any, and I confess
that I would like to visit a convent very much indeed."
" I am sure that H61ene would be delighted to take you,"
he said. " She has an extensive acquaintance in the religious
world. Or here is Armine, who could introduce you into the
convent which she has just left."
" If I might take the liberty, I should be delighted to do so,"
said Armine.
"Here comes Hlene," said D'Antignac, as his- sister en-
tered. " We will hear what she has to say of it."
Helene had to say that she would take Miss Bertram to
visit a convent with pleasure. " We will appoint a day," she
said, addressing the latter, "and 1 will not only show you a
convent, but also some of the most charming women in the
world."
Miss Bertram declared that any day would suit her, so the
next afternoon was appointed for a visit to the convent which
Armine had lately left. " I know that Armine is by this time
anxious to see her friends again," Mile. d'Antignac said, smil-
ing.
Arrmine admitted that she would be glad of an opportunity
to do so, and after a little more discussion Miss Bertram rose
to go. " I am sorry that I cannot stay longer," she said, in
reply to a remonstrance from H61ene, " but I left mamma at
the Magasin du Louvre and promised to bring the carriage
back for her in half an hour. But I shall come to-morrow
afternoon there is no fear of my failing in that. And then,
or at another time, M. d'Antignac, I shall hope to hear some
more practical directions about cultivating sympathy. Adieu,
mademoiselle ; I am happy to have met you."
The last words were uttered very graciously to Armine,
and in the ante-chamber, where H61ene accompanied her, the
speaker added : " What an exquisite face Mile. Duchesne has !
It is like a poem, as I think I have heard Mr. Egerton remark.
I do not wonder now that he has been so enthusiastic about
her."
"Has he been enthusiastic?" said H61ene, smiling a little.
1 8 84.] A RMINE. 559
" I did not know that he had seen much of her. He was spe-
cially fascinated with her unhappy father."
" I have always had a suspicion tljat the fascination was
with her rather than with her father," said Sibyl. " And I
can only repeat that since I have seen her I do not wonder.
Now au revoir, dear mademoiselle. Look for me certainly to-
morrow."
" I have discovered something," said Mile. d'Antignac to
her brother a few hours later. " Miss Bertram believes that
Mr. Egerton is in love with Armine."
" Does she ? " said D'Antignac quietly. " It may be so.
Things more unlikely have happened. And probably Miss
Bertram is a good judge of the signs of the tender passion."
"Do you think it can be true?" said Helene after a pause.
" I do not know," her brother answered. " I have never
seen him with her, nor has he often spoken to me of her. I
find it quite credible that any man should be in love with
Armine. That is all I can say."
" I should find it more credible for one to be in love with
Sibyl Bertram," said Helene. " She is to me a peculiarly
charming person."
" She is a very attractive person to me," said D'Antignac,
"but not charming like Armine. However, that is my indi-
vidual taste. Then I fancy Miss Bertram might prove very
difficile. That often deters a man from falling in love."
,"I thought a man was generally animated by difficulty."
"That depends on the man. He may not care for diffi-
culty, or there may be too much of it. But you may be
sure of one thing," added the speaker, with a smile : " if Eger-
ton is in love with either we shall soon discover it; for you
know the proverb, ' L amour et la fume"e ne peuvent se cacher' '
CHAPTER XXXIII.
THE next afternoon D'Antignac was alone, lying quietly
on his couch after seeing the party of ladies start off for the
Convent, when the sound of the door-bell was followed
a moment later by the entrance of M. de Marigny.
D'Antignac's pale, calm face brightened with pleasure,
as it always did at sight of this nearest and dearest of all his
friends, and he held out his hand with a gesture of welcome.
560 ARMINE. [Jan.,
" One values a pleasure more for its unexpectedness," he
said. " I did not know you had returned to Paris."
" I have only been . in Paris a few hours," the other an-
swered. " I have come here at once. Do I not always come
here before I go anywhere else? But to-day I have come
with important news."
"Indeed!" said D'Antignac. He looked keenly at the
other's face, as if to determine the character of the news
before hearing it. There was certainly no indication of bad
news in the serene and slightly smiling expression of the
countenance. " It is as I expected," he said. " You have
found that there was no foundation for Duchesne's belief."
M. de Marigny drew a chair forward and sat down, smil-
ing a little more. Then he said quietly: " Au contraire. I
have found his story correct in every particular."
" Is it possible ? " said D'Antignac. He lifted himself to
a sitting position, as if, in the eagerness of his interest, unable
to remain recumbent. " Do you mean," he said, " that Du-
chesne was really the heir to the title and estates of Marigny ? "
" I mean," answered the vicomte calmly, " that he had a
very good case to carry into a court of law, and might have
been declared the true Vicomte de Marigny. But, again, he
might not. I have obtained a legal opinion upon the case,
and I am told that the issue would be extremely doubtful.
The marriage is to be found registered as Duchesne was told
that is, the marriage of a Henri Marigny and Louise Bar-
beau. But it is necessary to prove that this Henri Marigny
was Henri Louis Gaston, Vicomte de Marigny, and the only
witness of the marriage is long since dead. We have, it is
true, the second-hand testimony of his son, and the court
would decide upon the value of that testimony. The end is
this : if Duchesne were living I should contest his claim, and
I doubt whether he would succeed in establishing it. But,
since he is dead, the case is different."
" Why ? " asked D'Antignac.
" For the simple reason that it would have been impossi-
ble to surrender to him without a struggle property which
he would have used in the worst of causes. But with his
daughter the matter is different. I have no doubt it will be
possible to make an amicable arrangement with her. I shall
lay the case before her as it stands, counsel her to take legal
advice and to determine what she will accept, or whether she
will have her case decided by law."
1884.] ARMINE. 561
"Then even in her case you would contest the claim, if
brought for the whole estate?"
" I should have no alternative but to do so. My duty to
those who are to come after me would demand it. A man
who has inherited an old name and an old estate occupies a
different position to that of one who has made his own for-
tune and, in a certain sense, his own name. The former, at
least, is his own to do what he will with. But one who oc-
cupies the place of succession in an old line is no more than
a trustee. What was handed down to him he should hand
down intact, as far as may be, to those who are to come after
him. And therefore, as the guardian of interests not his own,
he cannot surrender any part of an inheritance which it is his
in a special manner to protect, without absolute assurance ot
the justice of the claim such an assurance as only the deci-
sion of a high legal authority can give."
"I understand your position," said D'Antignac. "You
are bound for the sake of others to think of justice rather
than of quixotic generosity. Yet, from your speaking of an
'amicable arrangement' with Armine, I judge that you think
her claim would be just."
"Yes," he answered, " I think that she has a claim, though
whether it can be legally supported is another question.
There is a very good moral certainty that a marriage took
place, which, though only a civil marriage, would, I presume,
be held binding by the church. That being the case, she is
a daughter of the house, and therefore I should be within
the bounds of my duty in allowing her whatever was just
and right."
D'Antignac lay back on his pillows. " I do not think,"
he said quietly, " that Armine will accept anything."
" But why should she not as a right ? " asked the other.
" There is no question of generosity in the matter, no room
for scruples. Either she has a right or she has not. If she
has, why should she hesitate to accept it?"
14 She will tell you herself," answered D'Antignac. " My
opinion is merely an instinct; yet I have never found my
instincts with regard to Armine wrong."
" But on what ground do you think ,-her likely to re-
fuse?"
" That I do not know. She has not spoken of the matter
at all to me. I can only repeat that I have an instinct that
she will refuse to press any claim or to take anything."
VOL. xxxvui. 36
562 ARMINR. [Jan.,
" But I am told by M. Egerton that it was her father's
dying charge that she should do so."
"Poor Armine ! " said D'Antignac. "Was it not enough
for her to have suffered all that she did from her father dur-
ing his life? Why should he exercise a posthumous tyranny
over her now ? Egerton, of course, felt obliged to tell her
all that Duchesne directed should be told. But, that being
done, why should there be any farther effort to influence her
through his desires, in opposition to her own wishes?"
The vicomte shrugged his shoulders, with a smile. " It
would certainly be a singular freak of fate that would make
me the advocate of Duchesne's wishes in any respect," he
said. " But it would be strange if they did not influence his
daughter, especially as I have seen more than once how
strong her sentiment of filial devotion was."
" It was the strongest sentiment of her nature," said D'An-
tignac, " and she has been wounded in it, as we are wounded
just where pain is most keenly and deeply felt. All her life
the cruel struggle has been going on God on one side, her
father on the other ; the desire to reverence and the need to
excuse, passionate affection and intellectual condemnation.
She has been torn and crushed ; and when, through a most
terrible grief, peace has come to her, I must remonstrate
against that peace being again disturbed by the image of
her father. Put before her, as you propose, the case in all
its bearings, give her time to decide upon it, and then accept
her decision. I have confidence in Armine. I believe that it
will be a wise one."
" I have confidence in her, too," said the vicomte. " She
inspires one with that feeling. Yet she is very young to
decide on a matter of so much importance. At least you
will promise to give her your advice?"
" If she asks it certainly. But I cannot promise that it
will be exactly what you desire."
41 1 desire only that she shall receive what is justly hers ;
and you will hardly advise her to reject it?"
" I cannot tell until I hear her reasons for wishing to do
so. Armine generally has good reasons for her conduct and
opinions. And yffru must remember that although you are
bound to offer whatever is just, she is not bound to accept it."
" She is bound by all the rules of common sense."
" Ah ! common sense," said D'Antignac. " Well, that is a
very good, a very useful, a highly respectable thing ; but there
1884.] ARMINB. 563
is sometimes a sense which is uncommon that is higher and
better. I have a great respect for common sense, but I have
never made it the standard by which to test all opinions, as a
number of worthy people do."
" Since you have often accused me of something closely
verging on quixotism, I suppose I am hardly one of the
worthy people," said the vicomte, laughing.
" No," the other answered, with a smile, " you are not one
of them. And therefore I shall expect you to be reasonable,
if for any motive which common sense perhaps might con-
demn Armine declines to profit by this discovery."
" I see that you are firmly of the opinion that she will de-
cline, and that you are also firmly disposed to uphold her in
doing so," said the vicomte. " Ek bien, I must simply put the
matter before her myself. When and where can I see her?"
" The ' when ' is for you, or for her, to determine," answered
D'Antignac. " But the ' where ' is easily arranged, since she
is here."
"Here?" repeated De Marigny, glancing involuntarily
around.
" Not at this moment," said D'Antignac, perceiving the
glance. "Just before you came she went out with H^lene
and Miss Bertram. But she has been staying with us since
she left the convent, to which, as you may remember, she
went soon after the death of her father."
" I remember to be prepared for reception into the
church."
" She has never been out of the church. But she was pre-
pared to receive the sacraments made a general confession
and her First Communion. Poor child ! How changed she
was when she returned quiet, peaceful, almost happy ; al-
though her father's death is a blow from which she will never,
I fear, entirely recover."
" And yet it must be difficult for her not to feel the relief
of the freedom which results from it."
" I doubt if she feels it at all," said D'Antignac. " Her
nature is too deeply affectionate. She was passionately at-
tached to her father, and, after her fears for his eternal fate,
I think that the greatest grief connected with his death is
the fact that they parted in estrangement at least on his
side."
" His fate was terrible," said the vicomte ; " but I confess
that I could not regret it. He was a man whose power of
564 ARMINE. [Jan.,
doing evil was great in proportion to his natural gifts and
they were very great. 1 never heard him address a multi-
tude, but I can imagine the magnetic power which he pos-
sessed, and the fiery eloquence which M. Egerton describes
as fully equal to that of Gambetta. And this man, unlike
Gambetta, was not a politician and self-seeker, but he had
all the force which strong, fanatical conviction gives. The
day might have come when he would have played the part
of another Danton."
" Nothing would have delighted him more. But how comes
on our friend Egerton, who may well speak feelingly of the
eloquence which nearly led him to death ? "
" It certainly nearly led him to death," said De Marigny,
" but I doubt if it nearly led him into Socialism. He has too
clear a mind to be captivated by such fallacies."
"You like him, then?"
" I like him exceedingly. There is something very attrac-
tive in his character an openness and a verve which promise
well. When a man is prepared to hear reason, and is sus-
ceptible of enthusiasm, one may hope much from him."
" I hope much from his association with you. It was what
he needed contact with a man of ardent faith, who is at the
same time foremost in every activity and interest of the world.
Generally speaking, it may be safely said that to convert men
of the world we need those who are, in a measure at least, men
of the world also, who possess its polish, its grace, its keen
wisdom, yet use these things for God and not for the world.
And so I believe that it may be -your privilege to bring this
soul out of the realm of shadows of beliefs without base, and
the vain opinions of men into the presence of the great real-
ity of divine Truth."
" I will gladly do all that I can to this end," said the
vicomte. " But let me remind you that to pray is better than
to argue when the conversion of a soul is in question ; and
there can be no doubt whose prayers are of most value yours
or mine."
" Neither can there be any doubt," said D'Antignac, " that,
prisoned here on this bed of pain, I am not likely to forget
my friends in the sole thing that I can still do for them."
When Armine heard of M. de Marigny 's visit, and that
he desired to see her, she evinced, somewhat to D'Antignac's
surprise, the greatest reluctance to receiving him.
i884-J ARMINE. 565
"I cannot!" she said, shrinking at the mere suggestion*
"It is impossible. Do not ask me!" ;
D'Antignac did not answer immediately. Her agitation,
was so evident that he reflected for a moment before replying.
Then he said, with the gentle calmness which always tran-
quillized her :
" But it is necessary that I should ask you, and I am sure
that you will not act -merely from an impulsive feeling."
" It is not merely an impulsive feeling," she said. She
came and knelt down by the side of his couch. " Do you not
remember," she said in a low tone, " how all the last cruel
trouble that divided my father and myself began with with
his seeing me speak to M. de Marigny? And have you for-
gotten that I told you how he bade me never speak to him
again ? Here is something in which I can obey him ; and
surely I should do so ! "
" My dear little Armine," said D'Antignac, laying his hand
tenderly on hers, " I understand all that you mean and all that
you feel ; but there is more to consider than you perhaps ima-
gine. In the first place, it is entirely beyond reason that you
should be bound throughout your life by the arbitrary and
hasty command of a moment "
" But M. de Marigny is entirely out of my life," she in-
terrupted quickly. " There is no reason why I should ever see
or speak to him."
" There is a very important reason why you must of ne-
cessity see and speak to him," said D'Antignac. " You cannot
have forgotten the communication which your father when-
dying made to Egerton, and which he conveyed to you."
She made a quick gesture as of one putting a thing away
from her a gesture half-proud, half- pathetic.
" I will have nothing to do with it nothing," she said.
" What my father did not claim for himself I shall not claim
in his name. If that is why the Vicomte de Marigny wishes
to see me, simply tell him this. I have nothing more to say,
only that I am sorry Mr. Egerton disregarded my wishes and
betrayed the secret confided to him."
" He disregarded your wishes with reluctance," said D'An-
tignac ; " but he felt himself bound in honor to execute as far
as possible the trust your father had confided to him, so he
came to me for advice. I agreed with him that M: de Marigny,
as head of the family, should certainly be informed of what
$66 ARMINE. [Jan.,
your father believed to be certain facts. Yet, after all, it was
not Egerton who informed him, but myself."
Armine had risen now from her kneeling position, and stood
looking a little cold and reserved.
14 1 do not think," she said, " that Mr. Egerton should have
come even to you when I requested him to hold inviolate a
secret which he had received as a dying confidence."
44 Not as a dying confidence, if I understand rightly," said
D'Antignac, 44 but rather as a commission."
44 Which he performed when he came to me," she said in
the same slightly proud voice, "and therefore with which he
had no more to do."
44 I do not agree with you," said D'Antignac, exceedingly
surprised by this manifestation of character, and understand-
ing more fully the dilemma in which Egerton had found him-
self. " He felt that by the trust which your father had placed
in him he was obliged to consider your interest, even if you
refused to consider it yourself; and, if you have any confidence
in my judgment, you may believe that he was right."
44 1 have every confidence in your judgment," said Armine,
with more of her usual manner. " You know that. But I can-
not believe that he was right to disregard my wishes and bring
upon me, and upon others, annoyance which I wished to avoid.
For nothing, M. d'Antignac, nothing shall make me take any
step in the matter! What is it to me whether my father had
or had not the right to bear a noble name ? What is it to me
whether a little more or less of wealth might be mine ? I
have enough for my wants, and this much at least of my fa-
ther's spirit is in me: I belong to the people, my heart is
with the poor and the suffering, and why should I strive to
force myself into a noble house that would only scorn the
descendant of a peasant and the daughter of a Socialist?"
She looked very little like the descendant of a peasant as
she uttered these words, D'Antignac thought. The delicate
face was instinct with feeling, the beautiful dark eyes were
glowing ; he had never been more struck with what he had
always remarked in her, the unmistakable signs of inherited
refinement.
" I can understand," he said quietly, " that there would be
very little to urge you to claim what your father regarded as
his right, if any struggle was necessary to do so. But if there
was none needed if, instead of scorning, the head of the
1884.] ARMIN&.
house came voluntarily to acknowledge and receive you what
then?"
She paused a moment before answering, and he saw an in-
describable change come over her face a change such as he
had often observed when she was touched by a high or beau-
tiful thought. And when she spoke her voice was like a
chord of music so many different tones of feeling blended into
it.
"What then?" she repeated. "Only this: that it would
be a noble thing for the head of such a house to do, granting
that he believed the claim to be just, but that I have no desire
for the recognition or acknowledgment."
"Yet it was your father's dying wish," said D'Antignac.
She looked at him with a glance which, even before she
spoke, seemed to disarm his power of objection ; it was at once
so pathetic and so full of the meaning which greater knowledge
of a subject gives.
" My father's dying wish has a different significance to you
and to me," she said sadly. " You regard it, no doubt, as dic-
tated by solicitude for me, for my personal prosperity and hap-
piness. But / know my father better than to fancy that. He
had not one set of opinions for his public life and another for
his private life ; he did not preach to others that property
and rank are crimes against the brotherhood of humanity, yet
grasp at them himself. He was wrong he was mad, if you
will but 1, who spent my life with him, would stake my ex-
istence on his sincerity." She paused, for her voice was choked
with emotion; but controlling herself after a minute, she went
on : " Do you think, therefore, that he wished me to claim rank
and wealth in order that I might enjoy privileges that he held
to be robbery ? Ah ! no. What he desired I know it as cer-
tainly as if he had told me was that I should use them for
the ends that lie desired, and to which he had given all his
own fortune and the labor of his life. I understand now with
perfect clearness why it was only after that unhappy visit to
Marigny that he began to concern himself about what I be-
lieved, and to endeavor to mould and bend my faith. I re-
member well how he said that he had thought lightly of my
opinions as ' merely a girl's fancy ' until he found that there
might be power in my hand for evil or for good ; 1 did not
understand him then, but I understand now. The power for
good or evil was the inheritance of Marigny, which he thought
might be mine. Do you think, then, that he would have wished
568 ARMINE^ [Jan.,
me to possess that power to use for ends which he thought evil ?
and you know I could not use it for ends which he thought
good."
"But you might use it for ends which would be truly good ?"
said D'Antignac, anxious to put every view of the case before
her, yet certain that she would not be moved.
She shook her head. " Even if I could," she said: " and that
is doubtful, for what am I but a weak girl without judgment ?
you certainly do not think that they would be ends as good as
those for which M. de Marigny uses it now ? Should I take
out of his hand if I had the power to do so means that give
him greater influence in the battle where he is a champion and
defender of all that is most noble and of most vital importance
to France ? Ah ! you do not know," she went on, clasping her
hands with a familiar gesture, while her eyes shone on him full
of radiance, "how long I have said to myself, ' If there was only
something that I could do ! something to aid in this battle,
which I, who have seen the other side, know must be so long
and hard ! something to help those who are to save France, if
she can be saved ! ' Arid now you would have me lessen the
power for good of one who can do all that I have dreamed
of? Oh! no, M. d'Antignac, I am sure you do not wish it;
and I am also sure of this, that I would work for my daily
bread sooner than touch one centime that came from the reve-
nues of Marigny ! "
It was impossible to doubt her earnestness or her resolution,
and D'Antignac smiled a little an inward and invisible smile,
if the phrase may be allowed to describe the slight sense of
amusement which does not always find outward expression as
he thought how positively he had prophesied this result, even
while ignorant of the reasons which would influence her.
"I comprehend your position," he said after a moment.
" You feel that you could not fulfil your father's wish by using
anything which came to you through this claim in the way
he desired ; so, rather than use it in a way he did not desire,
you prefer to leave it in hands where it is certain to be well
employed. But you overlook two things first, that what-
ever descended to you in such a manner would be absolutely
yours, to do what you will with ; and you would be no more
bound by the wishes of your father in the disposition of it
than he would have been bound by the wishes of his grand-
father who, we may infer, would certainly not have desired
that the family inheritance should be spent in founding a Com-
1884.] ARMINE.
mune. In the second place, M. de Marigny has a right to
decline to retain what he does not feel to be justly his, and
you have no right to refuse to hear reasons for believing it
to be yours."
She looked at him with the same reluctant expression with
which she had first heard the proposal that she should see M.
de Marigny.
" You do not know how painful it would be," she said.
" Surely it is not necessary ! Surely you can tell him what I
have said, and assure him that no argument can change my
resolution ! "
"I might do that," said D'Antignac, "and still he would
be, by the nature of his position, constrained to insist on see-
ing you ; and you have no reason that justifies you in refusing
to see him."
" I have the memory of my father's command .and of my
promise that I 'would never speak to M. de Marigny again."
" My dear Armine, your own good sense must tell you
that you are not fettered by such a command or such a prom-
ise. Your father himself set both aside when he directed
you to prosecute the claim for the inheritance of Marigny,
since it would be impossible to refuse to hold communication
with a man who has never injured you and who is the head
of the family."
" But I have told you that I have nothing, and can have
nothing, to do with the family in one way or another," she
said. "Therefore why should I be forced to do this thing?
But I do not wish to be childish or unreasonable," she added
after a moment, in which only the expression of D'Antignac's
face answered her last appeal, "and if you think it absolutely
necessary that I should see M. de Marigny, I will see him,'
though it will be painful oh ! more painful than I can say."
TO BE CONTINUED.
570 NEW PUBLICATIONS. [Jan.,
NEW PUBLICATIONS.
LA VIE DE N. S. JESUS-CHRIST. Par L'Abbe E. Le Camus. Paris : Pous-
sielgue Freres. 1883.
M. Le Camus unites exegetical and theological with the historical
exposition of the four harmonized Gospels, together with a blending of
spiritual and pious reflections. His Introduction ; on the doctrine of the
Incarnation, the sacred books which give account of it, the locality and
other environments of its manifestation ; is a clear statement in a small
compass of that which it is most important to know before studying the
harmony of the Gospels. Unfortunately, in the copy we have received, the
last ten pages are wanting.
The paraphrase of the harmonized narrative of the Evangelists is com-
posed in an agreeable descriptive style. The author's exegesis is critical
and acute. His doctrinal as well as his exegetical exposition, in matters
which have not been decided by the authority of the church, is remarkably
independent and sometimes diverges from the common sentiment of expo-
sitors and theologians. Its tone is always sober, with a tendency to
minimize. In developing the scope and meaning of the discourses and
parables he is admirable ; and we refer particularly to the exposition of
one parable, that of the Laborers in the Vineyard, which we have found
for the first time made clearly intelligible. We have not finished the
perusal of these carefully-written volumes, but we feel justified in recom-
mending them as most useful and instructive to the educated laity, as well
as to clergymen. In our judgment the work of M. Le Camus ranks on the
first line of Lives of Christ with those of Sepp, Coleridge, and Fouard.
We would assign Geike's Life of Christ to the same rank, were it not for
errors in some points of doctrine and deficiencies in others, such as must
always mar the works of all except Catholic authors when they attempt a
complete exposition of the Gospel. We hope that M. Le Camus will carry
out the intention which he hints at of publishing a similar work on the
Acts of the Apostles.
We have looked with curiosity to see whether M. Le Camus has thrown
any light on the dates of the birth, baptism, and death of our Lord Jesus
Christ, but we have found very little. He considers that 749 A.u.c. is the
more probable date of his birth, and maintains very positively that his
public ministry comprised only two years, besides the period between the
Temptation and the First Passover. The opinion of M. Fouard that Jesus
Christ was born in 749, and crucified in 783, or A.D. 30, three years and
three months after his baptism, has been fully set forth in an extensive
review of his Life of Christ in this magazine. We have arrived at a differ-
ent opinion viz., that our Lord was born December 25, 747, baptized dur-
ing the autumn of 778, and crucified on some day near the middle of April,
782, A.D. 29. We take this occasion to give some of the reasons proving
the correctness of these dates.
i. Tertullian, with whom the most ancient tradition agrees, assigns the
NEW PUBLICATIONS. 571
baptism of Christ to the twelfth and the crucifiiion to the fifteenth
year of Tiberius i.e., respectively to the years of Rome 778 and 782. St.
Luke places the beginning of St. John Baptist's ministry in the fifteenth
year of Tiberius. We understand this date as reckoning from the appoint-
ment of Tiberius to be the colleague of Augustus an event shown by pro-
bable evidence from history to have taken place three years before the
death of the latter. Thus, Tertullian is harmonized with St. Luke.
2. October was the month most suitable and customary for bathinj,
and John would therefore naturally select this season for baptizing. Nu-
merous caravans were passing by the Jordan at this time to go to Jerusa-
lem for the Feast of Expiation, and it was therefore the most favorable
season for him to begin his ministry. The language of the Gospel narra-
tive favors the supposition that Jesus came to be baptized soon after John
began to preach, being then "about thirty years old." A period of thirty
years and nine months intervenes between October, 778, and the end of
December, 747, so that this last date is admissible, if there are good reasons
for accepting it.
3. The date of 749 is improbable, because Herod died in March, 750,
which would restrict the absence of the Holy Family in Egypt to a few
months, contrary to the ancient tradition, confirmed by some rabbinical
writings, that they remained there at least two years. This reason mili-
tates also against the date 748. All critics are now agreed that Christ was
not born before 746 or after 749.
4. Tertullian asserts as a well-known fact, appealing in proof of it to
the Roman archives, that the enrolment in Judaea which brought Joseph
and Mary to Bethlehem was made while Sentius Saturninus was governor
of Syria. As he vacated his office early in 748, the birth of Christ cannot
have taken place at a later date. Quirinius, who is mentioned by St. Luke,
was a special legate of the emperor, exercising superintendence over the
enrolment. Christ was born while the temple of Janus was shut. It was
shut August, 746. Christ was not born at the close of that year, because if
so' he would have been twelve years old before Archelaus was deposed,
and could not have been taken to Jerusalem at the Passover next fol-
lowing his twelfth birthday. He was not born in 748, because at the
beginning of that year Saturninus was no longer governor of Syria.
Therefore he was born in 747. Those who, with Kepler and Ideler, con-
sider the Star in the East as a constellation formed by the conjunction of
planets will find a confirmation of the date given in the remarkable con-
junctions of May, August, and December of 747.
5. The testimony of Tertullian and of the earliest tradition assigns as the
date of the death of Christ the Passover of the fifteenth year of Tiberius
i.e., A.u.C. 782. Between this and the Passover next after the beginning
of John's preaching two other Passovers intervene. This gives a period
of three years and about six months to our Lord's public ministry. Daniel
foretold that the Messias should be cut off in the middle of the last of the
seventy weeks. This can have no other meaning than the one commonly
given, that the last week began with the public ministry of Christ and
ended seven years later when St. Peter by divine revelation opened the
door of the Catholic Church to the gentiles. In the middle of this week
/.<?., three and one-half years after his baptism Christ offered up the sacri-
572 NEW PUBLICATIONS. [Jan.,
fice of expiation on the cross. There is a concurrence of ancient testimo-
nies bearing witness that Christ suffered during the consulate of Rubel-
lius and Fusius, the two Gemini i.e., 782, or A.D. 29. It is quite certain that
the month Nisan of this year corresponded nearly with the month of April.
It was on the I4th or the I5th of Nisan we are inclined to think it was the
i$th that Jesus suffered. It would be very desirable if it could be deter-
mined by astronomical calculations precisely on what day of the month
and week according to the Roman calendar the I4th of Nisan was deter-
mined by the Jewish authorities, for the year of our Lord 29. This seems
to be impossible. It is probable, however, that Friday in the Passover
week of A.D. 29 was the I5th of April.
We could wish that both the Abbe Fouard and the Abbe Le Camus, in
future editions, would discuss these questions more minutely and com-
pletely than they have done. A careful general index to the work of the
Abbe Le Camus is also a desideratum.
BEN-HUR. A Tale of the Christ. By Lew. Wallace, author of The Fair
God. New York : Harper & Brothers.
It is rather late to notice a book published more than three years ago,
or would be if the ordinary motive of book-notices, the reception of a
copy from the publishers, had existed in this case. It is not too late, how-
ever, to do a service to those of our readers who have not read Ben-Hur
by recommending it to them as a genuine and rare gem of literature. It
has been read by a great number of very different sorts of persons, young
and old, and has been very highly appreciated by many readers who are
competent judges. Though a mere "tale'' in name and form, the per-
sons and incidents of which are for the most part imaginary, and a most
pleasing story, considered merely as a story, its real scope and purpose are
very serious, and it is intended to teach the most important of all religious
truths the divine character and mission of Jesus Christ. We have reason
to believe that it has done a great deal of good in that way. It contains
an admirable argument for the divinity of our Blessed Saviour, in which
an irresistible logic is presented under the attractive and impressive form
and drapery given to it by the author's fine imagination. Like many
others, when we read Ben-Hur, without any previous knowledge of its
character, we were surprised to find such a production coming from the
pen of the gallant soldier and distinguished statesman who is our present
ambassador at the Sublime Porte, and felt curious to know the reason of
it. The explanation is given in the following extract from some news-
paper, what one we know not, as it was sent to us in the form of a clipping
enclosed in a letter from a friend :
" WHY GENERAL WALLACE WROTE ' BEN-HUR.'
" An intimate friend of General Lew. Wallace contributes this bit of gossip, telling how Ben-
Hur came to be written : ' Before and some time after the war General Wallace was inclined to
be sceptical on religious matters, particularly as to the divinity of Christ. Chance one day,
while travelling on a railroad, threw him in company with Colonel Ingersoll, the infidel. Their
conversation turned on religious topics, and in the course of their discussion Ingersoll presented
his views. Wallace listened and was much impressed, but finally remarked that he was not yet
prepared to agree with Ingersoll on certain very extreme propositions relative to the non di-
vinity of Christ. Ingersoll urged Wallace to give the matter the careful study and research
1884.] NEW PUBLICATIONS. 573
that he had, expressing his confidence that Wallace would, after so doing;, fully acquiesce in the
Ingersoll view. After parting Wallace turned the matter over in his mind and determined to
give it the most thorough investigation. For six years he thought, studied, and searched. At
the end of that time Ben-Hur vtza produced. I mst Wallace at a hotel in Indianapolis not
long after the book had been published. The book was naturally the topic of our conversation.
After having told me the story I have just given, Wallace turned to me and said : " The result
of my long study was the absolute conviction that Jesus of Nazareth was not only a Christ and
the Christ, but that he was also my Christ, my Saviour, and my Redeemer. That fact settled
in my own mind, I wrote Ben-Hur." ' "
That nuisance Robert Ingersoll has thus been indirectly and uninten-
tionally the cause of some good to counterbalance his own mischief and
that of other vile books like his own.
Perhaps it is because of the genuine and clear Christian ideas and the
deep religious sentiments embodied in Ben-Hur that its merits as a work
of literary art have not been more distinctly recognized. Had it been
written after the manner of Kenan it would have won for itself and its 1
author the highest praises of the literary critics, and would have become
famous at once. But having been written in accordance with the truth
of the Gospel, it could only await a reception of cold indifference from all
except those who believe in that truth or at least feel no positive dislike of
it. Even with these it is very likely that the deeply religious impressions
which it conveys to their minds and hearts have caused them to forget the
consideration of its literary excellence.
Ben-Hur is, in our opinion, a fine work of art. Mr. Wallace's first his-
torical romance, The Fair God, published many years ago, is a production
of no small merit, and gave promise of something better to come, if the
author chose to continue his literary efforts. But this second work is
far beyond what we expected to find when we began to read it. It was
a bold and hazardous undertaking to compose a historical romance into
which such sacred persons and events should be introduced. It was espe-
cially daring, and might seem even profane, to attempt a delineation, in a
work of that kind, of the person and actions of our Blessed Lord. In such
an attempt there is no medium between a great success and a disastrous
failure. Mr. Wallace has succeeded in this, the most difficult part of his
attempt, both by judiciously refraining from attempting too much and by
doing well what he has attempted. The person of our Lord is introduced
but seldom, and then only in a transient manner, until the last scene of
the divine tragedy is reached. In the description of scenes which are
taken from the Gospels the accessories furnished by the author's inven-
tion are managed with good taste and skill. One scene which is purely
imaginary, the interview between Ben-Hur and Jesus at Nazareth, at the
time when our Lord was about seventeen years of age, is simply exquisite,
and worthy to be compared to a picture by one of the great masters. Mr.
Wallace preserves faithfully the truth of the narrative of the Gospels
throughout, and expresses no opinion directly or by implication which is
not in accordance with the Catholic doctrine, with one important excep-
tion. In his description of the Crucifixion he calls the complaint of Christ,
" My God ! my God ! why hast thou forsaken me ? " " a cry of despair " an
expression which is utterly unwarrantable. He adds also to the inimit-
able narrative of the Passion in the Gospel a finishing touch from his own
pen entirely out of harmony with its subdued and divine pathos: ".A
574 NEW PUBLICATIONS. [Jan.,
tremor shook the tortured body; tJure was a scream of fiercest anguish, and
the mission and the earthly life were over at once."
The story of Ben-Hur, as a whole, has many characters and scenes
which are admirably depicted. We will not call it faultless, and in our
opinion, although in parts it reaches the excellence of the highest form of
art, the author's exuberant imagination generally inclines him to over-
draw and to color too highly. The young Prince Ben-Hur is too heroic and
too much resembling a mythical demi-god, and the scene of the sixteenth
chapter in the palace of Ildernee borders too closely on the marvellous.
These defects do not, however, detract from the fascinating charm of the
story, and for young readers they doubtless add to it. We have heard the
wish expressed that a similar book to Ben-Hur might be written, present-
ing apostolic Christianity in the same clear light in which Mr. Wallace
presents the divine mission of its Author. Such a work could only be
achieved in a manner which would equal that of Mr. Wallace in truthful-
ness, by a Catholic, and one minutely acquainted with the history and the
environments of the early age of the church. We are thankful to Mr.
Wallace for what he has done, and done so well. There are few books
which we have read of late years with so much pleasure, and we advise
every one who has not read it to do so at the earliest opportunity, feeling
certain that those who follow our advice will thank us for having called
their attention to The Life of Ben-Hur,
THE ETERNAL PRIESTHOOD. By Henry Edward, Cardinal Archbishop of
Westminster. London: Burns & Gates. 1883.
This is not a dogmatic and doctrinal but a spiritual and practical trea-
tise, written for the benefit of priests. Its basis is, nevertheless, dogmatic
and doctrinal, and it is laid upon two fundamental ideas. One is the
essential identity of the sacerdotal character in all who have received it,
whether they are only in the grade of the presbyterate or have been ele-
vated to the highest grade of priesthood by episcopal consecration. The
second idea, which is derived from the first by a natural genesis, is that
the obligation to sanctity and perfection which springs essentially from
the character and dignity of priesthood in bishops, exists also in priests in
virtue of their sacerdotal state. The reason, quality, motives, and means of
sanctification in the priestly state and office are thus derived from the
excellence, dignity, and privileges belonging to the sacerdotal character,
which is possessed in common by all priests, although in its fullest exten-
sion and plenitude it exists in bishops alone. The cardinal sa)'s : " Except-
ing this alone [i.e. plenitude of the priesthood in the one and limitation in
the other], the priesthood in the bishop and the priesthood in the priest
are one and the same. ... It is of faith that the episcopate is the state of
perfection instituted by Jesus Christ. It is certain also that the priesthood
is included in that state. Whatsoever is true of the priesthood in itself is
true both of bishop and of priest" (pp. 2, 3).
In consonance with this doctrine, after a brief but clear exposition,
derived from the Scripture and the great doctors of the church, of the
nature and dignity of the priesthood in Jesus Christ and in his human
ministers, the cardinal proceeds to his principal theme, the obligation to
sanctity by which priests are bound : .
1884.] NEW PUBLICATIONS. 575
" It is theologically certain that interior spiritual perfection is a pre-
requisite condition to receiving sacred orders. St. Alphonsus declares that
this is the judgment of all Fathers and doctors with one voice" (p. 34).
In developing this thesis the cardinal puts his finger upon one false
maxim, too common and most detrimental in its influence viz., that per-
fection is something which appertains only to the state of a bishop, or of a
person who is under religious vows.
"The notion of obligation has been so identified with laws, canons,
vows, and contracts that if these cannot be shown to exist no obligation is
supposed to exist. It is true that all laws, canons, vcnus, and contracts lay
obligations upon those who are subject to them. But all obligations are
not by laws, nor by canons, nor by -vows, nor by contracts. There are obli-
gations distinct from and anterior to all these bonds. . . . These bonds of
Jesus Christ are upon all his disciples, and emphatically upon his priests.
... If these things do not demand of men aspiring to be priests interior
spiritual perfection before their hands are anointed for the Holy Sacrifice,
and the yoke of the Lord laid upon their shoulder, what has God ever
ordained or the heart of man ever conceived to bind men to perfection? "
(pp. 49. So).
We have italicized the word " vows," in order to call attention to the
sanction which the cardinal's words imply of a sentiment very forcibly
inculcated by Bishop Vaughan in his introduction to the Life of St. John
Baptist de Rossi. It is that the ordinary and principal medium for promot-
ing Christian faith and virtue is the body of the clergy, employed in active
pastoral or missionary work ; irrespective of any varieties in mode of living
and discipline, organization under special rules, or consecration to different
kinds of activity by voluntary agreement or by vows in an institute or order.
Such a view promotes that spirit of fraternity and harmony which ought to
subsist among all classes of priests. It brings out prominently the primary
importance of the intellectual and spiritual education of that clergy which,
wjth and under the bishops, has that chief and most essential office and
work to do, both pastoral and apostolic, to which all others, however
excellent and important, are auxiliary.
It is matter of congratulation that such solid and useful doctrine
should be presented to the priesthood of the English-speaking world, and
to the young ecclesiastics who are aspiring to the priesthood, by one who
is both an archbishop and a cardinal of the Holy Roman Church, and who
is in his own person an illustrious example of sacerdotal learning, virtue,
and zeal. It is to be hoped that Cardinal Manning's book will be read by
all those to whom it is addressed, and that its results will equal its intrinsic
excellence.
GROUNDWORK OF ECONOMICS. By C. F. Devas. London : Longmans,
Green & Co. 1883.
On taking up a book treating of political economy we confess to a
feeling of aversion. This volume, however, has agreeably disappointed us.
We read with interest every page of it. The style is clear, it is written in
plain English, and the terms used are not hard to understand.
Mr. Devas has given to the public no ordinary book. It displays origi-
nality without eccentricity. He consults the best authorities, at the same
time does not fail to do his own thinking. We should classify him among
576 NEW PUBLICATIONS. [Jan., 1884.
honest thinkers and sincere lovers of their brethren of the human race
a radical conservative. The work is eminently judicious.
Its author not only thinks, but observes too, and gathers facts from all
quarters, quoting authorities with equal facility, whether ancient, mediaeval,
or modern. He is evidently familiar with the literature of his subject. He
has convictions convictions of an earnest, clever, broad thinker. We ad-
mire his courage and esteem his book as attractive. There is need just
now of pens like his to treat the topics of his book and in the way he
does. Such pens should not be idle.
We have been promised a review of the work by a competent writer,
and look forward to the accomplishment of this purpose.
ORDO DIVINI OFFICII RECITANDI MISS^EQUE CELEBRAND^E PRO ANNO BIS-
SEXTILI 1884. New York and Cincinnati : Fr. Pustet & Co.
This Ordo is a great improvement on the one hitherto in use in its
beauty of print and general appearance ; it also has in addition to the
common office the Roman one. This necessarily makes it somewhat
more bulky. Still, it has only one hundred and twenty pages to the
nearly one hundred of the old one; and the pages are hardly perceptibly
larger. It omits some points given in the other, principally the list of
deceased bishops and clergy, and the anniversaries of consecration, etc., of
the bishops. It is by no means free from mistakes and misprints, the most
important of which, and perhaps all the really serious ones, are corrected
in the preface. We would, however, suggest the omission of " Sec. Ruhr.
Gen." before each day ; also the words " Pro Clero Rom." seem hardly
necessary, as the red type sufficiently indicates the Roman office. Other
criticisms might be made; but it is easier to criticise any book, and espe-
cially an ordo, than to make a better one, and this is such an encouraging
departure that it is to be hoped further improvement will come of itself.
A CLASSIFIED AND DESCRIPTIVE DIRECTORY TO THE CHARITABLE AND
BENEFICENT SOCIETIES AND INSTITUTIONS OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK.
G. P. Putnam's Sons.
In favor of this neat and very useful little volume we need only copy
the first paragraph of its preface :
"This Directory has been compiled primarily for the friendly visitors
of the Charity Organization Society, but also with a hope that it may be
useful to all interested in the charitable resources of New York City. It
shows where relief can be had, and it will gi*ide those who wish to con-
tribute to special charitable work in the city."
MICHAEL ANGELO. A Dramatic Poem. By Henry Wadsworth Long-
fellow. Illustrated. Imperial 8vo, pp. ix.-i84- Boston : Houghton,
Mifflin & Co. 1884.
This handsome volume is worthy of the taste and resources of its pub-
lishers, no less than of the dead poet whose final work it contains. The
poem had been written ten years before, but Longfellow had kept it by
him for revision, and after his death it appeared for the first time in the
pages of the Atlantic Monthly. Now, in conformity to Longfellow's wish,
the Messrs. Houghton, Mifflin & Co. have given us the work in this ele-
gant form, with thirty-seven illustrations in the highest style of our new
school of designers and wood-engravers.
vol.38
The Catholic World no. 2 ,
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